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CH. IV.]

ADAMS ELECTED BY THE HOUSE.

found respect and admiration for the man were evidenced by the distinguished honor which was paid to his presence in the hall of Congress. Not long after the commencement of the session, the result of the voting in the electoral colleges was known, and then the canvassing of members began; every body looking forward with no little excitement to the 9th of the following February, when the real choice was to be made. In this state of things, little regular business could be done; attention was given to the post-office affairs; the drawback on goods re-exported was arranged; the punishment of certain crimes against the United States was determined; and the appropriations required for carrying on the government, and extending the Cumberland Road, were made. Johnson could not succeed in carrying his bill for abolishing imprisonment for debt; nor could Rufus King persuade the Senate to adopt his plan, by which, after the payment of the national debt, the proceeds of the public lands were to be applied to the emancipation of slaves, and the removal of free persons of color to some territory beyond the limits of the United States.

The canvass in the House was marked by the usual electioneering devices, into the details of which we need not enter; but we may state here, that Henry Clay, finding his own election impossible, and considering his prospects at the next vacancy to be better served by the return of Adams now, followed his previously expressed determination, and exerted all his influence in favor of that experienced statesman. In con

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sequence of this, an accusation of corruption was brought forward in a newspaper against Henry Clay, which he (unwisely, as it appeared to most of his friends,) raised into importance, by taking notice of in the House. Eventually the matter was dropped, but only to be resumed in a more serious manner on a future opportunity.*

1825.

On the 9th of February, the House proceeded to make a choice between the three highest candidates on the list, and on the first ballot, John Quincy Adams received the votes of thirteen states; Andrew Jackson, the votes of seven states, and William H. Crawford, the votes of four states. Mr. Adams, consequently, having obtained a majority of the whole nuinber, was declared duly elected president of the United States. John C. Calhoun, who had received one hundred and eighty-two votes in the electoral college for the second office in the gift of the people, now became vice-president of the United States.

The Beaumarchais claim, respecting which we have spoken in connection with our Revolutionary annals, (see vol. i., p. 528,) was again brought up

* No event in the political life of Mr. Clay was so

injurious to his prospects of being made president, as

his acceptance of the office of secretary of state, which was soon after urged upon him. Had he followed his own judgment in this matter, he would not have committed the mistake which proved fatal to his future advancement; but he was over persuaded, and though

probably few, if any, believed the story of bargain and corruption, yet it was too convenient and too popular a mode of injuring an opponent, to expect the political

press and stump orators to abstain from using it on nearly every occasion, when Henry Clay's name was before the people.

courteous, discreet, peace-loving, not fond of bold measures, and sincerely desirous that the hand of government should be seen and felt as little as was possible in public affairs. His foreign policy, as conducted mainly through his

for investigation, and was fully discussed in the House. The particulars we need not enter into here; the claim was again refused to be entertained, although strong reasons were presented in its behalf. The matter, however, was finally settled in the treaty negotiable secretary of state, was dignified, ated by Mr. Rives, in 1835.*

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In a retrospect of the administration of James Monroe, it must be admitted, that it was unusually successful, so much so as to be termed "the era of good feeling." Monroe himself, as his immediate successor testified, possessed “a mind anxious and unwearied in the pursuit of truth and right; patient of inquiry; patient of contradiction; courteous, even in the collision of sentiment; sound in its ultimate judgments; and firm in its final conclusions." There was nothing brilliant about him; he was not a man of genius evidently; his ability was certainly not above the average of men of his day; he was

*For some interesting remarks in connection with this subject, and the man whose name occurs a number of times in our history, we refer the reader to M. De Loménie's "Beaumarchais and His Times," or, Sketches of French Society in the Eighteenth Century, from unpublished documents. Translated from the French. New York, 1857.

