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curiosity, and would afford us a great deal of light and instruction.

Dr. Jortin, in his Discourses concerning the christian religion, at p. 58, says, If Ulpian's treatise on the Duty of 'Proconsuls were extant, we should know what edicts had 'been published against the christians by the emperors, 'down to the time of Alexander Severus.'

CHAP. XXVII.

DION CASSIUS.

1. His work and time. II. His account of the siege, and taking of Jerusalem by Titus. III. His account of Domitian's persecution of the christians. IV. Nerva's favourable treatment of the christians. V. That Marcia, concubine of Commodus, was friendly to the christians. VI. His account of the shower, by which Marcus Antoninus, and his army, were saved in Germany.

1. DION CASSIUS COCCEIANUS, son of Apronianus, who in the reigns of Trajan and Adrian was governor of Cilicia, and afterwards of Dalmatia, was a native of Nice in Bithynia. He was made a senator of Rome in the reign of Commodus, and had the honour of several considerable posts and employments under the succeeding emperors. He was twice consul, the second time with Severus Alexander, in the eighth year of that emperor's reign, A. D. 229. After which, with the emperor's leave, he retired into his own country, and dwelt at Nice. He wrote the Roman History in eighty books, from the very beginning to the reign of Alexander. A great part of his work is lost. There is, however, an epitome of his work from the time of Pompey to the end of it in the reign of Alexander, which was made by John Xiphilinus, nephew to the patriarch of Constantinople. But then, as Dion's History is justly admired, not

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4 Suid. V. Διων, ὁ Κασιος χρηματισας, ὁ επικλην Κοκηιος· οἱ δὲ Κοκκηιανος. Phot. cod. 71. p. 105. Voss. Hist. Gr. 1. ii. cap. 15. Fabr. Bib. Gr. I. iv. cap. 10. Tom. 3. p. 319, &c. Reimarus, de Vitâ et Scriptis Dionis. ap. Dion. T. ii. p. 1533, &c. Cav. H. L. T. ii p. 146, Tillem. Hist. des Emp. T. iii. Alexandre, art. 27, 28. Crevier's Hist. of the Rom. Emp. vol. viii. p. 347, &c.

withstanding some defects, so Xiphilinus's Epitome is likewise in good esteem. And in some places we find fragments of Dion himself; and the Epitome oftentimes represents Dion in his own words.

Though Dion's History was not published till some time afterwards, I may well place him in the year 230, he having then been, from the time of his admission into the senate, almost forty years in a public character. And he was employed above twenty years in this work, ten years in making collections, and twelve more in digesting his materials, and putting them in order. And it is likely, that his work was published soon after the year 230.

II. I begin my extracts from this author, with his account of the siege and taking of Jerusalem, to which a reference was made formerly.

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In the mean time,' says he, Titus, who was appointed general in the war with the Jews, endeavoured to gain them by embassies and fair promises. When they refused to enter into treaty, he determined to subdue them by the force of arms. For a while they fought with equal success; but having gained some advantages over them, he laid siege to Jerusalem, which was encompassed by three walls. The Romans, drawing near, attacked and battered them with their engines. And indeed they had a numerous army, having in their camp large supplies from divers barbarian kings, who joined them as auxiliaries. The Jews likewise were very numerous, having with them the people out of the country, and others who agreed with them in their religious rites, and not only such of their nation as lived in other parts of the Roman empire, but also people from the countries situate beyond the Euphrates. And as they fought from the walls, they had an advantage in throwing darts and stones; and as often as favourable opportunities offered, they made sallies, and annoyed the Romans, by overthrowing and destroying their platforms and batteries, and by other ways. Moreoverd the Romans were in want

b See vol. vi. p. 478. 1079-1082.

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c Dion. lib. 76. p. 746, &c. al. p. Το δε δη πλειςον οἱ Ρωμαίοι τῇ ανυδρια

εκακοπαθεν, και φαυλον και ποῤῥωθεν ύδωρ επαγομενοι. p. 1050.

