dor, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare, that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence, and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration, and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. In the war between those new governments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgment of competent authorities of this government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security. "The late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced, than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on a principle satisfactory to them selves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question to which all independent powers, whose governments differ from theirs are interested; even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to Eu rope, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government, de facto, as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy; meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course." We have quoted these paragraphs in full, in order that the reader might see exactly what is meant by the "Monroe doctrine." It was a 1823. CH. IV.] THE TARIFF DISCUSSION. bold announcement on the president's part, although justice requires that the merit of it, if merit there be in it, should be attributed to John Quincy Adams, who originated the view, and from whom Mr. Monroe adopted it. However questionable it might be considered for the president to avow so openly and fully sentiments like these, committing the United States to a policy as novel as it was bold, the people of the Union adopted them at once; and though foreign powers were startled somewhat, and a little disposed to complain, the line of policy then marked out has ever since been that by which our government has regulated its conduct on this important subject. Various amendments to the Constitution were proposed and advocated warmly, all of them, however, having reference, more or less direct, to the approaching presidential contest; but no one of the proposed amendments found sufficient favor to be adopted. The attention of members of Congress was greatly engrossed by schemes, and plans, and hopes, and fears, with regard to the man who was to be the next president. Manoeuvres and intrigues of all kinds were put in practice, and every man gave in his adhesion to Adams, Jackson, Clay, Crawford, or Calhoun. The attack on Mr. Crawford was renewed, but to no purpose (see p. 339); and the other candidates were exposed to an ordeal more or less severe, in the way of personal attacks and imputations on character, which, however groundless, answered the object of political rivals and aspirants. 1824. 343 A long debate was had again on the subject of roads and canals, and $30,000 were appropriated for surveys, plans, and estimates of such roads and canals as the president might deem of national importance. Another attempt was made to establish a general bankruptcy law ; and also to abolish imprisonment for debt; but both failed of meeting the approval of Congress. In accordance with the president's recommendation on this subject, a very large share of attention was devoted to the revision of the tariff. The subject was fully discussed, Henry Clay being the great advocate on the one side, and Daniel Webster displaying his superior ability on the other. The agricultural and manufacturing interests in the east and the west were united in support of the principle of a protective tariff; and constituted a small majority in both Houses. The commercial and navigating interests of the north, joined with the large planters of the south, constituted a powerful, intelligent, and persevering minority, opposed to any tariff except for purposes of revenue. This sectional division, we may mention, helped not a little in determining one of the new parties, which were now germinating,-the national republicans, or whigs, as they were subsequently termed. For some ten weeks was this question debated; and at last, on the 16th of April, the bill passed the House by a majority of five, which might have been less, for two members were absent; and the Senate accepted it, but amended its details considerably, the majority there being but four. It passed the Senate on the 1824. 15th of May, and, after a conference with the House, was finally adopted, and approved by the president. Carrying out Mr. Monroe's suggestion, and going much beyond it, Daniel | Webster prepared a resolution to the effect, that the president be authorized to send an agent or commissioner to Greece, whenever he might see fit. The speech of the great orator on this occasion, (January 19th), was one of the most eloquent which he ever made; and throughout the country the spirit of the people responded to the glowing sentiments of Webster. Meetings were held; subscriptions liberally made; money, clothing, provisions, arms, and the like, were shipped to Greece; and many an American citizen went and joined the patriots who were striving to do for their native land, what our fathers had accomplished in the west ern world. Mr. Clay and Mr. Poinsett advocated a resolution of sympathy with the Greeks in their struggles for independence; John Randolph opposed it with all his might, and the resolution was negatived on the ground of inexpediency.* The adjournment did not occur (although it was not the longest session that had been held) till the 27th of May, so protracted were the debates. But it is worth noting, no ses1824. sion before it had ever been so fruitful in legislation; two hundred and twelve measures having passed through all stages to their completion. practiced a good deal in former contests, was now sharply discussed, and it began to be felt, that it would operate very injuriously to some of the candidates and aspirants for the highest office in the gift of the people. The system was denounced by the press, and efforts were made to induce the state legislatures to condemn them. Early in the session it was ascertained, that a decided plurality of the members of Congress were in favor of W. H. Crawford, the secretary of the treasury, who had nearly defeated Monroe in the caucus held in 1816; and great was the manoeuvring and intriguing which followed. The partisans of the other candidates finally resolved, under something like a tacit understanding, that they would not hold any caucus in favor of their nominees; but the friends of Crawford held one, which, though attended by no more than sixty-six members, obtained for him only sixtyfour votes. Afterwards two were given to Adams, one to Macon, and one to Andrew Jackson. The sixty-four were, however, nearly all the leading politicians of the old republican party, and they declared him to be duly nominated as the