CH. X.] THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. 543 CHAPTER X. 1858-1860. PROGRESS OF EVENTS DURING TWO YEARS. Opening of Congress, second session - Topics of the president's message - Pacific Railroad question in the Senate Slidell's bill for the acquisition of Cuba - End of the Thirty-fifth Congress-Republican and Democratic party issues-Ultra sentiments held and avowed-Views of A. H. Stephens, Mr. Rhett, and Jefferson Davis-John Brown's famous attempt in Virginia - Result of his efforts and death- Excitement stirred up, imputations, etc. - Elections - Opening of the Thirty-sixth Congress - Contest for the speak ership in the House - Kept up for two months - President's message - Summary of its contents - Bitterness and violence - Harper's Ferry Committee in the Senate - The Covode Committee in the House and their report Democratic, Constitutional, and Republican Conventions The candidates nominated - Visit of the Japanese Embassy to the United States-Tour of the Prince of Wales through parts of our country-The eighth census and its results. 1858. The Thirty-fifth Congress met on De- | Mexico and Central America were excember 6th, for its second session. In cepted. Having stated that the conthe House, the administration party was considerably weakoned, in consequence of many of the democrats, under the leading of Senator Douglas and other active politicians, having taken ground against the president's measures.* The Senate remained substantially as before. Mr. Buchanan, in his message, gave a full account of the Kansas troubles and what had been done towards settling the difficulty. He also entered at large into a general history of the Mormon rebellion in Utah, and the position of that people as respects the United States. With most of foreign powers friendly relations existed; but Spain, * An interesting article by Senator Douglas, “ On The Dividing Line between Federal and Local Authority and Popular Sovereignty in the Territories" appeared in "Harper's Monthly Magazine," for September, 1859. Though marked by the distinguished author's peculiarities, it is well worth the reader's examination. duct of the Spanish government had 1858. no hope for the civilization of benighted I am encouraged to make this suggestAfrica. Whilst the demand for slaves ion by the example of Mr. Jefferson, continues in Cuba, wars will be waged among the petty and barbarous chiefs in Africa for the purpose of seizing subjects to supply this trade. In such a condition of affairs, i: is impossible that the light of civilization and religion can ever penetrate these dark abodes. The Island of Cuba, from its geographical position, commands the mouth of the Mississippi, and the immense and annually increasing trade, foreign and coastwise, from the valley of that noble river, now embracing half the sovereign states of the Union. With that island under the dominion of a distant foreign power, this trade, of vital importance to these states, is exposed to the danger of being destroyed in time of war, and it has hitherto been subjected to perpetual injury and annoyance in time of peace. Our relations with Spain, which ought to be of the most friendly character, must always be placed in jeopardy, whilst the existing colonial government over the island shall remain in its present condition. The publicity which has been given to our former negotiations upon this subject, and the large appropriation which may be required to effect the purpose, render it expedient, before making another attempt to renew the negotiation, that I should lay the whole subject before Congress. This is especially necessary, as it may become indispensable to success, that I should be intrusted with the means of making an advance to the Spanish government immediately after the signing of the treaty, without awaiting the ratification of it by the Senate. previous to the purchase of Louisiana from France, and by that of Mr. Polk, in view of the acquisition of territory from Mexico. I refer the whole subject to Congress, and commend it to their careful consideration." In regard to Mexico, affairs were in a very vexatious condition. Anarchy prevailed in that country, and so grave was the prospect, that the president could conceive of no possible remedy for existing evils, "but for the government of the United States to assume a temporary protectorate over the northern portions of Chihuahua and Sonora, and to establish militar posts withir the same; and this (he said), I earnestly recommend to Congress. This protection may be withdrawn, as soon as local governments shall be established in these Mexican States, capable of per forming their duties to the United States, restraining the lawless, and preserving peace along the border. I do not doubt that this measure will be viewed in a friendly spirit by the governments and people of Chihuahua and Sonora, as it will prove equally effectual for the protection of their citizens on that remote and law. less frontier, as for citizens of the United States." 