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interpretation of the aims of Germany-that is, of governmental Germany-it is far more significant than any declarations made by her or on her behalf at the present time. Such declarations are more or less affected by the desire to influence the public opinion of the ne itral nations. General Bernhardi's volume is addressed to Germany. Its object is to interpret to Germans their duty. The public opinion of the rest of the civilized world is not in the writer's mind. This book may therefore properly be called an interpretation of Germany's spirit and purpose by a distinguished representative of the Prussian war party. As such we here attempt to give it to our readers as fully and as fairly as we can within the limits of a single article. Το the students of the history of this year we recommend a careful perusal of the volume itself. In what follows we state the more essential ideas of that volume as far as possible in the words of the author, using quotation marks only for a few of the more important utterances.

Germany has been a peace-loving nation. A rude shock is needed to awaken its warlike instincts, and compel it to show its military strength. The aspirations for peace threaten to poison the soul of the German people. War is not merely a necessary element in the life of nations, but an indispensable factor of culture. And for three rea

sons.

War is a biological necessity. It is a phase of the struggle for existence and the survival of the fittest. It is true, that it temporarily disturbs industrial life, interrupts quiet economical development, brings widespread misery with it, and emphasizes the primitive brutality of man. But it is nevertheless a necessity for national life. Healthy nations increase in numbers. They require new territory for the accommodation of their surplus population and must obtain it by conquest, which thus becomes a law of necessity. This right of conquest is universally acknowledged. In such cases might becomes the supreme right, and the dispute as to what is right is decided by the arbitrament of war, which gives a biologically just decision, since that decision rests on the very nature of things. Industrial conditions may compel the same result. The native population cannot consume all the products of the nation's industries. They depend, therefore, on exportation. This necessity creates an embit

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tered struggle in the markets of the world, and war is required to enable the nation to create colonies which will take the products of its industries.

War is also a moral necessity. It is political idealism which calls for war, while materialism-in theory, at least-repudiates it. It is only the State which strives after an enlarged sphere of influence that creates the conditions under which mankind develops into the most splendid perfection. When the State recoils from every war which is necessary for its expansion, each individual becomes cramped, selfishness and intrigue run riot, and luxury obliterates idealism. Wars are terrible but necessary, for they save the State from social petrifaction and stagnation.

War is also a Christian necessity. It demands the exercise of constancy, pity, magnanimity, heroism, and absolute selfforgetful devotion to one's country. "Christian morality is based, indeed, on the law of love. Love God above all things, and thy neighbor as thyself." But this law can claim no significance for the relations of one country to another, since its application to politics would lead to a conflict of duties. The love which a man showed to another country as such would imply a want of love for his own countrymen. Such a system of politics must inevitably lead men astray. Thus, according to Christianity, we cannot disapprove of war in itself, but must admit that it is justified morally and historically." "Any action in favor of collective humanity outside the limits of the State and nationality is impossible. Such conceptions belong to the wide domain of Utopias.”

Arbitration treaties are detrimental to an aspiring people which is bent on extending its power in order to play its part honorably in the civilized world. "The efforts directed towards the abolition of war must not only be termed foolish, but absolutely immoral, and must be stigmatized as unworthy of the human race. . . . A one-sided, restricted, formal law is to be established in the place of the decisions of history. The weak nation is to have the same right to life as the powerful nation. The whole idea represents a presumptuous encroachment on the natural laws of development, which can only lead to the most disastrous consequences for humanity generally."

War is a peculiar necessity for Germany at the present time. It is necessary to

recover for the nation that unity which is lamentably deficient to-day; to retain for Germany that strength of the German nation which has been pouring into foreign countries and lost to the fatherland; to secure for Germany colonial territory where its increasing population may find remunerative work and a German way of living; to protect Germany from Slavonic races which are ever dashing against her coast. If Germany is to succeed in guarding its present possessions and preserving the German nationality in its present form throughout the world, it must not hold back in the hard struggle for the sovereignty of the world.

"All

This necessity is accented by the rivalry of France, which has created for herself the second largest colonial empire in the world, while the conqueror of Gravelotte and Sedan in this respect lags far behind her. which other nations attained in centuries of natural development-political union, colonial possessions, naval power, international trade--was denied to our nation until quite recently. What we now wish to attain must be fought for, and won against a superior force of hostile interests and Powers."

War is not only a necessity for Germany, it is a duty which she owes to the world. "There is no nation whose thinking is at once so free from prejudice and so historical as the German, which knows how to unite so harmoniously the freedom of the intellectual and the restraint of the practical life on the path of free and natural development." "No nation on the face of the globe is so `able to grasp and appropriate all elements of culture, to add to them from the stores of its own spiritual endowment, and to give back to mankind richer gifts than it received." "We often see in other nations a greater intensity of specialized ability, but never the same capacity for generalization and absorption. It is this quality which specially fits us for the leadership in the intellectual world, and imposes on us the obligation to maintain that position." Germans of every profession are actively employed throughout the world in the service of foreign masters. But this is not enough. The fulfillment of Germany's duty to the world will depend on two points: first, how many millions of men in the world speak German; secondly, how many of them are politically members of the German Empire.