firm, and acceptable to the people; while at home, his administration was memorable for the acquisition of Florida, and for the steady advance of the country, despite all financial embarrassments, in its progress towards national prosperity and greatness. We may, in conclusion, quote the words of John Quincy Adams's eulogy on the fifth president of the United States, as expressing the devout admiration of one who knew, and was able thoroughly to appreciate, his virtues and his excel lence:* "Let us join in humble sup plication to the Founder of empires and the Creator of all worlds, that he would continue to your posterity, the smiles by which his favor has been bestowed upon you; and since 'it is not in man that walketh to direct his steps,' that he would enlighten and lead the advancing generation in the way they should go. That in all the perils and all the mischances which may threaten or befall our United Republic, in after times, he would raise up from among your sons, deliverers to enlighten her councils, to defend her freedom, and if need be to lead her armies to victory. And should the gloom of the year of Independence ever again overspread the sky, or the

*This Eulogy was delivered before the Corporation of Boston, in 1831.

CH. V.]

INAUGURATION OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

metropolis of your empire be once more destined to smart under the scourge of an invader's hand, that there never may be found wanting among the children of your country a warrior

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to bleed, a statesman to counsel, a chief to direct and govern, inspired with all the virtues, and endowed with all the faculties, which have been so signally displayed in the life of James Monroe."

CHAPTER V.

1825-1829.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS'S ADMINISTRATION.

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Inauguration of John Quincy Adams - Extract from his Inaugural Address · The cabinet of the new president Treaty with the Creeks - Difficulties of the subject - Other Indian treaties - Jackson nominated by the legis lature of Tennessee - Opposition organized against the administration - The Erie canal - The nineteenth Congress - Abstract of the president's message-The American Congress at Panama - Attacked by the opposition – Result —Amendments to the Constitution - Political objects in view-The Creek treaty - Movements for increase of the judges - Congress favors internal improvements-The deaths of Thomas Jefferson and John Adams-Extract from Daniel Webster's eulogy — Congress in session - The message of the president - Action of Congress The Great Conspiracy"- Its object- How met by Henry Clay-Elections for members of Congress-The twentieth Congress - Full attendance - Abstract of the message-The tariff question - Warm and long contest How settled-Senator Benton quoted Retrenchment advocated― Judiciary bill, Revolution

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ary pensioners' bill, etc. — The presidential contest of 1828 - Fierce and unscrupulous warfare — Congress in session-Mr. Adams's last message Subject of protection, etc. - Action of Congress - End of the session-Re view of John Quincy Adams's administration.

1825.

the people in all parts of the Union,
highly lauding the administration of
James Monroe, Mr. Adams concludes
his Inaugural in terms which deserve
to be quoted, as marking out
clearly his views on the much
disputed question of internal improve-
ments, and as modestly appealing for
support and confidence in endeavoring
to discharge the responsible duties of
his lofty station.

ON the 4th of March, 1825, John | mote concord and unanimity among Quincy Adams was inaugurated as the sixth president of the United States. The ceremonial was an imposing one, and was attended and watched with deep interest by a large body of the new president's fellow-citizens. Clad in a plain suit of black, wholly of American manufacture, Mr. Adams, at the proper moment, delivered his Inaugural address. It is a well-written document, glowing with patriotism and earnest wishes for the advancement of our country in every thing that is good, and pure, and true. Conciliatory in his tone, anxious to pro

1825.

"In this brief outline," said Mr. Adams, "of the promise and perform ance of my immediate predecessor, the line of duty for his successor is clearly

delineated. To pursue, to their consummation, those purposes of improvement in our common condition, instituted or recommended by him, will embrace the whole sphere of my obligations. To the topic of internal improvement, emphatically urged by him at his inauguration, I recur with peculiar satisfaction. It is that from which I am convinced that the unborn millions of our posterity, who are, in future ages, to people this continent, will derive their most fervent gratitude to the founders of the Union; that, in which the beneficent action of its government will be most deeply felt and acknowledged. The magnificence and splendor of their public works are among the imperishable glories of the ancient republics. The roads and aqueducts of Rome have been the admiration of all after ages, and have survived thousands of years, after all her conquests have been swallowed up in despotism, or become the spoil of barbarians. Some diversity of opinion has prevailed with regard to the powers of Congress for legislation upon objects of this nature. The most respectful deference is due to doubts originating in pure patriotism, and sustained by venerated authority. But nearly twenty years have passed since the construction of the first national road was commenced. The authority for its construction was then unquestioned. To how many thousands of our countrymen has it proved a benefit? To what single individual has it ever proved an injury? Repeated liberal and candid discussions in the legislature have conciliated the sentiments, and proximated the opinions of enlight

