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1810.

tions; and an attempt was made to fasten upon Mr. Gallatin, the secretary of the treasury, charges of corruption in the department over which he presided with signal ability. Towards the close of the session, Mr. Gallatin, under instructions from the House, presented a detailed report of the extent and condition of the domestic manufactures of the United States.* We may mention in this connection, as of general interest, that the total value of the manufactures of the Union was estimated at $127,700,000. Nearly $39,500,000 of this sum consisted of textile goods, of cotton, silk, wool, flax, and hemp. Manufactures of hides and skins were valued at nearly $18,000,000; distilled and fermented liquors of all kinds, at above $16,500,000; manufactures of iron, at above $14,250,000; with above $6,000,000 worth of instruments and machinery. The articles manufactured from raw materials produced in the country, were in excess of the home demand, and were exported to a small amount yearly; as were one or two articles, such as cards for dressing wool and cotton, and cut-nails, which were made by means of machines invented by Americans. In another large class of manufactures, such as textile goods, hats, ropes, ironware, glass, liquors fermented and distilled, etc., the home supply was gradually approximating the amount of the demand, and the quantity required by importa

* For Henry Clay's active and zealous efforts in behalf of American industry, and his labors towards establishing "the American System," as it is called, we must refer to his biography, where he receives the due meed of praise.

tion was continually decreasing. This was especially the case with cotton, linen, and woolen goods, which had been much more attended to since the European war had enhanced both the prices, and the trouble of procuring them from Great Britain and France.

Of the varied proposals, arising from the discussion on the report presented by Mr. Gallatin, no one was adopted; the opposing interests of the different parts of the Union insuring the rejec tion of some, whilst, in respect of others, no practical scheme, suited to the circumstances of the country, could be devised. A plan respecting the Bank of the United States, whose charter was about to expire, was partially debated, and then postponed to the succeeding session of Congress. On the last day of the session, the select committee reported respecting the conduct of General Wilkinson in connection with the schemes of Aaron Burr and the Spanish possessions in the 1810. south. The subject was postponed until the next session; and on the 1st of May, after sitting more than five months, and accomplishing almost nothing towards sustaining the honor and the rights of the nation, Congress adjourned.

Napoleon had resented the non-intercourse act of March, 1809, and his reply to the measures of Congress, and the representations addressed to him through General Armstrong, was a new decree, dated at Rambouillet, on the 23d of March, 1810, aimed especially at American commerce. Nearly a hundred and fifty vessels, belonging to cit izens of the United States, which had

Cu. VI]

NAPOLEON'S COURSE AS TO THE DECREES.

been captured by French ships, and were waiting trial, were condemned at one swoop, and the proceeds of the sale of them ordered to be placed to a particular account in the imperial treasury. And at the same time every American vessel entering any port in the possession of France, was declared confiscated.

After this outrage, which was taken very meekly by the American government, Napoleon thought it better not to push matters in a wrong direction; and so, skilfully availing himself of the terms of the conditions on which the non-intercourse act was suspended, he

announced to the government 1810. of the United States, early in August, the recall of the "decrees" of Berlin and Milan, on the 1st of November following, provided that the British "orders in council" should also be revoked, or the United States should "cause their rights to be respected by the English." His minister, the Duke de Cadore, in his communication to General Armstrong, also indulged himself in language which it is hard to tell whether it is more ridiculous or insolent. "It is," he said, "with the most particular satisfaction, sir, that I make known to you this determination of the emperor. His majesty loves the Americans. Their prosperity and their commerce are within the scope of his policy. The independence of America is one of the principal titles of glory to France. Since that epoch, the emperor is pleased in aggrandizing the United States; and under all circumstances, that which can contribute to the independence, to the prosperity, and the liberty of the Amer

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icans, the emperor will consider as conformable with the interests of his empire."

Mr. Pinkney, immediately on being informed of the declared revocation of the Berlin and Milan decrees, endeavored to induce the British government, to follow the example of France. But, influenced by pique as much as by principle, it refused to accept any thing short of an unconditional and immediate revocation of those "decrees." In vain did Mr. Pinkney press the subject, and offer full proof of his assertions: reply was evaded; and the American minister, after long and fruitless efforts, deemed it incumbent on him to put an end to his mission. He accordingly had his audience of leave on the 28th of February, 1811, and soon after returned to the United States.

