obliged to obtain passports, as mentioned in | of America, they pursued their mad schemes my last communication. of burning our towns, hiring the savages of the wilderness and foreign mercenaries, to spread death and desolation through the land, which finally weaned us from our fond attachment to an ungrateful and cruel mother, and, on the glorious 4th of July, 1776, we passed the Rubicon! !-Never! never! never! to return again under her subjection, but to establish a govern justice and equal laws, the influence of whose It was not until the fifth of June that my father became determined to leave the town. On that day he directed me to make out a schedule of the family, agreeably to the rules instituted by general Gage, and demand a pass of major Cain, of the army, who was empowered to perform that service. Such was the crowd of citizens, eagerly pressing to obtainment of our own, founded on the principles of passports, that it was not until several hours of exertion that I was enabled to reach the door of the major's apartment, and when it was opened, I was so forcibly urged on by the crowd behind, that, on entering the chamber, I lost my balance, which caused me to rush violently into the room, and though he must have perceived that the act was involuntary, yet he had the brutality to exclaim (in broad Scotch) "hoot, hoot mon! are you going to murder me?" I was obliged to bear this insolence in silence, though my countenance must have exhibited marks of indignation, and I walked to a window which looked into the court yard, where my feelings were still more excited by a view of my fellow citizens, who, with countenances almost bordering on despair, were waiting for a favorable moment to obtain admission. The first reflection which presented itself to my mind was, what must be the indignation of our king, if he knew how his faithful, loyal, and affectionate subjects, were abused, insulted, and driven into acts of reluctant resistance. Which brought to my recollection a part of Warren's oration, on the preceding 5th of March, in which he observes, that "The royal ear, far distant from this western world, has been assaulted by the tongue of slander, and villains, traitorous alike to king and country, have prevailed upon a gracious prince to clothe his countenance with wrath." Even then a reconciliation was fondly hoped for by many of the most strenuous assertors of the rights of the colonies, although blood had been shed at Lexington; and even after the battle of Bunker's Hill, the congress presented an humble petition to the king, and an affectionate address to their fellow subjects in England, in which, (with much feeling), they say, “We have not yet learnt to rejoice at a victory obtained over Englishmen," and humbly entreated that their grievances might be redressed. Ardent hopes were entertained that these conciliatory and loyal measures, would induce the king to change his ministers, and take to his councils a Chatham, a Cambden, and a Rockingham. Most fortunately, how ever, for the eventual prosperity and happiness | But to return to the object of my communication-after waiting nearly an hour the major accosted me with, "Well, young man, what do you want?" I handed him a schedule of my father's family, including that of his sister's (the widow of a clergyman). He examined a small book which contained what the tories called the "black list," when slowly raising his scowling eyes, he said with great asperity, “Your father, young man, is a damn'd rebel, and cannot be accommodated with a pass." Not at all intimidated by his brutality, I asserted with much vehemence, that my father was no rebel, that he adored the illustrious house of Hanover, and had fought for good king George the 2d, in forty-five. Whether it was, that he himself had been a real rebel in Scotland, in 1745, or whether my mentioning that number reminded him of Wilkes' North Briton No. 45, a paper published in London, and peculiarly obnoxious to the house of Hanover, was intended as an insinuation against his own loyalty, (which it really was),-whatever may have been the cause of his irritation-the moment I had finished speaking he rose from his chair, and with a countenance foaming with rage, he ordered me out of the room with abusive language. The sentinel at the door had an English countenance, and, with apparent sympathy, very civilly opened it for my departure, which I made without turning my back on my adversary. On inquiry it was afterwards ascertained, that what constituted the crime of my father and caused him to be denominated a rebel, was his having been a member of the Whig club! The Whig club, in consequence of the per turbed state of the times, had not assembled or | my friend, you must mean the New England met for more than a year. The gentlemen that heroes, as they alone performed exploits worthy had composed it, were James Otis, Dr. War- fame-while the regulars, vastly superior in ren, Dr. Church, Dr. Young, Richard Derby, numbers, were obliged to retreat with a rapidiof Salem, Benjamin Kent, Nathaniel Barber, ty unequalled, except by the French at the William Mackay, Col. Bigelow, of Worcester, battle of Minden. Indeed, general Gage gives and about half a dozen more. Through the in-them their due praise in his letter home, where strumentality of my father, I was sometimes he says lord Percy was remarkable for his admitted to hear their deliberations. There activity. You will not, I hope, take offence