9. The by-laws made by the president and trustees are also to require legislative approval to be valid.

10. He would have the "act of incorporation contain as many rules and directions for the government of the college as can be foreseen to be necessary." The object of this is to preserve the "guardianship of the legislature" and prevent "arbitrary domination in the college." He would give inferior officers and students an action at law for every injury against their rights.

Here is seen the spirit of the American Revolution-the resistance to arbitrary power, the passion for self-government.

11. He proposes the establishing by act of legislature of "two government schools in every county," their "guardians" to be annually elected by the people of the county and the expense of their maintenance to be a county charge. This is one of the most remarkable features of his scheme. He conceives it to be necessary in order to secure the success of the college. They would be accessible to the young men in every part of the colony and would become feeding schools for the college. But it is their public character which most draws our attention. He was a century in advance of the legislature of his State in his ideas, nor have we, indeed, yet advanced so far as his plan.

Unless his plan for the college is carried out, he fears it may "prove a perpetual spring of public misery; a cage, as the Scripture speaks, of every unclean bird; the nursery of bigotry and superstition; an engine of persecution, slavery, and oppression; a fountain whose putrid and infectious streams will overflow the land and poison all our enjoyments."

After developing his plan he issued, in No. 22 of the Independent Reflector, an address to the "inhabitants of the province" full of grandiose invocation to the "genius of liberty," the "awful name of reason,” and the "spirit of patriotism." "When shall we have one interest," he exclaims, "and that interest the common good?" He is fearful lest "this precious and never-to-be-surrendered equality will be destroyed." He pleads: "Let us, therefore, strive to have the college founded on an ample, a generous, an universal plan. Let not the seat of literature, the abode of the muses, and the nurse of science be transformed into a cloister of bigots, an habitation of superstition, a nursery of ghostly tyranny, a school of rabbinical jargon." "The legislature alone should have the direction of so important an establishment," he continues. "In their hands it is safer-incomparably safer than in those of a party who will instantly discern a thirst for dominion and lord it over the rest." His proposals and his address were in vain. The college received the royal charter. But the history which we have traced of the attempt to found the university thirty years later was a fulfillment of his prophecy. It was the "thirst for dominion" of this same corporation which nearly succeeded in wrecking the movement for a university upon a broad civil foundation.

The fervid language of Livingston grates upon our ears to-day, but the chief practical features of his plan won a triumph in the final establishment of the university. The controversy over the founding of King's College foreshadowed the later controversy over the founding of the university. It is impossible not to conjecture that the founders of the university studied the plans of Governor Livingston. Era of educational revolution in America, 1776-1789.-But the current of revolution in education which produced the university in New York had wider sources than the broadsides of the versatile governor of New Jersey. It needs but a glance at the history of the United States from the Declaration of Independence till the organization of the Federal Government to show as complete a revolution in educational ideas and plans as in political institutions. Everywhere throughout the new States, even during the turmoil and struggle of the war and the equally momentous turmoil and struggle of the reconstruction period, we see the new consciousness of political freedom and self-government expressing itself in efforts toward a system of education free from the domination of old traditions, political and ecclesiastical. Nowhere is this tendency more apparent than in the provisions of some of the new State constitutions.

Georgia. The constitution of Georgia adopted in 1777 provides that "schools shall be erected in each county and supported at the general expense of the State, as the legislature shall hereafter point out."1 This was followed up by the legislature, which passed in 1783 an act authorizing the governor to grant 1,000 acres of vacant land for the establishment of free county schools.2

The message of the governor of Georgia to the legislature in July, 1783, urging the establishment of seminaries of learning suggests a doubt as to the originality of Governor Clinton in his similar message of January, 1784. The University of Georgia, founded in 1785, with its general supervision over the literary interests of the State and including within its organization all the public schools of the State,3 may well have been suggested by the plan of the New York University. The same liberal spirit in religious matters is evident here.

North Carolina.-The constitution of North Carolina adopted in 1776 renders all clergymen incapable of sitting in any branch of the State legislature and forbids any established church. It provides: "That a school or schools shall be established by the legislature for the convenient instruction of youth, with such salaries to the masters, paid by the public, as may enable them to instruct at low prices; and all useful learning shall be duly encouraged or promoted in one or more universities."4 In 1789 the University of North Carolina was

'Poore's charters, 1:383.

2 Jones, C. E. Education in Georgia (see Bureau of Education, circular of information No. 4, 1888).

3 Jones, C. E. Education in Georgia, pp. 40-43.

4 Poore's charters, 2:1413-1414.

established. Its trustees are appointees of the government. In its incorporation the duty of the State to provide for the education of the young is recognized. North Carolina had made many attempts to establish semipublic schools before the Revolution.1

Pennsylvania.-The Pennsylvania constitution of 1776,2 adopted a few months earlier than that of North Carolina, contains, verbatim, the same provision in regard to the establishment of schools and universities, except that a more direct political idea is seen in the fact that these schools are to be "in each county." Pennsylvania from the beginning has recognized to some extent the State idea in education. This idea is contained in Penn's charter. Penn himself displayed some activity in this direction, and his grammar school founded in 1689 was a quasi public institution. Benjamin Franklin in 1749 propounded a scheme for an academy with a system of elementary schools. This led to the establishment, a few years later, of an academy, which soon became a college, and grew eventually into the University of Pennsylvania. This institution was founded in 1779, in the very midst of the war.3 After the war the State activity in education greatly increased.

