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taken the chance which offered itself of at many has “inspired- fear," and they have little cost retaliating for the injury inflicted not. Nevertheless, this writer drew the conupon them in the past and removing an clusion that “fear" was the only emotion obstacle to their future dominance in eastern which ought not to be inspired; and he advoAsia. Korea is absolutely Japan's. To be cated our abandonment of battle-ships and sure, by treaty it was solemnly covenanted other means of defense, so that we might that Korea should remain independent. But never inspire “ fear” in any one. He forgot Korea was itself helpless to enforce the treaty, that, while it is a bad thing to inspire fear, it and it was out of the question to suppose that is a much worse thing to inspire contempt. any other nation with no interest of its own Another newspaper writer pointed out that at stake would attempt to do for the Koreans on the frontier between us and Canada there what they were utterly unable to do for them- were no forts, and yet peace obtained; and selves. Moreover, the treaty rested on the drew the conclusion that forts and armed false assumption that Korea could govern forces were inimical to national safety. This herself well. It had already been shown that worthy soul evidently did not know that she could not in any real sense govern her- Luxemburg had no forts or armed forces, and self at all. Japan could not afford to see therefore succumbed without a protest of any Korea in the hands of a great foreign Power. kind. If he does not admire the heroism of She regarded her duty to her children and the Belgians and prefer it to the tame subher children's children as overriding her treaty mission of the Luxemburgers, then this writer obligations. Therefore, when Japan thought is himself unfit to live as a free man in a free the right time had come, it calmly tore up the country. The crown of ineptitude, however, treaty and took Korea, with the polite and was reached by an editor who announced, in businesslike efficiency it had already shown praising the recent all-inclusive peace treaties, in dealing with Russia, and was afterwards that “ had their like been in existence between to show in dealing with Germany. some of the European nations two weeks ago, treaty, when tested, proved as utterly worth- the world might have been spared the Great less as our own recent all-inclusive arbitra- War.” It is rather hard to deal seriously with tion treaties—and worthlessness can go no such a supposition. At this very moment the further.

utter worthlessness of even the rational treaHysteria does not tend towards edification ; ties drawn to protect Belgium and Luxemburg and in this country hysteria is unfortunately has been shown. To suppose that under too often the earmark of the ultra-pacificist. such conditions a bundle of bits of paper Surely at this time there is more reason than representing mere verbiage, with no guaranever to remember Professor Lounsbury's re- tee, would count for anything whatever in a mark concerning the “infinite capacity of the great crisis is to show ourselves unfit to conhuman brain to withstand the introduction of trol the destinies of a great, just, and selfknowledge.” The comments of some doubt- respecting people. less well-meaning citizens of our own country These writers wish us to abandon all upon the lessons taught by this terrible cata- means of defending ourselves. Some of clysm of war are really inexplicable to any them advocate our abandoning the building man who forgets the truth that Professor of an efficient fleet. Yet at this moment Lounsbury thus set forth. A writer of arti- Great Britain owes it that she is not in worse cles for a newspaper syndicate the other day plight than Belgium solely to the fact that stated that Germany was being opposed by with far-sighted wisdom her statesmen have the rest of the world because it had “ inspired maintained her navy at the highest point of fear.” This thesis can, of course, be sus- efficiency. At this moment the Japanese tained. But Belgium has inspired no fear. have declared war against the Germans, and Yet it has suffered infinitely more than Ger- hostilities are taking place in what but twenty many. Luxemburg inspired no fear. Yet years ago was Chinese territory, and what by it has been quietly taken possession of by treaty is unquestionably Chinese territory Germany. The writer in question would to-day. China has protested against the find it puzzling to point out the particulars Japanese violation of Chinese neutrality in its in which Belgium and Luxemburg—not to operations against the Germans, but no heed speak of China and Korea—are at this has been paid to the protest, for China canmoment better off than Germany. Of course not back the protest by the use of armed they are worse off; and this because Ger- force. Moreover, as China is reported to have pointed out to Germany, the latter One of the main lessons to learn from this Power had violated Chinese neutrality just as war is embodied in the homely proverb, Japan had done. Very possibly the writers Speak softly and carry a big stick." Perabove alluded to were sincere in their belief that sistently only half of this proverb has been they were advocating what was patriotic and quoted in deriding the men who wish to safewise when they urged that the United States guard our National interest and honor. Permake itself utterly defenseless so as to avoid sistently the effort has been made to insist giving an excuse for aggression. Yet these that those who advocate keeping our country writers ought to have known that during