at was always at each meeting, a speech or dis- any expression that, in the warmth of my sertation by one of the members, on the princi- heart, should escape me, when I assure you, ples of civil liberty, and the British constitution. that though we consider you as a public enemy, They professed loyalty to the king, but were in we regard you as a private friend; and while we violent opposition to the encroachments of the detest the cause you are fighting for, we wish parliament, and their discussions tended to a well to your own personal interest and safety. consideration of what would be the duty of Thus far by way of apology. As to the martial Americans if those encroachments were con- spirit you suppose me to possess, you are tinued. For this purpose they corresponded greatly mistaken. I tremble at the thoughts with some society in London, the name of of war; but of all wars, a civil one: our all is which I have forgotten, (probably the Revolu- at stake; and we are called upon by every tie tion society). Among the names of their cor- that is dear and sacred to exert the spirit that respondents I recollect, Wilkes, Saville, Barre Heaven has given us in this righteous struggle and Sawbridge. A few years previous to the for liberty. revolution, they sent the London society two green turtle, one of which weighed 45 and the other 92 pounds. Those who are acquainted with the history of those times, will easily understand to what those numbers alluded. On their arrival in London, a grand dinner was prepared, at which Col. Barre presided, and among other distinguished guests I recollect hearing the names of earl Temple, lord Cambden, and the lord mayor; and among the toasts, "The Whig club of Boston," and " The ninety-two patriots of Massachusetts Bay," were drank with three times three cheers. FEMALE PATRIOTISM.-BATTLE OF LEXING- The MS. of the following interesting letter was politely forwarded to us by a gentleman of Baltimore, and was found among some old papers of a distinguished lady of Philadelphia. -It is a copy of a letter from a lady of Philadelphia to a British officer at Boston, written immediately after the battle of Lexington, and previous to the declaration of independence.It fully exhibits the feelings of those times.-A finer spirit never animated the breasts of the Roman matrons, than the following letter breathes: SIR-We received a letter from you-wherein you let Mr. S. know that you had written after the battle of Lexington, particularly to me -knowing my martial spirit-that I would delight to read the exploits of heroes. Surely, I will tell you what I have done. My only brother I have sent to the camp with my prayers and blessings; I hope he will not disgrace me; I am confident he will behave with honor, and emulate the great examples he has before him; and had I twenty sons and brothers they should go. I have retrenched every superfluous expense in my table and family; tea I have not drank since last Christmas, nor bought a new cap or gown since your defeat at Lexington, and what I never did before, have learnt to knit, and am now making stockings of American wool for my servants, and this way do I throw in my mite to the public good. I know this, that as free I can die but once, but as a slave I shall not be worthy of life. I have the pleasure to assure you that these are the sentiments of all my sister Americans. They have sacrificed both assemblies, parties of pleasure, tea drinking and finery to that great spirit of patriotism, that actuates all ranks and degrees of people throughout this extensive continent. If these are the sentiments of females, what must glow in the breasts of our husbands, brothers and sons? They are as with one heart determined to die or be free. It is not a quibble in politics, a science which few understand, which we are contending for; it is this plain truth, which the most ignorant peasant knows, and is clear to the weakest capacity, that no man has a right to take their money without their consent. The supposition is ridiculous, and absurd, as none but highwaymen and robbers attempt it. Can you, my friend, reconcile it with your own and it being of the greatest importance, that an early, true, and authentic account of this inhuman proceeding should be known to you, the congress of this colony have transmitted the same, and from want of a session of the hon. continental congress, think it proper to address you on the alarming occasion. good sense, that a body of men in Great | troops under the command of General Gage, Britain, who have little intercourse with America, and of course know nothing of us, nor are supposed to see or feel the misery they would inflict upon us, shall invest themselves with a power to command our lives and properties, at all times and in all cases whatsoever? You say you are no politician. Oh, sir, it requires no Machiavelian head to develop this, and to discover this tyranny and oppression. It is written with a sun beam. Every one will see and know it because it will make them feel, and we shall be unworthy of the blessings of Heaven, if we ever submit to it. 44 By the clearest depositions relative to this transaction, it will appear that on the night preceding the nineteenth of April instant, a body of the king's troops, under command of colonel Smith, were secretly landed at Cambridge, with an apparent design to take or destroy the military and other stores, provided for this colony, and deposited at