secondly, by their invincible hostility; thirdly, by their impending judgments. The argument is able and ingenious, and the concluding appeal to his hearers is, "Look on them as Christ looked; in a spirit of sympathy for their present condition, a spirit of faith as to their predicted restoration, a spirit of gratitude for the inestimable privileges into which we have been grafted in their stead." But the preacher preached most to himself: for he carried out his own argument into his own practice. Every individual Jew moved his pity and commanded his alms, if not by his virtues, by his faults and his miseries. In their most repulsive qualities Dr. Marsh still found, as Christ did, motives for compassion and aid. Here, then, if sometimes his recommendations of converted Jews might be deemed importunate or injudicious, his apology may be found in the tears of Jesus.

From Birmingham Dr. Marsh went to Leamington, in 1839, where he built a chapel at his own cost, with some small help from a few friends, and had the decided advocacy of Dr. Carr, the Bishop of Worcester, in his induction into it, against some threatened legal opposition-the very person who, in 1813, had withstood his tenure of St. James's, Brighton. The Bishop himself told the writer of this memorial, "Ah, if I had known Dr. Marsh then, and had been approached more kindly by his friends, he would never have had me for his opponent." Dr. Marsh's ministry at Leamington was conducted in the same spirit of sweetness and holiness as had marked his other charges. In 1851 he resigned it, and lived at Beckenham with his son-in-law, the Rev. F. S. C. Chalmers, who in that year had been appointed to Beckenham-enjoying his society and that of his daughters, assisting in the pulpit, and promoting every good word and work in the parish. He was now a veteran soldier retired on garrison duty, less seen in public, but perhaps more than ever attractive in his own family, as the finished model himself of all that he had ever taught to others. In 1860, not without considerable hesitation, he accepted the living of Beddington, the only living of value he ever held-and even this, by deductions and outgoings, was reduced to little more than half the value at which it stands in the Clergy List. Between sixty and seventy years, in times of many specious errors, and many phases of what is called earnest religion, Dr. Marsh, to the very last, stood forth the consistent champion of that faith which he embraced with his whole heart, and counted it an unspeakable honour to preach to others the same faith as his friends Mr. Cadogan, Mr. Cecil, and Simeon had spent their lives in maintaining before him. He is now, we nothing doubt, with that Saviour whom not having seen he loved, and rejoiced, even on earth, with joy unspeakable and full of glory. May the Lord send forth labourers like him into His vineyard!

PUBLIC AFFAIRS.

THE subject uppermost in our minds is the completion of the harvest; and we think our readers, whether "in populous cities pent," or dwellers in the open country, will agree with us, that it ought to claim the first place, both for its intrinsic importance, and for its claims upon our national gratitude. Though not abundant, it is extremely good. In consequence of the drought, it ripened prematurely; but no disease followed, and the grain of every kind has been gathered in excellent condition. Root crops alone have failed. And the grass has been burnt up. The consequence will be, that, through the winter, bread will be cheap and wholesome, but meat will be dear, and, being feed artificially, probably of an inferior quality. Those who have influence with the poor would do well to inform them beforehand of what lies before them. Again we take the opportunity, which we seize upon from year to year, to entreat Christian ministers, Christian gentlemen living upon their estates, and Christian farmers, to make their harvest homes something else than a scene of bacchanalian riot, or even of mere animal indulgence. Nothing can be easier. Every honest labourer waits for the change, and every parish in the kingdom will joyfully accept it. Other reforms are only accomplished after repeated defeats, and many painful disappointments; but in this case, to attempt is to succeed. Let the parish church be opened with a short service, and a cheerful address or short sermon; let there be a procession to and from the church, with as many flags and banners, drums and fifes, as the youth of the parish may wish to furnish. Let there be a moderate feast; very little beer at the dinner, and none afterwards. No dancing, no romping games; for under the best management these are never long without serious attendant evils. A few cheerful addresses should then be delivered, on social, moral, or religious subjects; and the short remainder of the day might be filled up with games for the young; while the elders might assemble under a tent, or in the school-room, for tea, a most welcome meal to labouring men. Such a harvest home leaves a savour upon the parish which is not forgotten through the year. Where the harvest home is kept on each estate or farm and on different days, which in large parishes is generally the case, there is no reason why the same tone of cheerfulness and gratitude to the Lord of the harvest should not be sustained. In some respects, these, being more social, are preferable to a large parish festival. We have attended some which were all that could be wished. A short service under a tent, or out of doors, began the day; and all that followed seemed to be the happier; for even the feast was "unto the Lord." It may seem an odd conclusion to these suggestions, but if we would make our agricultural labourers really "at home," some indulgence must be extended even to the abhorred tobacco pipe on these occasions.