Thus the issue is presented to Germany: "world power or downfall." In meeting

this issue Germany must take the aggressive, as did Frederick the Great, and, in more recent history. Japan in her struggle with Russia. Germany must not wait until war is forced upon her. To wait until war is forced upon Germany, under conditions unfavorable to her, is to court political downfall. "We must remain conscious in all such eventualities that we cannot, under any circumstances, avoid fighting for our position in the world, and that the all-important point is, not to postpone that war as long as possible, but to bring it on under the most favorable conditions possible." In war the advantages are with the attacking party. Germany must therefore during the period of preparation raise the tactical value and capabilities of the troops as much as possible, and then in the war itself "act on the offensive and strike the first blow."

In such a war Germany must expect the hostility of the civilized world. The German Empire is hated everywhere because of its political and economic prosperity." The Triple Alliance will probably break up by the withdrawal from it of Italy. Russia at present has no inducement to seek an aggressive war with Germany or to take part in one." But her policy of marking time can be only transitory. Germany will always find her on the side of those who try to cross Germany's political paths. England, whose aim it is to repress Germany and strengthen France, will be Germany's chief enemy upon the sea. Specific protestations of England's politicians. publicists, and Utopians may be disregarded. A specific agreement with England is a will-o'-the-wisp which no serious German statesman would trouble to follow. To England the neutrality of Holland or Belgium would be a matter of no moment. "That England would pay much attention to the neutrality of weaker neighbors when such a stake was at issue is hardly credible." very valuable results can be expected from a war against England's trade. Nevertheless the war against the English must be belligerently prosecuted and should start unexpectedly.

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No

The prizes which fall into our hands must be remorselessly destroyed, since it will usually be impossible, owing to the great English superiority and the few bases we have abroad, to bring them back in safety without exposing our vessels to great risks." It is, however, upon France that Germany's attack must first be made. "France must be so completely

crushed that she can never again come across our path."

In such a conflict the other members of the Triple Alliance will owe no duty to support Germany, for "neither Austria nor Italy is in any way bound to support by armed force a German policy directed towards an increase of power." The neutrality of Belgium will not defend Germany from an invasion by the English, for neutrality is only a paper bulwark." But if invasion of that neutrality is attempted, it will be the duty of the other Powers to intervene, for by the treaties of London of November 15, 1831, and of April 19, 1839, on the part of the five great Powers, it is made the duty of the contracting Powers to take steps to protect this neutrality when all agree that it is menaced ;" and " each individual Power has the right to interfere if it considers the neutrality menaced.”

Our object in the foregoing résumé of General Bernhardi's book is not to criticise or comment upon the platform of the war party of Prussia, but only to report it to our readers as it is interpreted by one of the rccognized leaders of that party. We complete that report by adding that there is not in the volume any suggestion that either the Latin, the Slav, or the Oriental races can add anything to the world's development; that anything has been added to music, art, literature, science, or human freedom by Italy, France, Russia, or Japan, though there is a concession that England has done something for commerce. Nor is there any suggestion that it is either possible or desirable to secure an opportunity for Germany's free national development by establishing friendly relations with either England or France. There is no suggestion that a strong nation owes any duties to a weaker nation, and it is almost explicitly stated that a small nation has no right to exist. There is only a remote suggestion that Germany needs to defend herself or Europe against a Slav aggression, and, on the contrary, it is frankly affirmed that Russia has at present no inducement to seek an aggressive war with Germany or take part in one.

Such are the spirit and purpose of the Prussian war party which has brought on this European war. Imbued with the spirit of Frederick the Great, that party calls on Germany to challenge the nations to a world conflict in order that she may crush a hated rival, dominate Europe, and win for herself

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a world sovereignty, under which no small nation will have a right to live, and no great nation until it has proved its greatness at the mouth of the cannon and the point of the bayonet.

REFUGES

You are weary of the war. You would escape from it. Your spirit responds to the cry, O that I had wings like a dove, that I might fly away and be at rest! We recommend to you two retreats to which you may fly.

Read a good love story. You will rise from reading it refreshed, with a new conviction that "love is the greatest thing in the world." Love's silences will outlast the roar of rage. When the blare of the trumpet and the boom of the cannon cease, love will spring up again in the hearts of young men and maidens, of mothers and children. For hate is of the Evil One and short-lived; love is of God and immortal. The birds sing and mate on the field of Waterloo.