able to defend its rights are merely adopting their own lifetime China has been utterly "the policy of the big stick." In reality, we lay defenseless, and yet has suffered from ag- equal emphasis on the fact that it is necessary gression after aggression. Large portions of to speak softly; in other words, that it is necesits territory are now in the possession of sary to be respectful toward all people and scruRussia, of Japan, of Germany, of France, of pulously to refrain from wronging them, while England. The great war between Russia at the same time keeping ourselves in conand Japan was fought on what was nominally dition to prevent wrong being done to us. Chinese territory. At present, because a If a nation does not in this sense speak few weeks ago Servian assassins murdered softly, thenesooner or later the policy of the the heir to the Austrian monarchy, Japan big stick is certain to result in war. But is fighting Germany on Chinese territory. what befell Luxemburg six weeks ago, what Luxemburg has been absolutely powerless has befallen China again and again during and defenseless, has had no soldiers and no the past quarter of a century, shows that no forts. It is off the map at this moment. amount of speaking softly will save any people Not only are none of the belligerents think- which does not carry a big stick. ing about its rights, but no neutral is thinking I earnestly believe in peace. I respect about its rights, and this simply because every sincere and upright man who with Luxemburg could not defend itself. It is

wisdom and proper sense of perspective our duty to be patient with every kind of does all he can at peace conferences, or by folly, but it is hard for a good American, for the negotiation of reasonable arbitration a man to whom his country is dear, and who treaties, or by the utilization of the Hague reveres the memories of Washington and International Court in proper cases, to miniLincoln, to be entirely patient with the kind mize the chances of war among civilized of folly that advocates reducing this country nations, and to give the opportunity to use to the position of China and Luxemburg. other means than war for the settlement of

There is even a possible question whether international disputes. A little good can we are not ourselves, like other come from all these movements, but only on tral powers, violating obligations which we condition that there is no attempt made to have explicitly or implicitly assumed in the erect shams and say they are truths or to Hague treaties. In Chapter I of the Con- pretend to be doing what we are not doing. vention defining the rights and duties of neu- A little good can come, but only on condition trals, the Tenth Article reads : “ The fact of that nations remember that as yet arbitration a neutral power resisting even by force treaties, neutrality treaties, treaties for the attempts to violate its neutrality cannot be erection of independent tribunals, treaties of regarded as a hostile act." The precise all kinds, can do nothing to save a nation in worth of this particular provision-and of all great crises unless that nation is able to deother provisions in all these treaties, save as fend its own honor, its own vital interests. they are backed by force—is beautifully illus- America should have a coherent policy of trated by what has befallen Belgium at this action toward foreign powers, and this should time. All that she has suffered has been primarily be based on the determination exactly and precisely because she did resist never to give offense when it can be avoided, by force attempts to violate her neutrality.” always to treat other nations justly and In theory, so far as paper treaties go, she courteously, and, as long as present condicannot be considered to have committed tions exist, to be prepared to defend our " hostile acts." In practice, Germany so treats own rights ourselves. No other nation will her acts. Under actual conditions this Hague defend them for us. No paper guarantee or guarantee would excite laughter were not the treaty will be worth the paper on which it is tragedy such as to move us to tears instead. written if it becomes to the interest of some