Our readers will remember that, at the close of the last Session, the Bill for the Relief of the Scotch Episcopal Clergy was hurried through

the House of Commons, without discussion, and almost without opposition. How this happened it is now too late to be of the least importance to explain. The House of Commons displayed the most disgraceful ignorance of the subject, and acquiesced in the misrepresentations of those who brought forward the bill, who themselves had been utterly misinformed as to the real character and history of the Church of the Scotch Episcopalians. The fruits are ripening even sooner than we expected. We take the following from the Constitution, one of the few of our London newspapers which boldly maintain the Protestant cause; for we have not seen the number of the Church Review to which he refers:

"A writer in the Church Review of the 10th inst. says, that throughout the North coloured stoles are very general. The revival of Catholic vestments has begun at this point. Mr. Comper (who wore a green stole) only did at Ballater what numbers of his brethren are doing through the dioceses of Brechin and Aberdeen.' And so, when transferred to England, they will bring their Popish vestments and Popish doctrines with them."

We do not attach much importance to the outrageous follies of father Ignatius of Norwich. They seem to us the freaks of a madman; and we have no doubt that we shall soon hear that his monks are safe in the Church of Rome, while he himself is under the care of his friends in some asylum. What other conclusion can be drawn, after reading the following account, which is given in a Norwich paper by a gentleman who subscribes his name, of a recent exhibition in monastery chapel? He says:

"I saw men attired in the black coarse robe of the monk of olden time, with girdle and cowl and tonsure all complete. I saw the finger, dipped in 'holy water,' making the sign of the cross. I saw the figure of the Virgin Mary receive obeisance. I saw the candles lit, and the coloured lamp burning in the sacred shrine. I saw the incense waved, and the congregation sprinkled. And I saw a lady turned out because she did not reverently stand when this Popish farce was being carried on. And I grieved and wondered to see this done by a member of the Church of England, and in her name.

"I heard the most execrable and discordant music. I heard the mumbling and muttering of nonsence at the lectern. I heard the most pitiable intoning of unintelligible prayers. I heard the sale of rosaries and crosses and crucifixes boldly announced, and the request that they might be brought to the priest to be blessed. I heard Brother Ignatius, standing at the desk, deliver a discourse which made me blush to think that any man out of Bedlam could utter such a tirade of abuse, of falsehood, of folly, and of indelicacy. I should not have thought it possible that any man of education, or even of decent feeling, any man professing to be a gentleman or a Christian, could demean himself and insult his audience by giving expression to such ideas, or using such language as I heard from the lips of this man. I heard the lady already mentioned spoken of as a 'poor ignorant woman,' and sorrow expressed that she should 'have made such an ass of herself,' (this in a so-called sermon!) But I should disgrace your columns were I to quote one half he said."

The Bishop of Norwich has inhibited father Ignatius from officiating in his diocese. But follies such as these are too outrageous to be really formidable. It is the slow and silent growth of infidelity on the one hand, and of superstition on the other, that make us tremble for the ark of God, and almost doubt whether its safe keeping will long be entrusted to the Church of England. We quote the following from a letter addressed to the Editor by a clergyman in one of our manufacturing towns:-"There are only six churches in the town

that will open their pulpits to the Church Missionary Society, the others preferring the Oxford and Cambridge Mission and Propaga tion Society; and as for the Bible Society, that is scarcely recognised; in fact, I believe there are no sermons at all for it. The Guardian is their newspaper and their patron saint; and then they wonder their churches are not full, and seriously propose a great improvement in Church music (i. e., surpliced choirs, intoning, anthems, &c. &c.), as a means of influencing the masses. As for the crucifix, and albe, and cope, it is what many of them wish to see, I verily believe, together with their much loved idea of the restoration of Church discipline."