The president, confiding in Napoleon's assurance on the subject of the "decrees," issued, on the 2d of November, a proclamation, declaring that intercourse with France was thenceforth renewed; and on the 10th, Great Britain, still holding out in her refusal to rescind the orders in council, the presi dent issued another proclamation interdicting all commercial intercourse with England. We are sorry to say, that subsequent events served to prove that Napoleon had not acted ingenuously in this matter; and early in the following year, he declared that the decrees of Berlin and Milan were the fundamental laws of the empire. Official notice was also given, that no remuneration or redress was to be expected for the extensive plundering of American ships by French armed vessels.

A new element, meanwhile, was added to the present perplexed condition of affairs, by the president's authorizing Governor Claiborne 1810. to take possession of the Baton Rouge District, and to annex it to the Territory of Orleans. This was done in consequence of the inhabitants of West Florida having, in September, declared themselves independent of Spain, and proposed to be annexed to the United States. The government preferred the course which was adopted, leaving the title to be settled by negotiation. It can be no matter of surprise, that England, now the ally of Spain against France, took this procedure on the part of the United States with very ill grace, and looked upon it as, in part, a blow aimed at herself. And we can believe, that she endeavored to carry out her policy towards the United States with fresh alacrity and zeal, and that the annoying, insulting and outrageous conduct of the commanders of her ships of war stationed before the principal harbors of the United States, met with her entire approbation.

Congress assembled on the 5th of December, and the president sent in his second annual message on the same

day. The state and condition 1810. of the foreign relations of the Union occupied the principal share of the president's attention in this able paper. He informed Congress of the result of the measures thus far, in regard to England and France; spoke of the depredations upon our commerce by licentious cruisers under the Danish flag; and set forth briefly the reasons

which induced him to take possession of the territory west of the Perdido.

The country generally, Mr. Madison stated, gave evidence of substantial and increasing prosperity. "To a thriving agriculture," he went on to say, "and the improvements related to it, is added a highly interesting extension of useful manufactures, the combined product of professional occupations and of household industry. Such indeed is the experience of economy, as well as of policy, in these substitutes for sup plies heretofore obtained by foreign commerce, that, in a national view, the change is justly regarded as, of itself, more than a recompense for those privations and losses, resulting from foreign injustice, which furnished the general impulse required for its accomplishment. How far it may be expedient to guard the infancy of this improve ment in the distribution of labor, by regulations of the commercial tariff, is a subject which cannot fail to suggest itself to your patriotic reflections."

The establishment of a national university was also recommended, "by the consideration, that the additional instruction emanating from it would contribute not less to strengthen the foundations, than to adorn the structure of our free and happy system of government. Among the commercial abuses," continued the president, "still committed under the American flag, and leaving in force my former reference to that subject, it appears that American citizens are instrumental in carrying on a traffic in enslaved Africans, equally in violation of the laws of humanity, and in defiance of those of their own coun

CE. VI.]

QUINCY'S SPEECH IN THE HOUSE.

try. The same just and benevolent motives which produced the interdiction in force against this criminal conduct, will doubtless be felt by Congress, in devising further means of suppressing the evil."

Fortifications, the armories, the militia, the corps of engineers, and the military academy, were next spoken of. It was stated, that a lesser loan than was authorized had been contracted for the payment of three millions and three-quarters of the public debt, and that after meeting all the current expenses of the government, including the interest on the debt, there was a balance of two millions of dollars expected in the treasury. And for other matters the heads of departments were referred to, and supplementary communications were promised.