1858. The troubles in Central America were dwelt upon quite at large, especially in connection with the importance of securing free passage to all nations across the Isthmus. The transit line through Nicaragua had been closed since February, 1856, and the Panama Company had taken unfair advantage CH. X.] PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE. 545 1858. of this position of affairs. Considering or less of political bearing and purpose; the feebleness of the Nicaraguan gov- and it speedily became evident that a ernment, and its inability to protect the radical difference of views existed as to route, Mr. Buchanan urgently "recom- the route best to be adopted, and the mended to Congress the passage of an of an manner of building the road. Mr. act authorizing the president, under Seward, of New York, in an able speech, such restrictions as they may deem advocated a line from the borders of proper, to employ the land and naval Missouri direct to San Francisco, and forces of the United States in prevent- showed clearly its importance, in ing the transit from being obstructed a political and military point of or closed by lawless violence, and in view, towards maintaining the union protecting the lives and property of of the Pacific with the Atlantic States. American citizens travelling thereupon, He also urged that the road should be requiring at the same time that these built by the government, as the only forces shall be withdrawn the moment certain way to secure its completion. the danger shall have passed away. Mr. Iverson, of Georgia, in behalf of Without such a provision our citizens himself and others, expressed himself will be constantly exposed to interruption in their progress, and to lawless violence. A similar necessity exists for the passage of such an act for the protection of the Panama and Tehuantepec routes." Having spoken of the panic of the previous year (p. 537), and its connections, the president gave a rather discouraging view of the finances of the government, and strongly advocated the revision of the tariff for an increase of revenue. The public debt was nearly $55,000,000, and the treasury showed a deficit, notwithstanding $20,000,000 of treasury notes had been issued. Mr. Buchanan, after urging again upon Congress the great importance and even necessity of a railroad to the Pacific, brought his long message to a close. In the Senate, the Pacific Railroad question was among the very first which occupied its attention. Several speeches were made by both northern and southern members, in which there was more VOL. III.-69. in favor of two routes, a southern as well as a northern one, and gave utterance to some significant opinions as to the need of the south securing a mode of direct communication with the Pacific, for use when the Union was (as he said it soon would be), dissolved. Other senators entered into the discussion; but this important measure failed because of the impossibility of reconciling contending views and wishes so as to obtain a majority in favor of any definite plan. the slave trade, relieving the govern-portance. The republican party, which ment of the need of maintaining a very was opposed, toto cœlo, to the further expensive squadron on the coast of Af extension of slavery, and was striving rica, and vastly increasing our commer- to bring about its gradual but certain cial advantages. The bill provided that extinction by confining it to the states $30,000,000 be placed in the president's where it already existed, was active and hands, so as to enable him to take im- energetic in its movements. The dem mediate action in case negotiations with ocrats, who counted on southern help Spain for the purchase of the island to maintain their supremacy in national were successful; the entire price to be affairs, were in a difficult position, be paid it was estimated would not exceed ing, on the one hand, many of them con$125,000,000. The bill was warmly scientiously opposed to slavery, and on discussed, and various amendments and the other, anxious to compromise matsubstitutes were proposed; but a test ters on this perplexing subject so as to vote being had to lay the bill on the act in concert with the southern portion table, it was lost by a vote of 30 to 18. of the party. At the south, however, Mr. Slidell then withdrew the bill, inti- there was little if any disguise as to the mating his intention to bring it forward actual state of public sentiment. The again at the next Congress. re-opening of the slave trade, although that trade is declared by law to be piracy, was openly and boldly advocated. The grand jury of Savannah, while compelled by their oaths to find bills against persons engaged in the slave trade, expressed themselves as being humiliated and degraded in so doing, and scouted "the sickly sentiment of pretended philanthropy and diseased mental aberration of 'higher law' fanatics." The "Southern Com mercial Convention,” held at Vicksburg, in May, passed a resolution, by a vote of 47 to 16, that "all laws, state or federal, prohibiting the African slave trade, ought to be abolished." * On the last day of