Concord-that some inhabitants of the colony, on the night aforesaid, whilst travelling peaceably on the road, between Boston and Concord, were seized and greatly abused by armed men, who appeared to be officers of General Gage's army; that the town of Lexington, by these means, was alarmed, and a company of the inhabitants mustered on the occasion-that the regular troops on their way to Concord, marched into the said town of Lexington, and the said company, on their approach, began to disperse All ranks of men amongst us are in arms.Nothing is heard now in our streets but the trumpet and drum; and the universal cry is Americans to arms." All your friends are officers: there are captain S. D., lieut. B. and captain J. S. We have five regiments in the city and county of Philadelphia, complete in arms and uniform, and very expert at their military manœuvres. We have companies of lighthorse, light infantry, grenadiers, riflemen, and Indians, several companies of artillery, and some excellent brass cannon and field pieces. Add to this, that every county in Pennsylvania, and the Delaware government, can send two-that, notwithstanding this, the regulars thousand men to the field. Heaven seems to smile on us, for in the memory of man never were known such quantities of flax, and sheep without number.-We are making powder fast, and do not want for ammunition. In short, we want for nothing but ships of war to defend us, which we could procure by making alliances but such is our attachment to Great Britain, that we sincerely wish for reconciliation, and cannot bear the thoughts of throwing off all dependence on her, which such a step would assuredly lead to. The God of mercy will, I hope, open the eyes of our king that he may see, while in seeking our destruction, he will go near to complete his own. It is my ardent prayer that the effusion of blood may be stopped. We hope yet to see you in this city, a friend to the liberties of America, which will give infinite satisfaction to, rushed on with great violence and first began hostilities, by firing on said Lexington company, whereby they killed eight, and wounded several others-that the regulars continued their fire, until those of said company, who were neither killed nor wounded, had made their escape-that colonel Smith, with the detachment then marched to Concord, where a number of provincials were again fired on by the troops, two of them killed and several wounded, before the provincials fired on them, and that these hostile measures of the troops, produced an engagement that lasted through the day, in which many of the provincials and more of the regular troops were killed and wounded. To give a particular account of the ravages of the troops, as they retreated from Concord to Charlestown, would be very difficult, if not impracticable; let it suffice to say, that a great number of the houses on the road were plundered and rendered unfit for use, several were burnt, women in child-bed were driven by the Address of PROVINCIAL CONGRESS OF MAS- soldiery naked into the streets, old men peace SACHUSETTS, To the Inhabitants of Great Britain. WATERTOWN, April 26th, 1775. Friends and Fellow Subjects-Hostilities are at length commenced in this colony by the ably in their houses were shot dead, and such scenes exhibited as would disgrace the annals of the most uncivilized nation. These, brethren, are marks of ministerial vengeance against this colony, for refusing, with her sister colonies, a submission to sla very; but they have not yet detached us from our royal sovereign. We profess to be his loyal and dutiful subjects, and so hardly dealt with as we have been, are still ready, with our lives and fortunes, to defend his person, family, crown and dignity. Nevertheless, to the persecution and tyranny of his cruel ministry we will not tamely submit-appealing to Heaven for the justice of our cause, we determine to die or be free. We cannot think that the honor, wisdom and valor of Britons will suffer them to be longer inactive spectators of measures in which they themselves are so deeply interestedmeasures, pursued in opposition to the solemn protests of many noble lords, and expressed sense of conspicuous commoners, whose knowledge and virtue have long characterized them as some of the greatest men in the nationmeasures, executed contrary to the interest, petitions and resolves of many large, respectable and opulent counties, cities and boroughs in Great Britain-measures highly incompatible with justice, but still pursued with a specious pretence of easing the nation of its burthensmeasures which, if successful, must end in the ruin and slavery of Britain, as well as the persecuted American colonies. We sincerely hope that the Great Sovereign of the universe, who hath so often appeared for the English nation, will support you in every rational and manly exertion with these colonies, for saving it from ruin, and that, in a constitutional connection with the mother country, we shall soon be altogether a free and happy people. By order, JOSEPH WARREN, President P. T. RESOLUTIONS OF THE PROVINCIAL CON GRESS OF MASSACHUSETTS DEPOSING GEN- WATERTOWN, May 5, 1775. Whereas his excellency, general Gage, since his arrival in this colony, hath conducted, as an instrument in the hands of an arbitrary ministry, to enslave this people; and a detachment of the troops under his command, has of late been by him ordered to the town of Concord, to destroy the public