The occupancy of West Florida gave rise to earnest debate in Congress; and when the inhabitants of the Territory of Orleans petitioned to be admitted as a state into the Union, the federalists most strenuously resisted the measure on constitutional grounds. Josiah Quincy took the lead in the House

against the admission, and on 1811. the 14th of January, delivered an able exposition of the views of New England against the preponderating influence which the formation of new southern states would give to that portion of the confederacy, and avowed sentiments and views which startled the members as much by their boldness as their cogency. "I am compelled to declare it as my deliberate opinion," said Mr. Quincy, "that, if this bill

passes, the bonds of this Union are

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virtually dissolved: that the states, which compose it are free from their moral obligations; and that as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some to prepare, definitely, for a separation amicably, if they can, violently, if they must."

The speech of Mr. Quincy was long and forcibly argued: at its close, he thus expressed himself, in terms which the reader will look upon with interest in view of what the progress of events during forty years since has brought to pass: "New states are intended to be formed beyond the Mississippi. There is no limit to men's imaginations on this subject, short of California and Columbia River. When I said that the bill would justify a revolution and would produce it, I spoke of its principles and its practical consequences. To this principle and those consequences, I would call the attention of this House and nation. If it be about to introduce a condition of things absolutely insupportable, it becomes wise and honest men to anticipate the evil; and to warn and prepare the people against the event. I have no hesitation on the subject. The extension of this principle to the states contemplated beyond the Mississippi, cannot, will not, and ought not to be borne. And the sooner the people contemplate the unavoidable result, the better; the more likely that convulsions may be prevented; the more hope that the evils may be palliated or removed. . I oppose this bill from no animosity to the people of New Orleans; but from the deep conviction, that it contains a principle incompatible with the liber

ties and safety of my country. I have no concealment of my opinion. The bill, if it passes, is a death-blow to the Constitution. It may, afterwards, linger; but lingering, its fate will, at no very distant period, be consummated." Despite Mr. Quincy's urgency and vaticinations of evil, the bill finally passed by a large majority.

1811.

The most important subject which came before Congress during the present session, was that which related to the renewal of the charter of the Bank of the United States. The 4th of March, 1811, was the limit of its charter, and the stockholders and friends of the corporation, labored earnestly for an extension of its existence. Mr. Gallatin, secretary of the treasury, on being applied to by the committee of the Senate, presented an able report, in which he showed conclusively, that, as a bank, its affairs "had been wisely and skilfully managed." The capital stock of the bank was $10,000,000; it held $8,500,000 of deposits, some placed in its hands by government, more by private individuals; and it had issued $4,500,000 of notes. On the other hand, $18,030,000 were owing to it, mainly good debts we may suppose; in its vaults were stored up $5,000,000 of specie; and its buildings and the land they stood on had cost them something less than $500,000, and were worth at least that. So that there was "a balance for contingencies" of above $500,000 dollars. The secretary proposed, not only to renew the charter, but that its capital should ultimately be increased to $30,000,000. And he specified certain

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conditions, which he thought should be attached to the renewal, for he admitted that there were weighty "objec tions" to the continuance of the institution, under its existing charter.

Early in January, the select committee of the House, Mr. Burwell, of Virginia, being chairman, reported a bill for the renewal of the charter. On the 16th, the bill was taken up in com mittee of the whole, and a long and animated debate ensued. Burwell, Macon, Porter, and others, opposed, Fiske, Key, Garland, etc., advocated the renewal. The speeches were able on both sides; and the motion of Mr. Burwell, to strike out the first section, prevailed by a vote of fifty-nine to forty-six. On the 24th, the whole subject was indefinitely postponed by a vote of sixty-five to sixty-four.

1811.

Mr.

The committee of the Senate, Mr. Crawford, of Virginia, being chairman, introduced a bill, on the 5th of February, for the renewal of the charter. An animated debate sprang up on a motion made by Mr. Anderson, of Tennessee, to strike out the first section. Crawford ably defended the constitutionality and expediency of the measure, and indignantly repelled the charge of apostasy made against him by the other democratic Senators. warmly supported by Richard Brent, of Virginia, and John Pope, of Kentucky, belonging to the same party; and by James Lloyd and Timothy Pickering, of Massachusetts, and John Taylor, of South Carolina. In opposition to the renewal of the charter, Henry Clay distinguished himself, as did also Messrs. Giles and Samuel Smith. The

He was

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