The house and lot looked natural and yet withal sadly changed in some respects. I seemed to myself to be in a dream. But my heart went up in fervent thanksgiving to Almighty God for preserving and guiding me back once more to this spot so dear to me. And with this entry this Journal closes forever: Linton this day left me for his home. He went to meet again his dear little ones. He has been constantly with me since the 1st of September. He has a severe cold, and I fear he got wet to-day for it commenced raining soon after he left. I am to look after my affairs here and at the homestead, to see my dear ones there. Next week I am to go over to see Linton and his children. May God bless him! D CONCLUSION URING Mr. Stephens's stay in New York, his room at the Astor House was thronged with callers, among these Senator Wilson, George T. Curtis, and a number of other prominent men. His appearance, as described by the press, was that of a "skeleton with eyes more piercing in their gaze by reason of the straggling white locks that fell over his temples in silken threads." Until his imprisonment, his hair had kept its glossy chestnut. He "walked with the feebleness of age"; his "conversation, manner, and handgrasp indicated his natural goodness of heart." The Georgia Legislature, convening under the Johnson reconstruction measures, elected him, over his protest, to the United States Senate. In a letter, Feb. 5, 1866, to President Johnson, explaining "the motives of the Legislature," Mr. Stephens said: It was thought that as the Hon. H. V. Johnson [elected for the short term] and myself had been the most prominent exponents of the Union sentiment of the large body throughout the South who had gone with their States against their judgment, our utterances would be received as most expositive of their views now to say nothing of secessionists, who, I assure you, as I did at Fort Warren, are more ready to listen to me now. I have no desire for office. Still I could not refuse the call of the people to serve them if I be permitted to do so. I can of course do nothing unless my parole shall be enlarged, and I be at least permitted to go to Washington and confer with you. I do not wish to embarrass you in your policy for the restoration of the Union. If you think my presence in Washington would not only do no good in this respect but would in the least degree embarrass you, I do not ask enlargement of parole. But if, on the contrary, you may be of opinion that it would do no harm and might possibly do some good, then I respectfully ask it. Individually, I think that a personal conference with you and others at Washington might do some good. Still, I may be mistaken. The parole was granted Feb. 26. On Washington's birthday, he addressed the Legislature, advising cheerful acceptance of the issues of war, charity, patience, a fair trial of the new system as affecting the Negro, with qualified suffrage for the race. "The whole United States is our country to be cherished and defended as such by all our hearts and arms," he said. The address was widely published and applauded. His evidence before the Reconstruction Committee of Congress was of similar temper on like points, though a brave and candid exposition of the Southern attitude on all matters about which he was questioned. The New York Times pronounced it "statesmanlike" and "the ablest analysis of Southern political action" yet given. Of the Washington atmosphere toward him socially and of his impression of it politically, we are informed by Mr. Stephens in this letter in April 8, 1866, to his brother: The President received me with frankness and, I may say, cordially. The Cabinet received me as cordially as any Cabinet ever did. All sides - Democrats and Republicans, Conservatives and Radicals - seemed glad to see me. General Grant seems to be very marked in his regards for me. The invitation given me to spend |