also, which we do not, that the partially selected returns which were made the ground of his cross-examination were fair and accuratethere would still remain one conclusive and overwhelming argument, which no ingenuity can by any possibility evade; and that is the argument drawn from the parallelism of the cases of the slave population of the United States of America and of that of the British West Indies, in that only respect on which the West Indians can for one moment rest the shadow of an apology for the destruction of human life attendant on their system. That argument we shall transcribe in the words in which it appeared in a preceding number of the AntiSlavery Reporter, No. 100, p. 264.

"The slave trade ceased in the United States of America, and in the British West Indies, in the very same year, namely, 1808. The relative proportion of imported Africans, on which the West Indians lay so much stress as accounting for the decrease of their slaves, notwithstanding the boasted lenity of their treatment, must therefore have been nearly the same in the two cases. But have the results been the same?

"In one of our late numbers (No. 97, p. 102) we have shown that, in 1808, the slave population of the United States must have amounted to about 1,130,000, and that of the British West Indies to about 800,000.

“In 1830, after an interval of 22 years, the slaves of the United States amounted, by actual census, to 2,010,436; being an increase of 880,436, or about 80 per cent. in that time.

"It appears that, in 1830, the slaves in all the British West Indies could not exceed 695,000, being a decrease of at least 105,000 slaves in the same period of 22 years.

"Now, had the British slaves increased, during that time, at the same rate with the American slaves, their number, in 1830, instead of being only 695,000, would have been 1,423,317, making the enormous decrease, as compared with the progress of population in the United States, of 728,317, a waste of life exceeding, by nearly 5 per cent., the number of the existing population.

"A similar result would be produced by a comparison of the progress of population, among the slaves, with that of the free black and coloured classes inhabiting the same colonies. Had they even increased at the rate of the Maroons in Jamaica, the least favourably circumstanced of those classes, the 695,000 slaves of the West Indies would have grown, in 1830, to 1,240,000, or, if at the rate of the free classes in Trinidad, to 1,500,000.

"These facts constitute a charge against colonial slavery which no sophistry can elude. After every deduction which the most elaborate ingenuity can suggest, it will remain under the stigma of being one of the heaviest curses which afflicts humanity, and this independently of the unnumbered political, moral, and spiritual evils which directly flow from it. And yet here have we, with our Government, and our parliament, in this land of Christian light and liberty, been coolly deliberating for ten years (and still are deliberating) whether this curse,

inflicted by ourselves on our fellow subjects, shall be at once removed, or shall be permitted, for months or years longer, to oppress and desolate one of the fairest portions of the creation of God! How long shall we continue to endure this depressing load of conscious guilt? Let the electors, aye, let the legislators too, of the United Kingdom, see to it! THEY are now on their trial at the bar of the Most High!"

But one of the most important portions of Mr. Buxton's evidence remains still to be noticed-we mean the documentary part, which is so important that any member who shall overlook it will have made himself very imperfectly acquainted with the evidence adduced before the Lords' Committee. We must limit ourselves, however, at present, to a mere catalogue raisonnée of its contents,

1. A statement of the case of Hayti, from 1789 to the present time, with the causes and consequences of its revolution; drawn from authentic sources (p. 840-853).

2. Extracts from the minutes of the board of trade of Bengal, of the 7th of August, 1792, on the culture of sugar by free and slave labour (p. 856).

3. Extracts of a letter from William Fitzmaurice, Esq., on the same subject, dated Calcutta, 5th Feb. 1793 (p. 857).

4. Extracts from Dr. Roxburgh's account of the Hindoo method of cultivating the sugar cane, and of manufacturing sugar in the northern provinces of India (p. 857-869).

5. Extract from the History of Java, by Sir T. S. Raffles, published in 1817, on the culture of sugar by free labour in Java (p. 860).

6. Extracts from Remarks on the Husbandry and internal Commerce of Bengal, in 1806, relative to the Culture of Sugar (p. 861). 7. Extracts from Sir George Staunton's Account of Lord Macartney's Embassy to China in 1793, on the Culture of Sugar in Cochin China and China (p. 863).

8. Extracts from M. de Guigne's Voyages to Pekin, Manilla, &c., 1784 to 1801, on the Culture of Sugar in China (p. 862).

9. Extracts from Mr. Abel's Narrative of a Journey in the interior of China in 1816 and 1817, on the Culture of Sugar in China (p. 862). 10. Extracts from Barrow's Travels in China, on the Culture of Sugar there (p. 863).

11. Extracts from Crawford's History of the Indian Archipelago in 1820, on the culture of sugar there by free labour (p. 865).

12. Extracts from Mr. Botham's evidence before the Privy Council in 1789, on the enquiry relative to the slave trade; being on the culture of sugar, both by free and by slave labour (p. 867).

