when their gratitude would force the contribution upon him, he preserved his independence, and displayed his humanity, by requesting that the money should be applied to the relief of the widows and orphans of the brave citizens who had fallen in the campaign.

Could Washington himself have have shown greater respect to the laws, or greater fidelity to the country? It has been said that Washington never refused to comply with the civil process. But he was a dictator, and who ever dared to oppose the civil process against his power? Did he not execute deserters without even a military trial? Did he not punish mutineers by decimation and instant death? Did he not forage in New Jersey as in an enemy's country-in each case on the ground of necessity? He did, and his conscience and his country both approved him: while General Jackson, acting with less rigor, under equal necessity, is denounced as "the agent of illegal enormities."

General Jackson retired from the court; and, in spite of his exertions, he was borne in triumph through the streets to his lodgings by the grateful citizens. He seized the first interval, which the expression of their applause would permit, to address them. He told them, that two great lessons might be learned from the events which had happened since he had been among them. The first was, however inadequate might be the apparent means, never to despair of their country; never to refuse any sacrifice that might be necessary for its preservation; and whenever the danger was past, to submit cheerfully to the operation of the laws, even when they punished acts which were done to preserve them. That, for his own part, he knew that what he had done could only be justified by necessity; and to prevent that necessity from becoming the pretext for oppression, it was perhaps right that he who resorted to it should undergo the penalty of the law,

and find his indemnity in the approbation of his own conscience, and the evidence that his acts were done only to serve his country.

Thus ended this memorable trial, and it is a subject of regret that many of his countrymen are still to be found, who condemn General Jackson for the measures he adopted from the dictation of the sternest necessity, for raising the reputation of his country, and defending one of its fairest cities from the horrors of assault, by a victory as splendid as any recorded in history. There are many yet, who depreciate the consequences of this victory; who would tear from the brows of the brave men who gained it, the laurels which their courage and patriotism have won; who would blot the bright page of our history in which the achievement is recorded, and would persuade the people of the United States that in saving a populous city from plunder, the wives and daughters of its inhabitants from violation, its churches from being profaned, and a whole state from the humiliation of conquest, the brave men who effected it, and the leader by whose courage, energy, and skill, they were animated and directed, had done nothing to deserve the gratitude of their country; and that the United States had gained neither honor nor advantage from a victory that will preserve the name of the chief who obtained it, ages after those of his detractors shall cease to be remembered.

Nor is it enough to snatch from him the honors he has already won-the means of acquiring them in future must be destroyed-every power exercised by a commander in defence of his country, must be called an of fence every act of discipline must be considered a violation of personal liberty-mutiny, desertion, insubordination of every kind, must be punished at the hazard of being proclaimed a tyrant and murderer. The wretch, who, when called upon to defend his country in the hour

of extreme danger, meanly abandons his post, and sets the authority of his officer at defiance-the three times pardoned deserter-the instigator and associate of the savage, who butchers unprotected women and children— the savage, himself who executes this work of destructionare held up to public commiseration as suffering martyrs, because they were made to pay the penalty of their crimes. If these objections are to have effect, and be considered valid, where is the commander, who will dare to enforce discipline, or exercise any powers necessary for the defence of his country: for where is there one that may not be called an invasion of civil rights? If he encamp his army on the highway, it obstructs its free use; if he turn aside into a neighboring field, it is trespass; if he burn a house to save a retreat, it is arson; if he seizes provisions to feed his famishing troops, it is robbery; if he punish a deserter, it is murder; if he prevent judges and lawyers and sheriffs from taking his sentinels from their posts, by writs of habeas corpus, it is a violation of constitutional right; and if he will not suffer a printer, in a besieged town, to publish intelligence to the enemy, and excite disobedience in his camp, it violates the sacred liberty of the press! The only mode for those who hold this doctrine, is to contrive some means by which they may clear the country of an invading enemy, by a writ of forcible entry, and make him give up his post by an ejectment. The censures of General Jackson on this ground, are too absurd even for ridicule, and show that the authors of them despise the understanding of those to whom they are addressed.

This authentic detail, we think, cannot fail of convincing our readers, that, in the prosecution of this glorious campaign in Louisiana, the commanding general united prudence to energy-humanity to the highest exertion of courage a creative genius to provide resources, with

wisdom in their employment-courtesy with dignity, in his intercourse with the enemy to whom he was opposed; -that, in the moment of triumph and success, his religion attributed them to the interposition of Heaven as the great cause, and his modesty and justice acknowledged his brave companions in arms as the means by which they were attained;—and that he cheerfully submitted to the laws of his country, when their operation punished him for acts by which those laws and the constitution were preserved.*

17

* Livingston's Address.

CHAPTER XII.

General Jackson returns to Nashville-Receives the congratulations of his countrymen-He is appointed commander-in-chief of the southern military division of the United States-Vote of thanks to him, from the Tennessee legislature-Repairs to Washington-Receives the congratulations of the citizens of Lynchburg at a public dinner-Returns to Nashville-Proceeds from thence to New Orleans-Grateful reception from the inhabitants-He concludes a treaty with the Indians -Issues a general order-Defence of it.

GENERAL JACKSON bade adieu to the grateful citizens of New Orleans, and commenced his journey to Nashville. During his journey, he was received in all the places through which he passed, with every demonstration of regard, and greeted as one who had done the most signal services for his countrymen, in protecting them from the horrors of foreign invasion. He arrived at Nashville on the 18th of May, 1815, and was received with very flattering indications of respect by his fellow-citizens.

The disbanding of the army, after the declaration of peace, took place. Ten thousand troops were all that constituted the standing army of the United States, which consisted of two divisions, the northern and southern. General Jackson was appointed commander-in-chief of the southern division. His appointment to this command was received with universal approbation. His ability to command had been proved, by his numerous successes