candidate of their party. And it was to this meeting that Crawford's failure was afterwards attributed; although it was also assigned to the failure of his health, which made his supporters question if he could discharge the duties of the president's office, in case he were elected. Gallatin was The caucus system, which had been nominated for the vice-presidency by * See Garland's "Life of John Randolph,” vol. ii., pp. 196-200. the same caucus, but he declined the honor. No other caucus was held in behalf of any of the competitors, but Ca. IV.] LAFAYETTE'S VISIT TO AMERICA. the canvass was actively pursued, and the partisans of each strenuously exerted themselves. Notwithstanding the zeal and activity of political partisans, and the vigorous contest which was going on, the summer of 1824 was rendered memorable by the visit of the illustrious Lafayette, "the hero of two worlds." Some three years before, this noble patriot had expressed a wish to look upon the scenes of his early exploits again, and to press the hands of the few survivors of the armies and the actors of the Revolution; and Congress had, by a formal resolution, placed a government vessel at his disposal to convey him to America. Declining this honor, Lafayette embarked at Havre in the packet ship Cadmus, Captain Allen, accompanied by his son, who bore the revered name of Washington, and arrived at New York on the 15th of August. 345 good sense, the final arbiter of all difficulties; and a glorious demonstration, to the most timid and prejudiced minds, of the superiority, over degrading aristocracy or despotism, of popular institutions founded on the plain rights of men. These have been fully detailed by the affectionate pen of his secretary, M. Levasseur. We may, however, put on record, that Lafayette, leaving New York, proceeded to Boston, thence to Portsmouth in New Hampshire, and returning to New York, visited the towns along the Hudson, including Albany and Troy. Thence, he passed through New Jersey, visited Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, Yorktown and Richmond, and returned to the seat of government early in the session, where Congress united with their constituents in paying him honor. In February, 1825, he proceeded to the South, travelling through the Carolinas, Georgia, Alabama and It needs not that we tell of the cele- Mississippi, to New Orleans; thence up brations, processions, dinners, illumina- the Mississippi to St. Louis; and passing tions, bonfires, parties, balls, serenades, through Kentucky, Ohio, Pennsylvania and rejoicings of every description, and New York, he arrived in Boston which attended his way, from the mo- again to take part in the ceremony of ment he set foot on the American soil, laying the corner-stone of the Bunker until his embarkation to return to his Hill monument. Lafayette next visited native France; how his tour through Portland in Maine, passed through New the Union was one perpetual ovation, Hampshire and Vermont, and returned and his reception by the inhabitants to New York, where he shared in celeen masse of one city and town after brating the 4th of July. Having gone another, was marked by demonstra- again to Washington, and paid the sad tions of unbounded popular enthusiasm; tribute of shedding tears at the 1825. and how in his gratitude and delight tomb of the great father of his at all this, he saw nothing any where country, Lafayette, on the 7th of Sepbut prosperity and insured security, tember, 1825, in the large hall of the public and private; good order, the ap-capitol, amidst a vast concourse of all pendage of true freedom, and a national ranks, received the solemn words of VOL. III.-44 farewell from President Adams, speaking in behalf of the whole people of the United States. Congress, desirous of showing the nation's appreciation of Lafayette's sacrifices and exertions for the United States, voted him $200,000 in money, and a township of land in Florida. A new frigate, named in honor of him, Brandywine, was provided for his return to France; and so "the nation's guest" was sped on his way by the prayers and the love of admiring millions. The contest for the presidency was actively carried on during the summer and autumn of 1824, and the friends and supporters of each candidate were not without hopes of ultimate success. Jackson, Adams, Crawford and Clay, were now before the people, and the result of the electoral vote was as follows: -for Andrew Jackson for president, all the votes of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Carolinas, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, Indiana, with one from New York, seven from Maryland, three from Louisiana, and two from Illinois, ninetynine in all;-for John Quincy Adams, all the votes of Maine, New Hampshire, 1824. Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, with twenty-six from New York, one from Delaware, three from Maryland, two from Louisiana, and one from Illinois, in all eighty-four;-for William H. Crawford, all the votes of Virginia and Georgia, with five from New York, two from Delaware, and one from Maryland, in all forty-one; and for Henry Clay, all the votes of Kentucky, Ohio, and Missouri, with four from New York, thirty-seven in al. There were two hundred and sixty-one votes to be given, and therefore an absolute majority would have been one hundred and thirty-one, which none of the candidates received; consequently, in accordance with the constitutional provision, the election devolved upon the House of Representatives. Before this expected result was certainly known, the eighteenth Congress commenced its second session, on the 6th of December. The message of the president, being his last, was principally occupied in eulogizing the happy circumstances in which our country is placed, and the wide-spread prosperity which every where has marked our agriculture, commerce, and manufactures. The public debt, he stated, had been reduced to $86,000,000, and the current revenue was amply sufficient to meet all the liabilities of the government, besides discharging some $11,500,000 of the principal of the debt, and leaving a balance in the treasury of more than $3,000,000. After alluding to the position of Indian affairs; making especial mention of the visit of Lafayette; expressing his sym. pathy with the Greeks and with the South American states; he concluded his message in grateful and graceful terms of acknowledgment for the uni form confidence and steady support of his fellow-citizens, during his long ca reer of public life. Very little business of moment was transacted at this session of the national legislature. On the 9th of December, Lafayette was received by the Senate, and the next day, by the House. In both the House. In both cases, the pro 1824. |