Сп. П.] FOREIGN DIPLOMACY OF JACKSON. sentatives took no action upon the suggestion of the president's message. France, although willing to pay the money, thought that her dignity required some explanations from the American government, and a clause to this effect was introduced in the bill before the chambers to authorize the payments. Any thing of this sort was, of course, out of the question. Neither the president nor the people would demean themselves to make apologies for having insisted upon their just rights. About the 1536. middle of January, 1836, the president informed Congress, that the French government had peremptorily refused to execute the treaty, "except on terms incompatible with the honor and independence of the United States," having, in fact, demanded "an official written expression of regrets, and a direct explanation addressed to it," and having intimated that this was a sine qua non. The suspension of diplomatic intercourse with France was notified, and Congress was counselled "to retaliate her present refusal to comply with her engagements by prohibiting the introduction of French products, and the entry of French vessels into our ports." It was also recommended, that, as France was preparing a naval armament for the American seas, the navy should be increased, and the coast defences completed. Before the committee on foreign relations, to which this communication was referred, could make any report upon it, a new message informed Congress, on the 8th of February, that Great Britain had offered her mediaVOL. III.-51 401 tion, and that both he and the govern ment of France had accepted it; and recommended the suspension of retaliatory measures, as well as the vigorous prosecution of the works for permanent national defence. "Within a month from the date of that message," adds Mr. Benton, "the four instalments of the indemnities then due were fully paid; and without waiting for any action on the part of the mediator." In the present connection, following Senator Benton's summary of General Jackson's "foreign diplomacy," we may properly state the result of the claims for indemnity on other powers. Denmark agreed to indemnify the citizens of the United States for various injuries inflicted during the years 1808 to 1811, to the amount of $650,000; and renounced all the counter-claims it had before advanced. The convention preceded the treaty with France. After the signature of the last-named treaty, Naples also yielded to the demands of justice, and agreed to the payment of two millions one hundred and fifty thousand ducats, for the satisfaction of the claimants. In like manner Spain, which had inflicted much damage upon American commerce, during the time when it was fruitlessly endeavoring to recover its revolted provinces, now consented to pay twelve millions of reals in compensation for it; the president at the same time renouncing all unfounded claims, and pressing those only which were consistent with "the laws of nations." Indemnity for seizures made by Portugal in 1829 and 1830 was also paid, after some delay, in full, in 1837. We may also mention here, that a received the nomination for vice presi dent. That portion of the party op named Hugh L. White as their candidate. The whigs had three candidates in the field, viz.: William Henry Harrison, John M'Lean, and Daniel Webster.* On the 7th of December, 1835, the twenty-fourth Congress commenced its first session. James K. Polk was elected convention assembled at San Felippe, in Texas, in April, 1833, and declared the independence of that state or prov-posed to Mr. Van Buren's elevation, ince. Santa Anna, who had made himself dictator in 1834, marched into Texas in the spring of 1835, in order to compel the submission of the inhabitants to his rule. In March, 1836, a number of delegates assembled at Washington, and a republican government was established, David G. Burnet being chosen first president. The vic-speaker of the House, and the next day tory at San Jacinto was gained by Gen- the president's message was received. eral Houston, April 21st, 1836, and Beside the usual narrations in regard to application was made to be annexed to foreign negotiations and affairs, a very the United States. Houston was elect- flattering account was given of the naed president of Texas. The Mexican tional finances, and the general prosperminister at Washington solemnly pro- ity of the country. The public debt tested against the proceedings with re- had been extinguished, and there was a gard to Texas, and soon after took his balance of some $19,000,000 in hand. departure; but this was looked upon The president anticipated a surplus of as a matter of no great moment. The $6,000,000 over and above the necesquestion of annexing Texas was only a sary appropriations which were to be question of time; it was certain to be made. This surplus, it was suggested, accomplished at no distant day. Ac- might be laid out in navy yards, or new cordingly, as a preliminary step, in Feb-national works, rather than distributed ruary, 1837, it was resolved by Congress to recognize the independence of Texas, and establish diplomatic relations with it. The population at the time was about twenty thousand; but from that date it rapidly increased. amongst the states, or "reduced faster than would be effected by the existing laws." The receipt of $11,000,000 from the sale of public lands in the current year was announced; and the need of some great changes in the general land office was intimated; together with the abolition of the offices of commissioners of loans and of the sinking fund. Other topics of the message we need not dwell upon, as the army, the navy, *The venerable Chief-Justice Marshall died, at a ripe old age, on the 6th of July, 1835. In March, of the following year, the Senate confirmed the nomination of Roger B. Taney to fill the vacancy caused by Mar shall's decease. CH. II.] THE SURPLUS REVENUE. 403 the post-office, etc. For details, the read-states, and thus that part of the surplus er must consult the document itself. 1836. Notwithstanding the session was prolonged into the summer of 1836, its proceedings were not of very special interest.