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object to population density, or growth, or numbers, object to this. Yet also, there is at least half the American population alleging that abortion kills human life. Yet the level of support for research into reproductive biology, which can prevent such deaths—or even putative deaths—is not, to my knowledge, ever presented as research into death prevention. So if I could today make one positive, constructive suggestion it would be that on this divisive issue of abortion, we all join in fostering the basic reproductive biological research which could make the entire subject moot.

Surely, the issue is whether under the Constitution we want to introduce the notion that biological and socioeconomic problems should be resolved by procedures which kill, or even may kill, human life. As an immigrant to this country, I would hope the United States, of all countries, could do better than that. What seriously bothers me about the Supreme Court decision is that it did not have the courage to decide when life starts—which we all know biologically. It was faced with the problem of when life starts as a value. I am deeply disturbed that it took the decision that when you don't know whether in performing an abortion you will kill a human life you may proceed, instead of saying you must desist. That decision marks a watershed which I believe neither medicine, nor law, nor government should accept.

Again, as an immigrant, I have always had the notion, but perhaps it is an illusion, that in the United States, of all countries, men and women might be considered equally worthy of protection under the Constitution, regardless of their age, race, color, creed or size. Obviously such a notion presents enormous emotional, economic, logistic, legal and medical problems. But I also, intuitively, hold to the notion that the American Experiment in Human Living should be inclusionary and not exclusionary, and that the issue at stake in the proposed constitutional amendment is whether the fetus, as a first prototype of "meaningless" life, shall be excluded or included.

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1942. 1943. 1944 1945. 1946. 1947 1948. 1949 1950. 1951. 1952 1953 1954 1955. 1956 1957. 1958 1959. 1960 1961 1962 1963. 1964 1965 1966. 1967. 1968. 1969. 1970 1971 1972

314 1, 231 4,598

1, 438 6,036 5,515 1,752 312 1,165 4,610 1, 422 6,0325, 463 1, 734 201 986 3,953 1,421 5, 473 4, 468 1,622 286 888 3,520 1.260 4,780 4,122 1,546 225 760 3,272 1, 121 4,493 3,807 1, 346 200 585 3, 170 1,223 4, 393 3,555 1, 423 175 496 2,432 1, 194 3,626 2,753 1, 369 158 394 1,863 959 2, 822 2,099 1,117 123 316 1,680 964 2,644 1,873

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1973 California:

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North Dakota:

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1967 Pennsylvania:

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Our next witness is Dr. Carl Tyler, Chief, Family Planning Evaluation Division, Bureau of Epidemiology, Center for Disease Control, Atlanta, Ga.

Dr. Tyler, we appreciate your being with us.

STATEMENT OF DR. CARL TYLER, CHIEF, FAMILY PLANNING

PLANNING EVALUATION DIVISION, BUREAU OF EPIDEMIOLOGY, CENTER FOR DISEASE CONTROL, ATLANTA, GA.

Dr. TYLER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am pleased to testify before you with regard to these resolutions, and I would like to point out that although I am an employee of the Department of Health, Education and Welfare, I am not appearing here as a policy representative of the Department. I understand that the Department has taken no position on the resolutions pending before this subcommittee. Rather, I am appearing because of my special professional interest in abortion and other methods of fertility control. In addition to my Federal position with the Center for Disease Control, I am a Board Certified Obstetrician-Gynecologist, a Fellow of the American College of

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