13. Extracts from the evidence taken before a Committee of the House of Commons, engaged in enquiring into the trade of India, showing the state of the sugar trade at Calcutta in the years 1828 and 1829 (p. 869).

14. Statement by T. F. Buxton, Esq., of the decrease of the slave population of the sugar colonies, drawn from official returns (p. 872-881).

15. Reply to the West Indian explanations of the decrease of the slave population in the British sugar colonies (p. 891-893).

16. Correspondence of Viscount Goderich with the Bishop of Jamaica, and the Bishop's reply of the 29th August, 1831, on the state of religion in Jamaica and its dependencies (p. 896-900).

17. The case of Mr. Custos Jackson and his wife, respecting their treatment of two female slaves, as contained in a despatch of Viscount Goderich of the 1st November, 1831 (p. 905-908).

18. An account of the complete enfranchisement of the forfeited Africans, and of the slaves belonging to the Crown in all the colonies, as drawn from official and parliamentary documents (p. 921-924).

19. The history and the effects of emancipation in the case of Guadaloupe, as drawn from authentic sources, and accompanied by official documents (p. 924-929).

20. An account of the emancipation of slaves, and of the culture of sugar by free labour, in Mexico, drawn from the official correspondence of Mr. Ward, the Mexican envoy, with Mr. Canning, and from Mr. Ward's work on Mexico (p. 929, 930).

21. The case of the emancipation of slaves in Columbia, from authentic sources (p. 930, 931).

22. The case of the Maroons in Jamaica, with official statements of the progress of population among them, as compared with the surrounding slave population (p. 931-934).

23. The question of the tendency of emancipation to produce pauperism, as it appears in official West Indian returns, considered (p. 934-936).

24. Comparative view of the progress of the slave and of the free black and coloured population, in the island of Trinidad, as far as it can be ascertained from official documents (p. 936-938).

25. A view of the state of free labour and its advantages, in the Island of Trinidad, drawn from official returns (p. 938—940).

26. A view of the progress of the free coloured population in the colonies of Antigua, Barbadoes, Demerara, Grenada, St. Lucia, and Mauritius, drawn also from official returns (p. 940, 941).

27. An account of the receipts and disbursements of the AntiSlavery Society from its commencement in 1823, to the end of 1831 (p. 949-956).

We have now finished our task of analysing the bulky volumes which contain the evidence on colonial slavery taken in the last session of parliament, by the committees of both houses. And, in bringing our labours to a close, we cannot deny ourselves the pleasure of again congratulating our friends, throughout the United Kingdom, on the results of the enquiry-results which we cannot but regard as most triumphant.

At the close of our last number we did not hesitate to express our entire conviction that the abolitionists had established their case in evidence. We do so

on the present occasion, if possible, with a still more undoubting confidence. It has been proved, with the clearness of demonstration, that colonial slavery may be abolished forthwith, to the unspeakable advantage of the suffering slave, and without danger either to the public peace or to the persons or property of the master. What motive, therefore, can exist for any further delay ? What course can now remain for a Christian Government and a Christian Parliament to take, but to pronounce its immediate and entire extinction, accompanying the measure by such wise and just precautions as may obviate the alarms of the most timid?

We put these questions at the close of our last number. Since we uttered them, parliament has assembled, and our position is somewhat changed by what has taken place there. In reply to Mr. Buxton, who had given notice of a motion for abolishing slavery, unless government should take the matter into their own hands, Lord Althorp stated that it was their intention so to do, and that he should bring before the House, as soon as it was matured, a measure which he trusted would be both SAFE and SATISFACTORY.

Of the details of this measure we can of course know nothing; but we hail the announcement of it with unfeigned delight; and with heart-felt gratitude to the great Disposer of all events for this cheering indication of his favour.

It would argue an utter ignorance of the frank and manly character of Lord Althorp to entertain the smallest doubt as to the sincerity with which this pledge has been given, and as to its entire accordance with the purposes of His Majesty's government. We therefore await the fuller developement of the proposed plan with confidence, indeed, but yet with intense anxiety. And this we apprehend is the feeling of the whole nation. They are looking forward, in a state of breathless expectation, for the result; and we trust that they will not be disappointed of their hope. The opponents of emancipation, we are well aware, will not be inactive. They are skilled in the mechanism of unfounded alarms, and no artifice will be spared to create such alarms. Only therefore let us be vigilant, watching with calmness the course of events, but prepared at a moment's notice to act with energy and decision; and then we need not doubt that the irreversible decree shall ere long go forth, which shall for ever efface this stain from the national character, and give liberty to the now prostrate slave in every corner of His Majesty's dominions. May God Almighty fulfil that expectation!

London: S. Bagster, Jun., Printer, 14, Bartholomew Close.

INDEX TO ANTI-SLAVERY REPORTER,

VOL. V.