rather than reduce himself and family to beggary, by attempting to gain redress. It is always painful to be obliged to speak in terms of distrust of any general order of men, and particularly of a body like the clergy, among whom are so many bright examples of piety, learning, and benevolence. It is admitted that the objections now urged, are founded on the conviction that the power extended will be abused; but this mode of reasoning is fully justified by the prevailing disposition of the clergy, to visit non-conformity with their displeasure; by the increase of influence which the present Bill proposes to give them, and the absence of any adequate check to prevent or redress its abuse.

The reader's attention is now requested to that part of the Bill, by which it is enacted, in the following terms, that the school-master must be a member of the Church of England.

"Provided further, and it is hereby enacted, that "the Rector, Vicar, or perpetual Curate residing, or "the Curate or other resident officiating Minister, "shall have the power to call before him the person "chosen and reported to him by the senior church "or chapel warden as aforesaid, and to examine him

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touching his fitness for the place of school-master, "and shall not approve of him for such master, unless "he be satisfied that he is a member of the Church of England as by law established: Provided also, that "it shall and may be lawful for the meeting of house"holders assembled as aforesaid to choose, and for "the resident officiating Minister to approve as

"school-master under this Act, the clerk of the parish

or chapelry within which the school is situated, for "which a master is wanted, or the parish or chapel "clerk of any of the other parishes or chapels with "which such school is joined, under the provision "of this Act."

Against the principle involved in this clause, every Dissenter from the Church establishment has a right most solemnly to protest. If the schools to be established were to be supported at the expense of any one sect, and confined to the education of the children of its members, then indeed the election of a master, might, with some appearance of reason, be so restricted; but in a general measure for the instruction of all, in which not only the interests, but the feelings, of all should be consulted, can such an exclusive principle be recognized by the legislature, without the grossest violation of justice? What is the only inference that can be drawn from this clause? Why, that all individuals, not members of the National Church, are unworthy of being entrusted with the education of the children of their fellow-citizens, or with the management of schools at which even their own children are expected to attend; and this unjust principle is now to be enforced, after the office of schoolmaster has been for so many years, and in such numerous instances, filled by Dissenters, with advantage to society.

We live in times, when conformity to the Established Church is no longer considered as a necessary test of attachment to the Constitution, or of allegiance to the Throne; when on the grounds of

expedieucy, as well as justice, we have a right to look for the repeal of those obnoxious statutes, which inflict civil disabilities for the exercise of religious profession, and the continuance of which is regarded by most enlightened Churchmen, as a disgrace to the laws, and a severe reflection on our national character. In the present day, when the Protestant Dissenters form so large a portion of the population; when their love to their country, and attachment to its institutions are not questioned; when their zeal in advancing the improvement and happiness of their fellow-subjects is generally acknowledged; at such a period, will the Parliament of England sanction and act upon a principle so odious, as to exclude, for mere difference of religious opinion, from the situation of parish schoolmaster, a valuable class of men who have already filled, and proved their qualifications for, the office? The tests already imposed were framed at periods when the rights of conscience were but imperfectly understood. They are sufficiently grievous without the religious profession of the Non-conformist being again impugned, and his worldly advancement still further impeded. And yet, because the Dissenters feel alarmed at this threatened invasion of their privileges-at this addition to the number of their present disabilities-at this attempt to narrow the charter of their liberties;because they temperately protest against a measure— the bare proposal of which is a public insult to their principles, and the operation of which will prove most oppressive-they have been stigmatised as restless disturbers, anxious to excite clamour, and prevent the adoption of a public benefit. The

Dissenters repel the imputation.-They had hoped that the general character of their body would have secured them from it, and they confidently ask whether their conduct since the introduction of this measure has not proved the falsehood of the charge? Some months have now elapsed since the Bill was brought forward, and they instantly expressed their decided repugnance to its main features, and their determination to oppose it; yet, in order to afford time to confer with the mover, and influenced by the hope of inducing him to withdraw the Bill, they not only abstained from holding Public Meetings, or preparing Petitions, but sent forth a circular, tending to moderate the alarm which the measure had excited; nor is it until all hopes of its abandonment are at an end, and Parliament has assembled, that the Dissenters have determined on the adoption of active measures of resistance. The Dissenters have therefore shewn no desire to agitate unnecessarily the public feeling, still less to defeat any plan calculated to promote the benefit of the community; but, on the present occasion, when the moral welfare of ther countrymen is deeply concerned, and their religious liberties manifestly endangered, they would be unworthy of their privileges as Englishmen, and their profession as Christians, were they to remain tamely silent, and not to exert their utmost powers to resist a Bill, fraught with injuries so serious to the best interests of society.

It has been stated, in defence of the Bill, that the system proposed to be established, has been found beneficial in other countries, and Scotland has been quoted, in support of the analogy; but, in truth, the

cases bear no parallel. In Scotland, the members of the Established Church, and the Seceders, though they differ on points of church government, concur in matters of faith. The catechism of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, which is taught universally in the Scottish schools, is approved by nearly all the Protestant population in that part of the United Kingdom.

The policy of placing the schools under ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and of uniting them to the Church Establishment, has been maintained, on the ground of giving them perpetuity; but it is not very clear how the union of such institutions, which are purely civil, with the national Church, can produce this effect. It will be generally acknowledged, that the permanence and stability of laws depend on their hold on public esteem and approbation. A measure calculated to ensure the universal instruction of the poor, on an enlarged basis, and not liable to the objections which have been urged, would be manifestly popular throughout the kingdom: and it is therefore difficult to comprehend how the permanency of schools will be more effectually secured by uniting them to a religious establishment.

It is however admitted, by the mover of the Bill, that though the measure professes to be national, it does confer exclusive privileges on the clergy of the Established Church; but it is contended, that whatever may be prejudicial to the Dissenters, from this circumstance, is counterbalanced by the moral good which the measure will eventually produce. Now the Dissenters believe, and it has been the