On the contrary, Josephus, l. v. cap. ix. sect. 3. p. 350, in Havercamp. represents the Romans to have had great plenty of water. Reimar thinks this account of Dion more probable. I shall transcribe part of his note upon the place. Josephus contra, vices mutatas refert, ut fontes Judæis etiam ante Titi adventum exaruerint, nunc Tito uberiores manârint. Sed hæc aut comparate intelligenda sunt, aut a pacis auctore Judæis jactata. Probabilius Dio aquæ inopia Romanos dicit laborâsse. Nam fontes totâ Palæstinâ rari, circa Hierosolymam rarissimi: plurima aqua ex cisternis; et imbribus cessantibus,

of water, and were forced to go a great way to fetch it; though sometimes they got none but what was very indifferent. At such seasons the Jews made excursions, and fell upon the soldiers as they were dispersed abroad in the country. For they undermined the ground, and made passages under their very walls, to come at the Romans; but afterwards Titus stopt up all those passages.'

• While these things were doing, many were wounded and killed on both sides. Titus himself was wounded by a stone on the left shoulder, which weakened his arm ever after. At length the Romans became masters of the outer wall; and then encamping between the two walls, they attacked the inner walls; but with doubtful success; for the besieged being now inclosed in a lesser compass, were the better able to make a vigorous defence. However, Titus now renewed to them offers of peace by heralds, which he sent to them; but they peremptorily refused to accept of them. Moreover, if any of them were taken prisoners, and they who deserted, privately corrupted the water of the Romans, and killed them when they found any of them alone; for which reason Titus determined to receive no more of them. In the mean time the Romans were greatly dispirited, as is common in long sieges, and suspecting the truth of what was given out, that the city was impregnable, some went over to the besieged; who, though they were themselves in great want of provisions, readily received them, and cherished them, to let the besiegers know, that they also had deserters.'

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Though the Roman engines battered down the inner wall, yet the Jews were not overcome, but killed many who were striving to get within it. However, at length the Romans prevailed; and thus a way was opened for them to the temple. Nevertheless they did not immediately attack it, being restrained by a certain superstitious respect for it; but in the end they moved forward and took possession of it, Titus compelling them so to do. At which time the Jews of all sorts, the meaner people, their elders, and the priests, exerted themselves to the utmost; thinking themselves hapmajus sitis quam famis periculum; ut testatur Hieronymus ad Amos, cap. 4. T. iii. edit. Martianæi. p. 1401. Conf. 2 Chron. xxxii. 3; Joel i. 20. Strab. xvi. p. 761. Accedebat, bello sæviente, multorum fontium et cisternarum obturatio. Reimar. p. 1080. sect. 30.

e Ου μην και παραχρημα, δια το δεισιδαιμονήσαι, εσεδραμον το Τιτε σφας καταναγκασαντος, εισω προεχωρησαν. p. 1081. says, that the Roman soldiers had a respect for the temple. τιωτων 8κ εςιν ὁσις 8 μετα φρικης εις τον ναον αφεωρα, και De B. 1. vi. cap. iì, sect. 3.

αλλ' οψε ποτε, And Josephus Twv μevyɛ spaπροσεκύνει. κ. λ.

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py in being employed to fight for the temple, or to die near it; nor were they overcome, though they were few against many, till a part of the temple was set on fire. Then they willingly surrendered; some yielded themselves to be killed by the Romans, some killed each other, others killed themselves, and some threw themselves into the flames; and it appeared to them not a calamity, but victory, and safety, to be so happy as to perish with the temple.'

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Many were taken prisoners, and among them Bargioras their general; who only was put to death at the time of the triumph. Thus Jerusalem was taken on a Saturday, the day still respected by the Jews 'above any other. From that time it was appointed, that all who adhere to their religion should annually pay a didrachm to the capitol of Jupiter. Upon this occasion both the generals [Vespasian and Titus] received the appellation of emperor; but neither took the surname of Judaicus, although triumphal arches, and other honours customary after great victories, were decreed to them.'

Such is the account of this great event, which we have in Dion Cassius. It is indeed short and defective: nevertheless, it is a testimony to the ruin of the temple and city of Jerusalem, and the conquest of Judea under Titus and Vespasian. The account is imperfect; but then we may conclude, that we here have Dion himself, and not his abridger, who was a christian. We must not much wonder at the conciseness; that may be owing to the contempt which the author had for the Jewish people, who were scorned and despised by the great men among the Romans, and by all heathens in general. Dion agrees with Josephus in many particulars, which every reader may be able to recollect, by comparing our accounts formerly given from Josephus himself. But he differs from him so much, and is so defective, that we may be apt to think he did not borrow from

• Ούτω μεν τα Ιεροσολυμα εν τη τε Κρονε ἡμέρᾳ εξωλετο. p. 1081. So writes Dion. But Cardinal Noris computes, that this happened on Sunday. Eo anno Ebul, mensis in anno Judæorum sextus, juxta hodiernos ipsorum cyclos, cœpit die 26 Augusti. Ejus vero dies octavus fuit secundus Septembris, idemque dies Dominicus, sive Solis, qui postremus urbi toto orbe celeberrimæ illuxit. Noris, De Epoch Syro-maced. Diss. i. cap. 3. p. 53. Lipsiæ. 1696.