the session, the president appealed to Congress to preserve the public credit by providing for the deficit in the treasury, respecting which nothing as yet had been done. Just at the last moment, an issue of $20,000,000 treasury notes was authorized; the two houses having, however, 1859. fallen into a dispute about their respective rights and powers, the appropriation necessary for the expenses of the post-office department was lost. On the 4th of March the Thirtyfifth Congress came to its end, with the principal business before it, at its last session, quite unsettled. During the succeeding months politi cal questions began to assume grave im The postmaster-general, Mr. A. V. Brown, died on the 8th of March. The president appointed, as his successor, Mr. Joseph Holt, of Kentucky. Mr. H. being a man of decided energy and ability determined to go forward and do the best he could under the existing embarrassments of his position. 1839. *It is only proper, however, to state, that Mr. Foote, formerly senator from Mississippi, strongly opposed this resolution, and showed that ten southern states had laws directly prohibiting the slave trade. Mr. Wise, also, in Virginia, and Sam. Houston, of Texas, who was afterwards elected to be governor, expressed themselves with the greatest earnestness against the re opening of this horrible trade. CH. X.] SOUTHERN POLITICAL VIEWS. Mr. A. H. Stephens, of Georgia, on retiring from Congress, issued an address, comparatively moderate in tone, but agreeing in substance with the more radical views of his constituents, especially in urging the need of "increasing the number of the African stock," in order to compete with the north in colonizing the territories. Mr. Rhett, of South Carolina, in a Fourth of July Address, took the most ultra ground on the subject of state rights. He declared with unusual candour, that the south must control the government, or must fall, and he urged this as the one issue for the next presidential election. "Our first great duty is," he said, "to place the south above and beyond the power of the north. First make our property safe under our own control, before we decide as to measures for its increase or extension. After our safety is accomplished, it will be time enough for the south to determine on measures most expedient to promote her agricultural interests or advance her general prosperity. If our rights are victorious in If our rights are victorious in the next presidential election, we may consider it as a kind augury of a more auspicious future. If they are overthrown, let this be the last contest between the north and the south, and the long, weary night of our dishonor and humiliation be dispersed at last by the glorious dayspring of a SOUTHERN CON FEDERACY." Mr. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, in the autumn, delivered an address before the democratic convention, main ly on the subject of slavery and the slave trade. He denounced the law * Senator Douglas, being asked, in the summer, if 547 of 1820, which declares the trade to be piracy, and held that nothing 1859. could "justify the government in branding as infamous the source from which the chief part of the laboring population of the south is derived." He also held, that "the normal condi tion of servitude" was essential for the good of the black race; that slavery ought to be protected by law in the territories; that Cuba should be secured as being important for the interests of a Southern Confederacy; and that the Union should be dissolved if the republicans elected their candidate on the platform of Mr. Seward's Rochester speech.* Such sentiments and views were unblushingly set forth by men who, at a later date, became prominent in the ways of treason and rebellion; and they indicated, more or less distinctly, the deeply-laid plan and purpose of the southern slave-holding leaders. It was his friends might use his name as a candidate for the presidency in the National Democratic Convention to be held at Charleston, spoke out quite plainly. Avowing himself to be thoroughly devoted to the "timehonored principles" of the party, he declined entirely to be a partaker in any attempt to "interpolate into the creed of the party such new issues as the revival of the African slave trade, or a Congressional slave code for the territories, or the doctrine that the Constitution of the United States either establishes or prohibits slavery in the territories beyond the power of the people legally to control it as other property." *It was in this speech, delivered in the autumn of 1858, that Mr. Seward set forth his views as to the "irrepressible conflict" between free labor and slave labor in the territories, and argued that one or the other must inevitably yield; they could not possibly exist together. "The two systems (slave and free labor) are continually coming into contact, and collision results. . . It is an irrepressible conflict between oppos ing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slave-holding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation." |