stores, deposited in that place for the use of that colony and whereas, by this clandestine and perfidious measure, a number of respectable inhabitants of this colony, without any provocation given by them, have been illegally, wantonly, and inhumanly slaughtered by his troops: Therefore, resolved, that the said general Gage hath, by these and many other means, utterly disqualified himself to serve to this colony as a governor, and in every capacity; and that no obedience ought, in future, to be paid by the several towns and districts in this colony, to his writs for calling an assembly, or to his proclamations, or any other of his acts or doings; but that, on the other hand, he ought to be considered and guarded against, as an unnatural and inveterate enemy to the country. JOSEPH WARREN, President P. T. CORRESPONDENCE Between GEN. LEE, Continental army, and GEN. J. BURGOYNE of the British forces, Boston, Mass. GENERAL LEE to GEN. BURGOYNE upon his arrival in Boston. PHILADELPHIA, June 7, 1775. My Dear Sir-We have had twenty different accounts of your arrival at Boston, which have been regularly contradicted the next morning; but as I now find it certain that you are arrived, I shall not delay a single instant addressing myself to you. It is a duty I owe to the friendship I have long and sincerely professed for you; a friendship to which you have the strongest claim from the first moments of our acquaintance. There is no man from whom I have received so many testimonies of esteem and affection: there is no man whose esteem and affection could in my opinion, have done me greater honor. I entreat and conjure you, therefore, my dear sir, to impute these few lines not to a petulant itch of scribbling, but to the most unfeigned solicitude for the future tranquillity of your mind, and for your reputation. I sincerely lament the infatuation of the times, when men of such a stamp as Mr. Burgoyne and Mr. Howe, can be seduced into so impious and nefarious a service by the artifice of a wicked and insidious court and cabinet. You, sir, must be sensible that these epithets are not unjustly severe. You have yourself experienced the wickedness and treachery of this court and cabinet. You cannot but recollect their manœuvres in your own select committee, and the treatment yourself, as president, received from these abandoned men. You cannot but recollect the black business of St. Vincent's by an opposition to which you acquired the highest and most deserved honor. I shall not trouble you with my opinion of the right of taxing America without her own con self to the main design and purpose of this sent, as I am afraid, from what I have seen of your speeches, that you have already formed your creed on this article; but I will boldly affirm, had this right been established by a thousand statutes, had America admitted it from time immemorial, it would be the duty of every good Englishman, to exert his utmost to divest parliament of this right, as it must inevitably work the subversion of the whole empire. The malady under which the state labors is indisputably derived from the inadequate repre- | sentation of the subject, and the vast pecuniary influence of the crown. To add to this pecuniary influence and incompetency of representation, is to insure and precipitate our destruction. To wish any addition, can scarcely enter the heart of a citizen, who has the least spark of public virtue, and who is at the same time capable of seeing consequences the most immediate. I appeal, sir, to your own conscience, to your experience and knowledge of our court and parliament, and I request you to lay your hand upon your heart, and then answer with your usual integrity and frankness, whether, on the supposition America should be abject enough to submit to the terms imposed, you think a single guinea, raised upon her, would be applied to the purpose (as it is ostentatiously held out to deceive the people at home) of easing the mother country? or whether you are not convinced that the whole they could extract would be applied solely to heap up still further the enormous fund for corruption, which the crown already possesses, and of which a most diabolical use is made. On these principles I say, sir, every good Englishman, abstracted of all regard for America, must oppose her being taxed by the British parliament; for my own part, I am convinced that no argument (not totally abhorrent from the spirit of liberty and the British constitution) can be produced in support of this right. But it will be impertinent to trouble you upon a subject which has been so amply, and in my opinion, so fully discussed. I find by a speech given as yours in the public papers, that it was by the king's positive command you embarked in this service. I am somewhat pleased that it is not an office of your own seeking, though, at the same time, I must confess that it is very alarming to every virtuous citizen, when he sees men of sense and integrity, (because of a certain profession) lay it down as a rule implicitly to obey the mandates of a court, be Not less than an hundred and fifty thousand they ever so flagitious. It furnishes, in my gentlemen, yeomen and farmers, are now in opinion, the best arguments for the total reduc-arms, determined to preserve their liberties or tion of the army. But I am running into a tedious essay, whereas I ought to confine my perish.-As to the idea that the Americans are deficient in courage, it is too ridiculous and |