missioner to investigate the affair. On his report, which seemed to prove clearly bad faith and corruption in obtaining the treaty, the president decided that the Creeks should not be interfered with until the next session of Congress. The governor of Georgia was disposed to take matters in his own hands, and used a good deal of lofty language, which was far from respectful to the government; but, on the whole, discretion being the better part of valor, he concluded to wait the result of the action of Congress.

During the summer of the present year, other treaties with Indian tribes were made on equitable terms. The Kansas Indians ceded to the United States all their lands both within and without the limits of Missouri, except a reservation beyond that state on the Kansas River, about thirty miles square, including their villages. In consideration of this cession, the United States agreed to pay $3,500 a year for twenty years; to furnish the Kansas immediately with three hundred head of cattle, three hundred hogs, five hundred fowls, three yoke of oxen, and two carts, and with such farming utensils as the Indian superintendent may deem necessary; to provide and support a blacksmith for them; and to employ persons to aid and instruct them in their agricultural pursuits, as the president may deem expedient. Of the ceded lands, thirty-six sections on the Big Blue River, were to be laid out under the direction of the president, and sold for the support of schools among the Kansas. Reservations were also made for the benefit of certain

half-breeds; and other stipulations mu tually satisfactory. It was also agreed, that no private revenge shall be taken by the Indians for the violation of their rights; but that they shall make their complaint to the superintendent or other agent, and receive justice in a due course of law; and it was lastly agreed, that the Kansas nation shall never dispose of their lands without the consent of the United States, and that the United States shall always have the free right of navigation in the waters of the Kansas.

A treaty was also concluded, early in June, with the Great and Little Osages, at St. Louis, Missouri. The general principles of this treaty were the same as those of the treaty with the Kansas. The Indians ceded all their lands in Arkansas and elsewhere, and then reserved a defined territory, west of the Missouri line, fifty miles square; an agent was to be permitted to reside on the reservation, and the United States were to have the right of free navigation in all the waters on the tract. The United States agreed to pay an annuity of $T000 for twenty years; to furnish forthwith six hundred head of cattle, six hundred hogs, one thousand fowls, ten yoke of oxen, six carts, with farming utensils, persons to teach the Indians agriculture, and a blacksmith, and build a commodious dwelling-house for each of the four principal chiefs, at his own village. Reservations were made for the establishment of a fund for the support of schools for the benefit of the Osage children; and provision was made for the benefit of the Harmony missionary


on tonnage, in respect of all nations who were willing to reciprocate the privilege; a revision of the judiciary system; a general bankruptcy law; an extension of the law of patents; internal improvements on an enlarged scale; the establishment of an observatory, a national university, and a uniform standard of weighty and measures; and the promotion of voyages of discovery. Mr. Adams also added,—" The Constitution under which you are assembled is a charter of limited powers; after full and solemn deliberation upon all or any of the objects which, urged by an irresistible sense of my own duty, I have recommended to your attention, should you come to the conclusion, that, however desirable in "themselves, the enactment of laws for effecting them would transcend the powers committed to you by that venerable instrument, which we are all bound to support, let no consideration induce you to assume the exercise of powers not granted to you by the people."

The state of the finances was pronounced to be very flourishing. There had been a balance, little short of $2,000,000 in the treasury, at the commencement of the year; and the receipts, to the end of September, were estimated at $16,500,000, while those of the current quarter were expected to exceed $5,000,000. And this was without reckoning the loan of $5,000,000 which had been authorized by Congress. The expenditure of the year, it was said, would not exceed the receipts by more than $2,000,000; but in it was included he extinction of $8,000,000 of the public debt. The revenue for the coming year

was calculated at $24,000,000, which would exceed the whole expenditure of the year. The entire amount of public debt, remaining due on the last day of the current vear, was stated to be less than $81,000,000. The president, in conclusion, thus expressed himself: "Finally, fellow-citizens, I shall await with cheering hope, and faithful co-operation, the result of your deliberations; assured that, without encroaching upon the powers reserved to the authorities of the respective states, or to the people, you will, with a due sense of your obligations to your country, and of the high responsibilities weighing upon yourselves, give efficacy to the means committed to you for the common good. And may He, who searches the hearts of the children of men, prosper your exertions to secure the blessings of peace, and promote the highest welfare of our country."*

The president's views in regard to the American Congress at Panama, afforded a fair ground of attack to the opposition. It appears, that in 1823, Bolivar, at that time president of Columbia, invited the governments of the provinces which had thrown off the Spanish yoke, to join in a general Congress at Panama; and some steps were taken to effect it, but without success. At the

* This copious and conciliatory message was commented on by the political press, and by numerous opponents of the administration, with great severity; and as the president had expressed himself with much freedom on the subject of internal improvements, and had termed observatories, by a rather unusual conceit, "light-houses of the sky," ridicule and argument were both brought to bear, for the purpose of rendering the administration unpopular, and thus the better prepare for the success of Andrew Jackson.


and died. Poinsett, the ambassador at Mexico, was then appointed in his place, and he, with Sergeant, immediately prepared to be present, when the Congress should reassemble, in February, 1827, at Tacubaya. It did not, however, meet at the appointed time; and Sergeant, therefore, returned to the United States. This project was never afterwards revived, principally because the intestine dissensions of South America rendered it impossible to effect anything of importance, and also because no further political capital could well be made out of it.*

Early in the session, on the 20th of December, 1825, the House called on the president for information, respecting the convention between England and the United States for the suppression of the slave trade. On the 27th, the president sent in the correspondence between Mr. Clay and Mr. Addington, the English charge d'affaires, from which it appeared, that there was no immediate prospect of a harmonising of the views held by the two governments.

As helping to keep alive the spirit of opposition to the administration, various amendments to the Constitution were proposed, in order to do away, if possible, with the intervention of the House of Representatives in electing

* At the close of Mr. Adams's administration, in compliance with a call to that effect, copies of the instructions given to the commissioners to Panama, were supplied to both Houses; and not long after they were made public. These instructions the reader may be interested in examining; we are of opinion that he will discover littlo, if anything, to justify the favorers of this Congress, or excite the fears of its opponents.

the president, it being asserted that Mr Adams, though elected in the constitutional way, was not the choice of the people. In the Senate, Mr. Benton took the lead, with a resolution, declaring for what, in rather fantastic phraseology, he terms "the demos-hrateo principle by which was meant the direct vote of the people. Mr. Benton's bill providing for the proposed change in the Constitution, was laid on the table on the 9th of May. In the House, Mr. MDuffie, of South Carolina, proposed the establishment of a uniform mode of electing the executive officers by districts, instead of leaving it to the state legislatures, who were capable, it was thought, of doing very unhandsome things for unjust and party purposes. He also introduced a declaration, in favor of preventing the election from ever devolving upon Congress, Other amendments, one of them prohibiting the re-election of a president for more than a second term of office, were also introduced. There were, in fact, nearly a dozen different resolutions upon this subject before Congress at the same time, and they were all referred by the House to a committee of twentyfour; which, after much discussion, and many efforts to reach some practical conclusion, found it impossible to agree in favor of any scheme, and begged to be discharged. Thus nothing resulted from the movement, unless perhaps an increase to the unpopularity of Mr. Adams's administration.

At the close of January, another treaty was negotiated with the Creeks, which was ratified by the Senate in April. By this treaty, the lands

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