ened minds, upon the question of constitutional power. I cannot but hope, that by the same process of friendly, patient, and persevering deliberation, all constitutional objections will ultimately be removed. The extent and limitation of the powers of the general government, in relation to this transcendently important interest, will be settled and acknowledged, to the common satisfaction of all, and every speculative scruple will be solved by a practical public blessing.

"Fellow-citizens, you are acquainted with the peculiar circumstances of the recent election, which have resulted in affording me the opportunity of addressing you, at this time. You have heard the exposition of the principles which will direct me in the fulfilment of the high and solemn trust imposed upon me in this station. Less possessed of your confidence in advance, than any of my predecessors, I am deeply conscious of the prospect that I shall stand, more and oftener, in need of your indulgence. Intentions, upright and pure; a heart devoted to the welfare of our country, and the unceasing application of all the faculties allotted to me, to her service, are all the pledges that I can give, for the faithful performance of the arduous duties I am to undertake. To the guidance of the legislative councils; to the assistance of the executive and subordinate departments; to the friendly co-operation of the respective state governments; to the candid and liberal support of the people, so far as it may be deserved by honest industry and zeal, I shall look for whatever success may attend my

CH. V.]

GEORGIA AND THE CREEK INDIANS.

public service; and knowing that, except the Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh but in vain; with fervent supplications for His favor, to His overruling Providence I commit, with humble but fearless confidence, my own fate, and the future destinies of my country."

The new president then took the oath required by the Constitution, and, having received the congratulations of the assemblage, Monroe and Jackson being of the number, was prepared to enter upon the duties of his office. He immediately sent to the Senate, for their confirmation, the names of the gentlemen he had selected as forming his cabinet. Henry Clay was nominated for secretary of state; Richard Rush, secretary of the treasury; James Barbour, secretary of war; Samuel Southard, secretary of the navy; and William Wirt, attorney-general. The two latter, with Mr. McLean, postmaster-general, had held the same posts under Mr. Monroe. No objection was made to any of these names, except that of Mr. Clay, against whom the charge of bargaining and corruption was made. Twenty-seven voted for Mr. Clay's confirmation; fourteen opposed it, Andrew Jackson being one of these.

One of the earliest subjects brought before the new administration, was the arranging a treaty with the Creek Indians in Georgia, for a cession of their lands, and for their removal west of the Mississippi. It appears that some fifteen millions of acres had been purchased from the Indians, and conveyed to the state of Georgia before the year 1824; about nine millions and

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a half remained in the possession of the Indians, the larger moiety be- 1825. longing to the Cherokees, and the remainder to the Creeks. Commis sioners were appointed, and efforts were made to induce the Creeks to remove and vacate the lands occupied by them; but whether it was owing to the consideration that the Indians began to appreciate the advantages of civiliza tion, or to some other cause or causes, the nation generally opposed a cession of their lands, and were exceedingly unwilling to remove west of the Mississippi. One of their chiefs, however, M'Intosh, and some others, made a treaty at the Indian Springs, on the 12th of February, and the Senate, on the last day of the session, ratified it on the part of the United States. The Creeks, at least the larger number of them, were not at all pleased with what had been done, and on the 30th of April, they summarily murdered M'Intosh, Tustanuggee, and Hawkins, who had been the principal agents in giving up their lands. The state of Georgia, which was greatly benefited by this treaty, insisted on its being carried into effect, and Governor Troup actually began a survey of the lands, in order to their distribution amongst the people. The Creeks, on their part, were resolute in their determination to resist such action of the government by force, and sent a messenger to Washington, claiming the protection of the federal authorities.

Mr. Adams doubted the validity of the treaty, and sent General Gaines to the Creek country to prevent any outbreak, if possible, and also a com

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