other power to violate it, unless we have mentably short of our ideals, but our ideals have strength, and courage and ability to use that been high, and at times we have measurably strength, back of the treaty. Every public realized them. Last spring some of our foes man, every writer who speaks with wanton in Vera Cruz were guilty of the same misconoffensiveness of a foreign power or of a duct as that because of the existence of which, foreign people, whether he attacks England as is alleged, Louvain was destroyed; but it or France or Germany, whether he assails never entered our heads to destroy Vera the Russians or the Japanese, is doing an Cruz. When we found that our share of the injury to the whole American body politic. Chinese indemnity paid us after the Boxer We have plenty of shortcomings at home to outrages was excessive, we returned it to correct before we start out to criticise the China. When we gave our word to make shortcomings of others. Now and then it Cuba independent, we kept our word-and becomes imperatively necessary in the inter- none of the chancelleries of Europe thought ests of humanity, or in our own vital in- we would do so. From the beginning we terest, to act in a manner which will cause have recognized what is taught in the words offense to some other power. This is a of Washington, and again in the great crisis lamentable necessity ; but when the neces- of our National life in the words of Lincoln, sity arises we must meet it and act as that in the past free peoples have generally we are honorably bound to act, no matter split and sunk on that great rock of difficulty what offense is given. We must always caused by the fact that a government which weigh well our duties in such a case, and con- recognizes the liberties of the people is not sider the rights of others as well as our own usually strong enough to preserve the liberrights, in the interest of the world at large. ties of the people against outside aggression. If after such consideration it is evident Washington and Lincoln believed that ours that we are bound to act along a certain was a strong people, and therefore fit for line of policy, then it is mere weakness to a strong government. They believed that refrain from doing so because offense is it was only weak peoples that had to fear thereby given. But we must never act strong governments, and that to us it was wantonly or brutally, or without regard to the given to combine freedom and efficiency. essentials of genuine morality—a morality They belonged among that line of statesmen considering our interests as well as the inter- and public servants whose existence has ests of others, and considering the interests of been the negation of the theory that goodfuture generations as well as of the present ness is always associated with weakness, and generation. We must so conduct ourselves that strength always finds its expression that every big nation and every little nation in violent wrong-doing. Edward the Conthat behaves itself shall never have to fessor represented exactly the type which think of us with fear, and shall have confi- treats weakness and virtue as interchangedence not only in our justice but in our able terms. His reign was the prime courtesy. Submission to wrong-doing on our cause of the conquest of England. Godoy, part would be mere weakness and would in- the Spanish statesman, a century ago, by vite and insure disaster. We must not sub- the treaties he entered into and carried mit to wrong done to our honor or to our out, actually earned the title of “Prince vitai National interests. But we must be of Peace " instead of merely lecturing about scrupulously careful always to speak with it; and the result of his peacefulness was the courtesy and self-restraint to others, always loss by Spain of the vast regions which she to act decently to others, and to give no then held in our country west of the Missisnation any justification for believing that it sippi, and finally the overthrow of the Spanhas anything to fear from us as long as it ish national government, the setting up in behaves with decency and uprightness. Madrid of a foreign king by a foreign con

Above all, let us avoid the policy of peace queror, and a long-drawn and incredibly dewith insult, the policy of unpreparedness to structive war. To statesmen of this kind defend our rights, with inability to restrain Washington and Lincoln stand in as sharp our representatives from doing wrong to or contrast as they stand on the other side to the publicly speaking ill of others. The worst great absolutist chiefs such as Cæsar, Napopolicy for the United States is to combine leon, Frederick the Great, and Cromwell. the unbridled tongue with the unready hand. What was true of the personality of Washing

We in this country have of course come la- ton and Lincoln was true of the policy they sought to impress upon our nation. They the people.

This, in its turn, would render it were just as hostile to the theory that virtue probably a little more unlikely that there was to be confounded with weakness as to would be a repetition of such disastrous the theory that strength justified wrong- warfare. I do not think that at present doing. No abundance of the milder virtues it would prevent the possibility of warfare. will save a nation that has lost the virile I think that in the great countries engaged, qualities ; and, on the other hand, no admira- the peoples as a whole have been behind tion of strength must make us deviate from their sovereigns on both sides of this conthe laws of righteousness. The kind of test. Certainly the action of the Socialists " peace" advocated by the ultra-pacificists of in Germany, France, and Belgium, and, so 1776 would have meant that we never would far as we know, of the popular leaders in have had a country ; the kind of "peace Russia, would tend to bear out the truth of advocated by the ultra-pacificists in the early this statement. But the growth of the power '60s would have meant the absolute de- of the people, while it would not prevent war, struction of the country. It would have would at least render it more possible than at been criminal weakness for Washington not present to make appeals which might result to have fought for the independence of this in some cases in coming to an accommodacountry, and for Lincoln not to have fought tion based upon justice ; for justice is what for the preservation of the Union ; just as popular rule must be permanently based upon in an infinitely smaller degree it would have and must permanently seek to obtain or it been criminal weakness for us if we had will not itself be permanent. permitted wrong-doing in Cuba to go on for- Moreover, the horror that right-thinking ever unchecked, or if we had failed to insist citizens feel over the awful tragedies of this on the building of the Panama Canal in ex- war can hardly fail to make sensible men actly the fashion that we did insist; and, take an interest in genuine peace movements above all, if we had failed to build up our and try to shape them so that they shall be navy as during the last twelve years it has more practical than at present. I most earbeen built up. No alliance, no treaty, and nestly believe in every rational movement for no easy good will of other nations will save peace. My objection is only to movements us if we are not true to ourselves; and, on that do not in very fact tell in favor of peace the other hand, if we wantonly give offense or else that sacrifice righteousness to peace. to others, if we excite hatred and fear, then Of course this includes objection to all treaties some day we will pay a heavy penalty. that make believe to do what, as a matter of

