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CH. VI.]

HARRISON AND TECUMSEH.

exercised upon the land. And amidst all these proofs of ambition and avarice, she demanded that the victims of her usurpations and her violence should revere her as the sole defender of the rights and liberties of mankind.'

1811.

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It may well be believed, that in such a state of affairs, the exasperated people looked with anxious concern to the approaching session of Congress, and the clamor for war was increased in every part of the Union, with the exception perhaps of the larger part of New England. Mr. Madison was indisposed to extreme measures, and his cabinet were somewhat at variance with each other. Mr. Smith and Mr. Gallatin did not harmonize, and the president preferred to part with the former, who resigned, and James Monroe took the post of secretary of state, in November. William Pinkney also, soon after, succeeded Rodney as attorney-general.

In addition to the causes already pointed out as leading to difficulties with Great Britain, there were others which tended to the same result. The British government, from the position of Canada, and the facilities which it enjoyed in consequence, paid much attention to the enlisting the Indian tribes in favor of the quarrel which it was urging forward with the United States; and there is every reason to conclude, that British emissaries were actively engaged in fomenting dissen

* Dallas's "Exposition of the Causes and Character of the Late War with Great Britain,” pp. 47, 48. This ably written tract is now rarely to be met with: it was printed at Philadelphia, in April, 1815; 8vo., pp. 82.

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sions and complaints which existed among the Indians in the north-west. The rapid progress of the white men's settlements, the narrowing of the hunting-grounds, the introduction of the white men's spirituous liquors, and the like, had led to serious troubles on various occasions, and the tribes in the north-west had frequently been concerned in robbing and murdering the settlers in the vicinity.

General Harrison, governor of the Territory of Indiana, had made, in 1809, a purchase of valuable land from the Miami Indians on the Wabash River. The sale of this tract gave great offence to Tecumseh, a Shawnee chief, whose ambition led him to aspire to the leadership of the western tribes, and whose superior abilities fitted him for that task which the noted Pontiac (vol. i., p. 250) had striven, fifty years previously, to accomplish; we mean, a confederacy and organized union of the Indians to repel the further advances of the white men. In August, 1810, Tecumseh and his warriors met General Harrison in council at Vincennes, which resulted in nothing but increased excitement and a determination on the part of Tecumseh and his twin-brother, the prophet, a crafty impostor, to proceed to extremities.

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Indiana militia, and the fourth United States regiment, under Colonel Boyd, to demand satisfaction of the Indians, and to put a stop to their threatened hostilities. His expedition was made early in November. On his approach within a few miles of the prophet's town, the principal chiefs came out with offers of peace and submission, and requested Harrison to encamp for the night; but, as he suspected, this was only a treacherous artifice. At four in the morning, the camp was furiously assailed, and a bloody contest ensued, the Indians were however repulsed. The loss on the part of the Americans was sixty-two killed, and

one hundred and twenty-six wounded
a still greater number fell on the side
of the red men. In fact, this was one
of the most desperate and hardly con-
tested battles ever fought with the In-
dians. Tecumseh was not present, and
the prophet occupied himself in conju
rations on an eminence not far off, but
out of danger. Harrison, having de
stroyed the prophet's town, and estab-
lished forts, returned to Vincennes, and
received high praise for his success-
ful conduct of the expedition.*

* See Brackenridge's "History of the Late War," pp. 22-26; and Drake's "History and Biography of the Indians of North America," pp. 616–20.

CHAPTER VII.

1811-1812.

OPENING OF THE WAR.

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-AbAssembling of Congress on the 4th of November - Henry Clay elected speaker - The president's message stract of its contents. Warlike measures resolved upon by the majority Report and resolutions of the committee on foreign relations- The debate on the resolutions-The position of the president not agreeable-Determination of the ruling party-Burning of the theatre in Richmond, Virginia - Questions relating to the financial condition of the country in respect to war-Measures adopted-The "Henry plot" - Russell's dispatches from London - Embargo laid for ninety days-Other bills of a warlike tendency - Louisiana admitted as a state into the Union-Death of George Clinton, the vice-president - Foreign affairs- Barlow's labors in France-Troubles in England - Foster's letter to Monroe-The crisis reached-Madison's war message, in full-Report of committee of foreign relations on the message-Substance of the report- Debate carried on with closed doors - Bill passed in the House and the Senate-Approved by the president - The act declar ing war- -The president's proclamation - Address of the minority in Congress to their constituents - Other acts of Congress - Ratio of representation Close of the long session-Proclamation of the president appointing a day of fasting and prayer. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII. Address of the minority in Congress to their constituents.

IN consequence of the unsettled and | November that body assembled in the critical condition of our foreign relations, the president, by proclamation, in July, summoned Congress a month earlier than usual; and, on the 4th of

city of Washington, ready to enter earnestly upon the important duties entrusted to their charge. The elections had resulted decidedly in favor of the

CH. VII.]

1811.