* One of the most important acts passed was that for regulating the deposits of the public moneys in the state banks. The majorities in its favor were unusually large, and it was approved by the president at the close of June, 1836. "That fatal act," as Mr. Ingersoll terms it, gave direction to deposit all the surplus beyond $5,000,000 in the treasury of the United States, on the 1st day of January, 1837, with the states pledging their faith to keep safe, and repay the said moneys, from time to time, whenever required; (in proportion to their several representations in Congress ;) pursuant to which act, $37,000,000, so called, that is, credit to that amount, were transferred from the national treasury to commonwealths greedy of gain, and who will never repay. By the same act, Congress required the secretary of the treasury to select and employ such state banks for depositories of the money of the United States, as redeemed their notes in specie on demand, and issued none for less than five dollars. Happily, in one aspect of the matter, the pecuniary difficulties of the government in 1837 prevented the deposit of the fourth instalment with the was preserved to the Union. The effect of this distribution of the surplus revenue among the states was what was naturally to be expected. New banks sprang suddenly into existence, with nominal capital, and the country was deluged with paper money Speculations of the wildest character were set on foot; and it seems almost incredible, that infatuation, and folly, and greed of gain, should have seized upon nearly the entire community. No scheme seemed to be too wild or chimerical to receive attention, and so easily deluded were the people, that prodigious frauds were perpetrated without producing that shock to the moral sensibilities which is always felt in a healthy state of the body politic. A calamitous reverse was, of course, ere long to be looked for, and it came with terrible effect within a short time. The United States Bank, two weeks before the expiration of its charter from Congress, obtained from the legislature of Pennsylvania (at the cost of $2,000,000, in the form of a bonus,) a charter, with its original amount of capital, viz., $35,000,000. But it was found, ere long, that its prestige was gone, and that it could never, in this shape, exercise the vast influence which it formerly possessed. Internal improvements, the patent laws, the admission of Arkansas and Michigan, as independent and sovereign states, into the Union, and the military academy, (against which Franklin Pierce indulged in a speech, which Benton has quoted in his "Thirty Years' View,") were amongst the sub. 1836. jects of minor importance to which Congress devoted its time and labor now. There was one bill vetoed, (June 9th ;) it fixed the time of meeting and adjournment of Congress, annually, to a day; and when examined by the eyes of General Jackson, disclosed some unconstitutional provision, about adjourning to the second Monday in May, which led him to deny it his sanction. The subject of slavery came before Congress again, and gave rise to much excitement. It was brought on by the presentation of memorials praying that slavery be abolished in the District of Columbia, over which, it was pleaded, Congress had entire authority. John Quincy Adams took an active share in this whole matter, and planted himself upon the inalienable right of petition; but the southern influence was too strong for the abolitionist memorialists to obtain anything. Congress refused to interfere with slavery in the district, and resolved to lay upon the table, without printing or reference, or taking any action whatever on them, all petitions, etc., "relating in any way to the subject of slavery, or the abolition of slavery." from free to slave." Some further re- Congress closed its session on the 4th Congress was also called upon to consider this exciting topic in connection with the admission of Arkansas; and with a change in the boundary line of Missouri, effected through Mr. Benton's exertions, he assures us; which was "accomplished," as he writes, "by the extraordinary process of altering a compromise line, intended to be perpetual, and the reconversion of soil, which had been slave and made free, back again * Sce Benton's "Thirty Years' View," vol. i. p. 623. 1836 CH. II.] BENTON'S EXPUNGING RESOLUTION. left to the president to act on his own responsibility in this matter. Large purchases of public lands had been made on speculation, principally through the facilities afforded by the state banks; and the immediate effect of this order was necessarily to make specie abundant in the states where the purchasers of public lands were most numerous; and to make it scarce in the older states, where trade and commerce were most active, and specie was most required. It did unquestionably check the operations of the speculators; but at the same time, and in a more disastrous degree, it embarrassed those of the manufacturers and merchants. In several respects, no doubt, it was called for, and was salutary in its operation; but at the same time, it was felt to be a hard and stringent measure, which would not probably have been deemed at any period necessary, had not General Jackson succeeded in breaking down the United States Bank, and had not the consequences which followed upon that success been such as we have noted on previous pages. During the autumn, the presidential election took place, and resulted as follows: Martin Van Buren received one hundred and seventy votes; General Harrison, seventy-three; Hugh L. White, twenty-six; Daniel Webster, fourteen; and W. P. Mangum, eleven. For the vice presidency, R. M. Johnson received one hundred and forty-seven; Francis Granger, seventy-seven; John Tyler, forty-seven; and William Smith, twenty-three. No election having been made for vice president, when the votes were counted, the Senate proceeded to 405 elect one of the two highest on the roll, and Johnson was accordingly placed in the vacant chair. 1836. The twenty-fourth Congress met for its second session on the 5th of Decem ber, 1836, and General Jackson sent in his last annual message on the following day. It gave a very favorable account of the state of affairs, and showed that a large surplus-over $41,000,000--would be in the treasury on the 1st of January, 1837. The specie circular was defended; the operation of the local banks as fiscal agents of the government, was highly praised; a number of recommendations on various subjects were made; and the message concluded with the president's thanking his fellow-citizens for their partiality and indulgence, in which he had "found encouragement and support in the many difficult and trying scenes through which it had been his lot to pass during his public career." 1837. Senator Benton's famous "expunging resolution" gave rise to animated debate, but it was carried on the 16th of January, 1837. Nearly three years before (see p. 396) the Senate had condemned General Jackson for removing the deposits from the United States Bank; and Mr. Benton, with unabated zeal, had labored to have the record of this condemnation effaced. | from the journal of the Senate. It was accordingly done, amid no little excitement, and broad black lines were drawn round the offensive resolution, by the secretary of the Senate, and across it these words were written, "expunged by order of the Senate, this 16th day of January, 1837." The vote |