And, as Mr. Reimer observes, Josephus does not say, that Jerusalem was taken on the Saturday, the Jewish Sabbath. And if it had been taken on that day, he would not have omitted that circumstance. Nec Josephus eâ die captam urbem adnotavit, non omissurus, credo, si ita fuisset. Reimar, in Dionis loc. Et supra. Notandus autem est error Dionis, ut aliorum, qui Hierosolyma fere semper Sabbato capta tradiderunt, sibi hodiernum persuadent, &c. Id. ibid.

him; indeed, I should very much question, whether Dion had read Josephus's seven books of the History of the Jewish War. If he never read them, it is very likely, that he never read the other works of that Jewish historian. It seems to me, that though Dion spent several years in making collections for his large history of the Romans, he was not very curious or inquisitive about that part of it which related to the Jewish people. By which means he was led to give the very imperfect history, which we have seen, of the final period of their commonwealth. It is in this way that I would account for his saying nothing of the miseries of the grievous famine endured by the Jews in the siege of JerusaTem; and his omitting the numbers of those who perished, or were made captives, in the siege, and during the war, which are so particularly mentioned by Josephus. However we see in him, that the several parts of the city were taken, one after another, and that the temple was consumed by fire, and that the Jews were very resolute and obstinate in their defence of themselves. Whence it may be inferred, and concluded, that they suffered a great deal, before they were subdued and overthrown.

III. We now proceed to another remarkable passage. which is in the history of the emperor Domitian. • And ↳ in the same year, [that is, when Domitian and Flavius Clement were consuls, or the year of Christ 95] Domitian put to death, beside many others, Flavius Clement the consul, although he was his cousin, and had for his wife Flavia Domitilla, who also was his relation. They were both accused of the crime of impiety [or atheism]. Upon which same account many others likewise, who had embraced the Jewish customs, were condemned; some of whom were put

8 Dion, in his account of the conquest of Judea by Pompey, betrays great ignorance of the Jewish people in several respects. Vid. lib. 37. p. 121, &c. al. p. 36, 37. He says, The Temple, which they had built to their God at Jerusalem, was large and magnificent, but open at the top.' Which is a great mistake. Και αυτῳ νέων τε μέγισον και περικαλλέσατον, πλην καθ ̓ ὅσον αχάνης τε και ανώροφος ην, εξεποιησαν. p. 122.

h Και τῳ αυτῳ ετει αλλες τε πολλες και τον Φλαβιον Κλημεντα ὑπατευοντα, καιπερ ανεψιον οντα, και γυναικα, και αυτην συγγενη ἑαυτ8, Φλαβιαν Δομιτιλλαν έχοντα, κατεσφαξεν ὁ Δομιτιανος. Επηνέχθη δε αμφοίν εγκλημα αθεότητος, εφ' ής και αλλοι ες τα των Ιεδαίων ηθη εξοκελλοντες πολλοι κατεδικάσθησαν. Και οἱ μεν απεθανον· οἱ δε των γεν εσιων εςερηθησαν ἡ δε Δομιτιλλα υπερωρισθη μόνον εις Μανδατέρειαν. Τον δε δη Γλαβρίωνα τον μετα το Τραιανο αρξαντα, κατηγορηθεντα τα τε αλλα, και οἷα οἱ πολλοι, και ότι και θηρίοις εμαχετο, απεκτεινεν εφ' ᾧ πε και τα μαλισα οργην αυτῳ υπο φθονς έσχεν, ότι υπατευοντα αυτον ες τον Αλβανον επι τα Νεανισκευματα ωνομασμένα κάλεσας, λεοντα αποκτειναι μεγαν ηναγκασε και ως 8 μονον εδεν ελυμάνθη, αλλά και ευτυχώτατα αυτον κατειργασατο. L. 67. p. 766. al. p. 1112.

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