Our Prince and Princess of Wales are on a visit to the King of Denmark. They are received by the Danes with a warmth more allied to family affection than to political respect or friendship. The Danes prove themselves a noble-minded people. They feel disappointed with our conduct, and blame us for having, as they say, excited hopes which we have not fulfilled. While some of the most able and eloquent statesmen in our House of Lords take their view of the case, we cannot deny that there is some colour for the charge. Yet the wound does not seem to rankle, and we trust it will not be allowed to do so. To have plunged into an European war would, we think, have been a step totally unjustified on our part. Our remonstrances with Prussia would, it was expected, have prevented her outrage upon Denmark. Unhappily, she refused to listen, backed as she was by other great powers; and the Danes naturally felt disappointed, and expressed themselves as men betrayed, when they saw we intended to proceed no further.

In Italy, affairs are rapidly changing their complexion. Within the last few days the heads of a treaty or convention have been made public, which, within a year or two, can scarcely fail to affect the condition of the Papacy, and to strip the Pope of some at least of his secular power. The Emperor of the French, and the King of Italy, mutually bind themselves, neither to attack the Pope, nor to suffer his own subjects to resist his authority. This seems to secure his safety for the present; but France engages immediately to withdraw part of the military force with which she now maintains the Pope upon his throne, and the remainder within two years. What becomes of the Pope then? The Italians are clamorous that Rome shall be the capital of Italy. It may be an idle sentiment, but they are a sentimental people. It is another change in the fortunes of the falling Antichrist. We mark it as probably full of meaning; what that meaning is, does not seem to be yet disclosed. But "the wise will consider these things."

America shows no change. The approaching election of a President seems to occupy more attention than the war itself. Indeed, of the war there is little to relate. After being invested many weeks, Atlanta has fallen; that is, the Confederate general withdrew his army with all his stores, and left his besiegers an empty town and seven cannon. This is the only great triumph of the fourth campaign, except the destruction of a fort at the entrance of the harbour of Mobile, and the taking of a Confederate iron-clad, and a few gun-boats there. Yet this seems enough to reanimate the war spirit

of the North. General McClellan has accepted the invitation of the Chicago Convention to become a candidate for the Presidency in opposition to Mr. Lincoln. He is the nominee of the Democrats; Mr. Lincoln represents the Republicans. The Democrats maintain the sovereignty of each state, which we believe to be the meaning of the original American constitution. They say they are for peace, provided the Union be restored; peace at any price, peace with slavery, or peace without it. In this they are at least consistent. On behalf of Mr. Lincoln, Secretary Seward also makes an electioneering address at Auburn. Mr. Lincoln and his administration, he says, are also for peace; peace at any price, provided the Union be restored. And here follows a distinct assurance that slavery shall no longer be a hindrance, if the South will but lay down its arms and return into the bosom of the vast Confederacy, whose destiny is still, according to the Monroe doctrine, to occupy the whole of America, and to sway, in short, the sceptre of the world. We hope that those well-meaning people who have all along maintained that the Federals are true abolitionists, and as such entitled to our support, will at length be satisfied that they have been grossly duped; if not, we must leave them to explain Mr. Seward's Auburn manifesto as they can. Throughout the whole of this dismal war, we have never been entirely dependent on the public sources of information. We have repeatedly assured our readers that the really wise and moderate men in America were not represented by any party there, standing aloof from all of them in sorrow or apprehension. We repeat the statement; and we add, that, with the exception of a few excellent and earnest men, the Northern States are either indifferent to the existence of slavery, or, still worse, involved in the crime, as they have been in the punish

ment.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

WE are obliged to Mr. Cator Chamberlain for his courteous letter, and for the copy of his correspondence, &c., which it encloses. We have long felt the difficulty on which he dwells, but there seems at present but little hope of its removal.

We are obliged thus briefly to acknowledge the receipt of a great number of letters, which are not forgotten, though it is out of our power to answer them individually, even in these Notes to Correspondents.