Then read the Forty-sixth Psalm in the version of the Book of Common Prayer: God is our hope and strength. "A very present help in trouble.

"Therefore will we not fear, though the earth be removed,

"And though the hills be carried into the midst of the sea,

"Though the waters thereof rage and swell, "And though the mountains shake at the tempest of the same.

"The rivers of the flood thereof shall make glad the city of God,

"The holy peace of the tabernacle of the Most Highest."

Chaos leads to creation. The travail of the world is the promise of a new life. The Napoleonic campaigns delivered Europe from the rule of irresponsible monarchs. The present campaign may deliver Europe from the rule of the armed man. "All the armor of the armed man in the tumult, and the garments rolled in blood, shall be for burning, for fuel of fire."

Is this terrible war the fire that is consuming them? That is not an impossible, not an improbable, hope.

The love romance may revive your threatened faith in love. The psalmist and the prophet may re-establish your threatened faith in God.

Love and God are the two refuges.

LETTERS TO UNKNOWN

FRIENDS

Why is there so much profanity in the world? What is the psychology of it?

What various effectual methods of quenching it do you know of? What legal ways?

It is difficult for me to understand the psychology of profanity. I can easily see why men should steal, should kill, should commit adultery, should slander their neighbors. These sins are explicable. It is very difficult for me to see why they should swear. It seems to be a perfectly useless transgression, not only of the divine law, but of the rules of cultivated and refined society. It never adds anything to a man's reputation, and it often detracts from his reputation. Probably a great deal of it is due simply to stupid, unthinking imitation, a good deal of it to a habit formed the swearer hardly knows how, and continued when the swearer is hardly conscious of it. So far as there is any ostensible reason for it, it is a desire to emphasize one's veracity; it is a kind of travesty on the taking of an oath in a court of justice. As to the remedy, an appeal to the law may sometimes be made, but profanity is one of those vices which the law can do very little to correct. Example and instruction in childhood will do much more, so will public opinion in society condemning profanity as ungentlemanly and vulgar. There are a good many persons who are more afraid of bad form than they are of immorality. The fundamental remedy is the development of a real religious reverence, inculcated in children by the home, and in the community by the Christian Church.

1. What is your opinion of the Virgin birth "?

2. How do you interpret the statement that to be saved one must "believe on the Lord Jesus Christ"? I know many people who certainly fulfill the second of Christ's commandments-to love our neighbors as ourselves; yet, according to the orthodox belief, they fail in the first, of loving God, for they are, not atheists, but agnostics, honest and troubled doubters. Do you really think that they will be lost, and that others who have accepted Christ and fail to a greater or less extent in living up to his practical teachings of brotherly love will be saved?

3. Do you believe that no orthodox Jew will be saved, no matter how sincere his belief nor how it and helpful his life?

4. Do you believe in a personal God who directs our lives, and, while not actually sending troubles to us, yet allows them to come, since they are all in his plan? Are we not rather put here with minds and wills of our own, and if we break any of his laws or use poor judg ment in utilizing all his facilities-why, we pay the price? If things go wrong, it seems to me, it is "up to us" to struggle valiantly, asking God to make us brave and strong, but not asking him to perform miracles and change the thing itself. Am I right? S.

I cannot answer definitely your first question. I can only say that the question of the Virgin birth does not seem to me to be one of the first importance. It is never referred to by Christ or by the Apostles either in their preaching or in their epistles, nor is it mentioned in the Gospels of Mark and John. To regard the Virgin birth as of the same importance as the Resurrection of Jesus Christ seems to me to put upon it an emphasis that neither Christ nor the New Testament writers put upon it. There is, however, nothing either in the condition of the manuscripts or in the literary quality of the narrative to indicate that it is an addition of a later date.

Your second question involves another : Saved from what? If a patient has faith in his doctor, he is saved from the apprehensions which beset a patient who is skeptical of his doctor's ability. If a merchant has faith in his bank, he is saved from the fears which beset a merchant who has heard and believed a report that the bank is about to stop payment. He who has faith in a divine Saviour willing to help and able to help all those that come to him seeking his help is saved from the spiritual burden of those who are trying to live a righteous life without any assurance of forgiveness for their failures or of help to enable them to realize their spiritual desires. I admire the courage of my agnostic friends who adhere to a path of personal virtue and unselfish service while professing that they know nothing of any divine Helper here or any future life hereafter, but I am sure that my own faith in a divine Helper here and in a future life hereafter, when much that now seems dark will be explained, saves me from much sorrow which would fall upon me without this faith.

To your third question I will answer in the words of Paul: God "will render to every man according to his deeds; to them who by patient continuance in well-doing seek for glory and honor and immortality, eternal life. "