Massachusetts.-Massachusetts was a Puritan protest against the domination of the church. The Plymouth colony brought ideas of public schools from Holland. The board of overseers of Harvard College was practically a public board of control. In fact it had some resemblance to the first board of regents in New York, except that it had control only over the single foundation, whereas the New York idea contemplated an organized system of educational institutions throughout the entire State. The educational revolution in Massachusetts may be said to have begun with the very founding of the colonies.

Virginia. The most notable of all these plans for an educational revolution was that of Thomas Jefferson. In 1776, as he tells in his autobiography, he conceived the idea that the whole code of Virginia must be reviewed and adapted" to our republican form of government." He proposed a bill to revise the laws and was appointed on a committee, with four others, charged with this duty. In 1779 they presented their plan to the general assembly. Four bills especially were regarded by Jefferson "as forming a system by which every fiber would be eradicated of ancient or future aristocracy; and a foundation laid for a government truly republican." These four bills were: For the repeal of the laws of entail; for the abolition of primogeniture; for establishing religious freedom, and for a general sys

1Smith, C. L. History of education in North Carolina (see Bureau of Education, circular of information No. 2, 1888).

? Poore's charters, 2, 1547.

Blackmar, F. W. History of Federal and State aid to higher education (see Bureau of Education, circular of information No. 1, 1890).

tem of education. This last measure was the work of Jefferson him. self. His "systematical plan of general education" is described by him as being proposed in three bills: "(1) Elementary schools for all children generally, rich and poor; (2) Colleges for a middle degree of instruction, calculated for the common purposes of life, and such as would be desirable for all who were in easy circumstances, and (3) an ultimate grade for teaching the sciences generally, and in their highest degree." There was to be a subdivision of the State into "hundreds or wards," in each of which should be an elementary school. He provided also for another subdivision into 24 districts, with a college in each. William and Mary College was to be enlarged in its scope and made into a university. The schools were to be supported by tax.

Popular opposition to William and Mary College, which was a Church of England institution, defeated Jefferson's first plan, and thus delayed the educational progress of the State several generations. But the plan stands as one of the greatest ideas of this philosophical statesman. It bears comparison with the plans of Turgot and his predecessors, with those of Mirabeau, Talleyrand, Condorcet, and Napoleon, and with the great system of New York which Jefferson himself pointed to in 1820 as putting to shame his tardy State.1 Jefferson likewise dreamed, as did Washington, of a national university, which should stand for the united people and represent the national life.

Political revolution and educational revolution.-It is significant that the same man who strove to disestablish the English Church in Virginia proposed also this great plan for public education. There is a real connection between these facts. Enough has been said to show how general among the colonies was the new idea of state education accompanying the political revolution. In the colonies, as in Europe, education had been regarded as the peculiar care of the church. It was the concern of the state only as the church was allied to the state. Nothing shows more clearly than the early educational enterprises in Virginia how the whole spring and scope of education was religious, ecclesiastical. It was such motives as the "training of the youth in piety and virtue," the providing of a "seminary of ministers of the gospel," the "educating of infidel children in the true knowledge of God," which led the colonists

'An exhaustive account of Jefferson's activity in the development of State education is given by Dr. H. B. Adams in two of the monographs published by the Bureau of Education: "The College of William and Mary," circular No. 1, 1887; and Thomas Jefferson and the University of Virginia," circular No. 1, 1888. A collection of documents relating to public education in Virginia was published at Richmond in 1817. This book contains Jefferson's first bill of 1779, which provided for elementary schools and colleges or grammar schools. It also has a letter from Jefferson to Peter Carr, written in 1814, detailing a similar plan. The volume has various other important documents relating to this subject.

generally to establish schools.

Before the middle of the eighteenth century few and feeble were the steps taken in America toward that fair old Platonic ideal of an education by the state and for the state. It was the revival in the latter half of the last century of the Greek state-idea, as against the Romish church-idea, which has led to the educational systems of our day. Against the idea of authority is opposed the idea of liberty. But the Americans did not discover or invent liberty. While in the essay of John Locke on education he does not advocate state activity, yet there is latent in the sensational psychology which he represents the spirit of freedom of thought, and hence the spirit of war against ecclesiastical control. A church may

perhaps dictate a man's intuitions, but no church can dictate the impressions which things make upon sense. Revolt against ecclesiasticism would naturally lead in educational matters to a substitution of the state for the church.

There is another reason why, upon acquiring independence, the American States founded public schools. Colonial governments founded on charters were in the nature of corporations. Some of these charters provided for the establishment of schools and churches. With the growth of colonial independence, with the transition from the consciousness of a corporate existence and activity to the consciousness of a political sovereignty, the idea of state education would be a natural one. The care of education, which had been a duty imposed upon the corporation by the royal charter, became with the growth of self-government a right, no less than a duty, in the state. This explains the appearance in some of the colonies of institutions partly supported and partly controlled by the colony. With complete independence would come the thought of complete state education. And here again it is necessary to pay tribute to John Locke. The English philosophy of political freedom, so well represented in him, had taken deep root in all the colonies. His second essay on government, in which he defended the revolution of 1688, contains much of the very language of the Declaration of Independence and of other political writings in the colonies, assertive of their civil and religious rights. Locke, indeed, went further than they. His attempted defense of private property, as resting on the rights of labor, is the very basis of the socialistic philosophy of this century.

Educational revolution in Europe.-But the direct influence upon the colonists of the philosophy of Locke can not account for the whole revolt, for its depth and its intensity, and especially for the idealistic element; the dream of empire, the symmetry of plan, the centralizing tendency. The educational development in New York, and generally throughout the States, has been toward centralization, not federation, as a principle of union. If we turn our eyes to continental Europe during this period, we shall see that the educational revolution was not merely American, but international. Frederick