MADISON'S THIRD ANNUAL MESSAGE.

administration, and the democratic party felt itself strong enough to venture upon more energetic measures than had as yet been deemed prudent. Henry Clay, who now made his first appearance in the House, and was an ardent supporter of the republican views, was elected speaker by a large vote over Mr. Bibb, whom the more moderate men of the party desired to have placed in the chair.

On the following day, the president sent in his third annual message, in which he entered quite at large into the important questions at that time agitating the nation. He expressed himself disappointed at the course pursued by the British government, who, not crediting the revocation of Napoleon's decrees, had refused to rescind the orders in council, and had pressed with additional severity the enforcement of these odious regulations. He further spoke of "the unfriendly spirit" evinced by the British authorities, who had threatened "measures of retaliation" for the continuance of the nonimportation act, and declared, that "indemnity and redress for other wrongs have continued to be withheld, and our coasts and the mouths of our harbors have again witnessed scenes not less derogatory to the dearest of our national rights than vexatious to the regular course of our trade." The affair of the President and the Little Belt appropriately followed this statement.

With respect to France, the president said: "The justice and fairness which had been evinced on the part of the United States towards France, both before and since the revocation of her

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decrees, authorized an expectation that her government would have followed up that measure by all such others as were due to our reasonable claims, as

well as dictated by its amicable 1811. professions. No proof, however, is yet given of an intention to repair the other wrongs done to the United States; and particularly to restore the great amount of American property seized and condemned under edicts, which, though not affecting our neutral relations, and therefore not entering into questions between the United States and other belligerents, were nevertheless founded in such unjust principles, that the reparation ought to have been prompt and ample. In addition to this and other demands of strict right, on that nation, the United States have much reason to be dissatisfied with the rigorous and unexpected restrictions, to which their trade with the French dominions has been subjected; and which, if not discontinued, will require at least corresponding restrictions on importations from France into the United States."

With the other powers of Europe, the relations of the United States continued on a friendly footing.

In speaking of the "ominous indications" which required the executive to take measures for providing for the general security, the president informed Congress of the progress of the coast defences, and the putting of part of the gunboats, the navy, the regulars, and the militia, into active use; the latter in Indiana chiefly, on account of the menacing combination of the Indians there under Tecumseh and the prophet.

1811.

Urging upon the national legislature "the duty of putting the United States into an armor and an attitude demanded by the crisis and corresponding to the national spirit and expectations," he recommended adequate provisions in men, ships, and all the materials of warlike preparations, and for appropriations suitable to the emergency. Laws to regulate the mercantile marine, and suppress smuggling, were also called for. The finances were said to be in a favorable condition. The receipts during the year had been over $13,500,000, which had enabled the government to meet its current liabilities, including interest; and to cancel more than $5,000,000 of the public debt. In conclusion, he assured the Houses of his "deep sense of the crisis," and his confidence in a happy issue from it, by the co-operation of their faithful zeal, and "the blessing of Heaven on our beloved country, and on all the means that may be employed in vindicating its rights and advancing its welfare."

The calm and deliberate tone of the president's message fell short of meeting the excited state of temper and disposition of the majority in Congress; and the democratic members, from the south and west especially, determined to lay aside inactivity and indecision, and to adopt warlike measures towards England.

Early in December, the committee on foreign relations, through Mr. Peter B. Porter, their chairman, brought in their report upon the president's message. The report was clear and decided in its views of the position of affairs and

the action required at the hands of Congress. Six resolutions were recommended: 1st. To fill up the ranks of the present military establishment by the aid of a bounty. 2d. To raise 1811. an additional force of ten thousand men by the like means. 3d. To authorize the president to accept the services of fifty thousand volunteers. 4th. To give like authority to order out such detachments of militia as the public service may require. 5th. To cause the public vessels not now in service to be fitted out immediately. 6th. To permit merchant ships, owned and navigated wholly by American citizens, to arm in self-defence.

A long and earnest debate sprang up upon these resolutions, in which Randolph, Calhoun, R. M. Johnson, Macon, and others, took an active part. The first five were adopted by large majorities, and the sixth was laid upon the table; thus evidencing that war was expected, if not called for, by most of the people of the United States.* Similar strong feeling was exhibited in the Senate, in discussing the measures ne

here, that on the 30th of December, both Houses of Congress resolved to wear mourning for a month, in order to testify their deep sympathy with the people

* As a matter worthy of record, we may mention

of Richmond, Virginia, in consequence of the sad ca

lamity that had fallen upon them on the 26th inst. On that evening, the theatre, being very full of spectators, took fire, and in the panic which ensued nearly seventy lives were lost. Among those thus suddenly removed out of this world, were, Mr. Smith, the governor of

Virginia, Mr. Venable, formerly a member of the House, and a number of other persons of distinction. The Monumental (Episcopal) Church was erected on the site, and an inscription on the monument briefly but forcibly tells the tale of the fearful blow which then fell upon the city of Richmond.

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