The most important lesson, therefore, for fact, they fail to do. Under existing conus to learn from Belgium's fate is that, as ditions universal and all-inclusive arbitration things in the world now are, we must in any treaties have been utterly worthless, because great crisis trust for our national safety to where there is no power to compel nations our ability and willingness to defend our- to arbitrate, and where it is perfectly certain selves by our own trained strength and that some nations will pay no respect to courage. We must not wrong others; and such agreements unless they can be forced for our own safety we must trust, not to to do so, it is mere folly for others to trust worthless bits of paper unbacked by power, to promises impossible of performance; and and to treaties that are fundamentally foolish, it is an act of positive bad faith to make but to our own manliness and clear-sighted these promises when it is certain that the willingness to face facts.

nation making them would violate them. But There is, however, another lesson which this does not in the least mean that we must this huge conflict may at least possibly teach. abandon hope of taking action which will There is at least a chance that from this ca- lessen the chance of war and make it more lamity a movement may come which will at possible to circumscribe the limits of war's once supplement and in the future perhaps devastation. altogether supplant the need of the kind of For this result we must largely trust to action so plainly indicated by the demands of sheer growth in morality and intelligence the present. It is at least possible that the among the nations themselves. For a hunconflict will result in a growth of democracy dred years peace has obtained between us in Europe, in at least a partial substitution and Great Britain. No frontier in Europe is of the rule of the people for the rule of those as long as the frontier between Canada and who esteem it their God-given right to govern ourselves, and yet there is not a fort, nor an


armed force worthy of being called such, upon ized military powers to back righteousness by it. This does not result from any arbitration force. Such an agreement would establish an treaty or any other treaty. Such treaties as efficient World League for the Peace of Rightthose now existing are as a rule observed only

Such an agreement could limit the when they serve to make a record of condi- amount to be spent on armaments and, after tions that already exist and which they do defining carefully the inalienable rights of not create. The fact simply is that there has each nation which were not to be transbeen such growth of good feeling and intelli- gressed by any other, could also provide that gence that war between us and the British any cause of difference among them, or beEmpire is literally an impossibility, and there tween one of them and one of a certain is no more chance of military movements number of designated outside non-military across the Canadian border than there is of nations, should be submitted to an intersuch movement between New York and New national court, including citizens of all these Hampshire or Quebec and Ontario. Slowly nations, chosen not as representatives of the but surely, I believe, such feelings will grow, nations, but as judges-and perhaps in any until war between the Englishman and the given case the particular judges could be choGerman, or the Russian, or the Frenchman, sen by lot from the total number. To suppleor between any of them and the American, ment and make this effectual it should be solwill be as unthinkable as now between the emnly covenanted that if any nation refused Englishman or Canadian and the Amer- to abide by the decision of such a court the ican.

others would draw the sword on behalf of But something can be done to hasten this peace and justice and would unitedly coerce day by wise action. It may not be possible

It may not be possible the recalcitrant nation. This plan would at once to have this action as drastic as would not automatically bring peace, and it may be be ultimately necessary; but we should keep too soon to hope for its adoption; but if some our purpose in view. The utter weakness of such scheme could be adopted, in good faith the Hague Court, and the worthlessness when and with a genuine purpose behind it to make strain is put upon them of most treaties, it effective, then we would have come nearer spring from the fact that at present there is to the day of world peace. World peace will no means of enforcing the carrying out of not come save in some such manner as that the treaty or enforcing the decision of the whereby we obtain peace within the borders Court. Under such circumstances recom- of each nation ; that is, by the creation of mendations for universal disarmament stand reasonably impartial judges and by putting on an intellectual par with recommendations an efficient police power—that is, by putting to establish "peace

" in New York City by force in efficient fashion-behind the decrees doing away with the police. Disarmament of the judges. At present each nation must of the free and liberty-loving nations would in the last resort trust to its own strength if mean merely insuring the triumph of some it is to preserve all that makes life worth barbarism or despotism, and if logically ap- having. At present this is imperative. This plied would mean the extinction of liberty state of things can be abolished only when and of all that makes civilization worth having we put force, when we put the collective throughout the world. But in view of what armed power of civilization, behind some has occurred in this war, surely the time body which shall with reasonable justice and ought to be ripe for the nations to consider equity represent the collective determination a great world agreement among all the civil- of civilization to do what is right.

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