safe there? Can I be assured that I shall be allowed to come back again to make the report?" As soon as the laugh was so far subsided, as that Mr. Onslow could be heard again, he added, "I cannot absolutely engage for the honorable gentleman's safe return; but, if he goes thither upon this service, I am strongly of opinion the event will contribute greatly to the future quiet of both countries." On which the laugh was renewed and redoubled.

If our people should follow the Boston example in entering into resolutions of frugality and industry, full as necessary for us as for them, I hope they will among other things give this reason, that it is to enable them more speedily and effectually to discharge their debts to Great Britain. This will soften a little, and at the same time appear honorable and like ourselves.* Yours, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

These sentiments accorded with those of Washington. When it was proposed in Virginia to enter into an agreement, neither to import goods from Great Britain, nor to export produce, with the view of distressing the British trade, and thereby inducing Parliament to repeal the obnoxious acts, he was in favor of restraining imports, but opposed to the adoption of any measures for prohibiting exports, because it would obstruct the payment of debts due in Great Britain. "The stopping of our exports," said he, "would no doubt be a shorter method than the other to effect the purpose; but, if we owe money to Great Britain, nothing but the last necessity can justify the non-payment of it; and, therefore, I have great doubts on this head, and wish to see the other method first tried, which is legal and will facilitate the payments." See Sparks's edition of Washington's Writings, Vol. II. pp. 351, 395. Of the above letter of Franklin to his son, a part, which is here omitted, will be found in Vol. I. p. 212.

FROM THOMAS POWNALL TO B. FRANKLIN.

On the equal Communication of the Rights and Priv ileges of Great Britain to America.

DEAR SIR,

[Date uncertain.]

The following objection against communicating to the colonies the rights, privileges, and powers of the realm, as to parts of the realm, has been made. I have been endeavouring to obviate it, and I communicate it to you, in hopes of your promised assistance.

"If," say the objectors, "we communicate to the colonies the power of sending representatives, and in consequence expect them to participate in an equal share and proportion of all our taxes; we must grant to them all the powers of trade and manufacturing, which any other parts of the realm within the Isle of Great Britain enjoy. If so, perchance the profits of the Atlantic commerce may converge to some centre in America; to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, or to some of the isles. If so, then the natural and artificial produce of the colonies, and in course of consequences the landed interest of the colonies, will be promoted; while the natural and artificial produce and landed interest of Great Britain will be depressed to its utter ruin and destruction; and, consequently, the balance of the power of government, although still within the realm, will be locally transferred from Great Britain to the colonies. Which consequence, however it may suit a citizen of the world, must be folly and madness to a Briton."

My fit is gone off; and though weak, both from the gout and a concomitant and very ugly fever, I am much better. Would be glad to see you. Your friend, T. POWNALL,

DR. FRANKLIN'S ANSWER.

This objection goes upon the supposition, that whatever the colonies gain, Britain must lose; and that if the colonies can be kept from gaining an advantage, Britain will gain it.

If the colonies are fitter for a particular trade than Britain, they should have it, and Britain apply to what it is more fit for. The whole empire is a gainer. And if Britain is not so fit or so well situated for a particular advantage, other countries will get it, if the colonies do not. Thus Ireland was forbid the woollen manufacture, and remains poor; but this has given to the French the trade and wealth Ireland might have gained for the British empire.

The government cannot long be retained without the union. Which is best (supposing your case) to have a total separation, or a change of the seat of government? It by no means follows, that promoting and advancing the landed interest in America will depress that of Britain; the contrary has always been the fact. Advantageous situations and circumstances will always secure and fix manufactures. Sheffield against all Europe these three hundred years past.

TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN.

Change of Ministers.- Boston Resolutions.

DEAR SON,

London, 9 January, 1768.

We have had so many alarms of changes, which did not take place, that just when I wrote it was thought the ministry would stand their ground. However, im

mediately after, the talk was renewed, and it scon appeared that the Sunday changes were actually settled. Mr. Conway resigns and Lord Weymouth takes his place. Lord Gower is made President of the Council in the room of Lord Northington. Lord Shelburne is stripped of the American business, which is given to Lord Hillsborough as secretary of state for America, a new distinct department. Lord Sandwich, it is said, comes into the postoffice in his place. Several of the Bedford party are now to come in.

How these changes may affect us, a little time will show. Little at present is thought of but elections, which gives me hopes that nothing will be done against America this session, though the Boston Gazette had occasioned some heats, and the Boston Resolutions a prodigious clamor. I have endeavoured to palliate matters for them as well as I can. I send you my manuscript of one paper, though I think you take the Chronicle. The editor of that paper, one Jones, seems a Grenvillian, or is very cautious, as you will see by his corrections and omissions. He has drawn the teeth and pared the nails of my paper, so that it can neither scratch nor bite. It seems only to paw and mumble. I send you also two other late pieces of mine. There is another which I cannot find.*

* The effect produced by the Boston resolutions in England is described in a similar manner by Mr. William Samuel Johnson, the agent from Connecticut, in a letter to Governor Pitkin, dated London, December 26th, 1767.

"The next thing," says Mr. Johnson, "that occurred, to give any disturbance, was the intelligence from Boston, that they had entered into an agreement not to import or use a great variety of British manufactures, but to set on foot and encourage manufactures of the like kind amongst themselves. This was received by very many with great indignation, and at first seemed to threaten some mischief. Pains were therefore taken, by the friends of the colonies, to excuse this proceeding, and to place it in as favorable light as it would bear, as

I am told there has been a talk of getting me appointed under-secretary to Lord Hillsborough; but with little likelihood, as it is a settled point here, that I am too much of an American. I am in very good health, thanks to God. Your affectionate father,

B. FRANKLIN.

founded in the necessities of the country, its want of trade, the scarcity of its specie, and the utter inability to pay the debts already contracted, and continue any beneficial intercourse with this country, without greater economy, industry, and frugality, than we have formerly practised; that it could be of no advantage to this country, or America, to take off more of their manufactures than she can pay for, and eventually become bankrupt in their debt; and that our natural propensity to luxury, as well as the attachment we have to the cultivation of our lands in preference to manufactures, will always induce us to take off as much as we can really afford to consume.

"Observations of this kind have weight, and the heat seems to be cooling. But still it is objected, that this agreement at Boston was apparently entered into with other motives, that is, to show their resentment against this country, and the laws and regulations established in the last session of Parliament. To which it is replied, that there is no clear ground for this position, and that it is a harsh, uncandid construction, which ought not to be made, since there are so many justifiable motives to which it may be imputed, without supposing any thing of this kind. I must own, indeed, that our best friends do rather condemn the time and manner of doing it, and hope the example will not be followed in other towns and colonies. Say they, 'We see as clearly as you do, that it is by all means right for you to practise all possible industry and economy, and to make the most you can of your own manufactures. It is both your duty and your interest. But why should there be these public associations, these votes and subscriptions? Why make such a parade about it, which must unavoidably give umbrage here, and add strength to the enemies of that country, whose constant theme it is, that all these steps are taken with a view very soon to renounce all dependence upon this kingdom? Why may not these things be as effectually done without noise or notice, even by individuals, every one, in his own private sphere, pursuing, inculcating, and practising those maxims so beneficial to the country?' These are some of the observations both of our friends and foes upon this occasion, of which, perhaps, good use may be made."

In the same letter, Mr. Johnson speaks as follows of Lord Hillsborough. "All American affairs will now be thrown into an entire new channel; all is to begin anew with Lord Hillsborough; new negotiations are to be commenced, new connexions formed; which is an