and intemperate proceedings of the colonists themselves, and the violent manner in which they have opposed the wishes of His Majesty's government from year to year; the violent language which has been used, both in the legislature and out of it. I cannot conceive it possible that such language could have led to any other result. I have already intimated to your lordships the natural impression made upon the minds of the slaves would be this: His Majesty's government wish to ameliorate our condition, and ultimately to make us free, but that every measure tending to this has been most violently opposed by the colonists, both in and out of the legislature."

Mr. Duncan entered into considerable details respecting the persecutions that had been endured by the missionaries. We need not follow him in these details. They are sufficiently known, and are not questioned. He enters into many details, also, to show that the opposition of the planters is not to the sectarian missionaries alone, but to religion itself; and as much to clergymen of the established church as to Wesleyans or Baptists (p. 672, 673).

He produced also some important documents in proof of his statements, as to the persecution of missionaries (p. 681–685).

Exorbitant sums are often asked for the manumission of slaves, as much as £300. A planter told him that a man of the name of James Walker, on Holland estate, offered a very large sum for his freedom to Mr. whose answer was, 66 Ah, James, if you were free, you would go to the devil.-Go to your work"-(p. 690).

Mr. Duncan has known fifty lashes avowedly given to a slave, with a whip nearly resembling that now shown him, and equally efficient.

"A Negro was laid down to be flogged almost under my window, when I resided at Morant Bay-at least at no great distance. His master went to the workhouse; he came back with the supervisor, and four workhouse Negroes came along with the master and supervisor; two of them had whips. The Negro man was laid down; two of the Negroes held him down, one at the feet, and the other by the hands; and the Negroes who had the whips went one to each side of the man thus laid down and stripped. I counted either thirty-nine or forty lashes; that was with a cart-whip—I mean what is called a cart-whip.” This was in 1821. "The Negro man received thirty-nine or forty lashes with the whip. I observed that they still kept him down, while the two men, the Negroes who had been flogging him, went some little distance, and came back with tamarind switches-they are hard and flexible almost as wire—and then they began upon him again, to flog him with those tamarind switches. I did not count the strokes they gave with the switches; but to the best of my knowledge they were as many as had been given before. I observed, when the former lashes were inflicted, the slave never uttered any thing more than a deep groan; but, when he came to be flogged with the tamarind switches, he shrieked most dismally. His flesh was first lacerated with the whip, and then those small switches gave him great pain. I would observe this is a very common course in Jamaica; after they have received thirty-nine or forty lashes with the whip, then to use the tamarind switches; the common expression is, beating out the bruised blood.'"

"I have seen many cases of flogging (but not very near where I happened to be), when travelling through the country, especially on the sugar estates. When I went first to the island, my attention was often arrested by the sound of the whip, a sound very well known to those who have resided any time in Jamaica. I have looked in the direction, and seen persons subject to punishment, and have

counted more lashes than the law allowed. When residing at Morant Bay, the work house punishments I knew particularly; at that time they generally employed two Negroes for flogging; I never knew that on estates; and I have known them to exceed thirty-nine lashes, or even fifty lashes, without intermission; I did not see them punishing, but I know that so many have been inflicted without intermission. From the particular sound, I could judge of the instrument-a whip something like that produced to me" (p. 696).

"I recollect, in St. Thomas in the East, a man of the name of Phelp or Philp; he was flogged; he told me it was for attending a meeting for prayer. After a week or two, he came up to see me, and I desired him to sit down in the balcony of my house; he was not able to sit, but he leaned against a post. He afterwards went up to the curate of the established church; the curate told me he had examined him, and he was most dreadfully cut up. This, I think, was about 1824. I recollect again another case, of a coloured slave, belonging to Rhine estate; he was a tradesman; he had been flogged. I know it was many weeks before he got over it. He used to walk about with his stick: he was unable to do any thing. He told me that he got fifty lashes, and that each lash cut him. About the same year, I recollect another case, in St. Thomas in the East, in which I was at a property for change of air-myself with my family; the property belonged to a distant relation of my own. I recollect the overseer one night threatening to flog a young Negro woman (a woman about eighteen or twenty years of age), and I merely asked him what she had done. He told me she said there was no pleasing Buckra; but it was not for that, but because she had said Aha! (a very common mode of expression), that he would flog her" (p. 697).

"I remember another case, of a young woman coming from the workhouse at Mcrant Bay; she was coming over with one of her fellow slaves, who had been sent to the workhouse with her. I did not see her flogged, but she had on an Osnaburgh petticoat, and it was literally saturated with blood, which had been dropping on the ground all the way along. That was during my residence in St. Thomas in the East. After I went to Kingston, I saw persons who had been flogged looking very ill indeed. I do not know that I can now particularise any of them. I have seen flogging in St. Thomas in the Vale; I have seen children of from ten to twelve and fifteen laid down and flogged in 1827 or 1828. From that station I went in 1829 and 1830 to St. James, and I saw other slaves, who had been flogged. I have heard of others; I have heard, from a number of slaves that came, about one young woman particularly; her flesh was almost torn from her body, because, as I was told, she would not sleep with the overseer”– (p. 697).

"There is one estate, a coffee property, situate next to my house in St. Thomas in the Vale, Mount Concord. That property is very much embarrassed. The Negroes belonging to it have a very excellent character given them; indeed they bore an excellent character for many years; but, in consequence of severe labour, a number of those who had been the most steady, excellent, and valuable people upon the estate actually ran away. I found two of the Negroes, members of our society, had run away; those people, much against my personal feeling, I was obliged to exclude. I was well acquainted with the gentleman who was the overseer of that property. His name was The overseer informed me that the case was this: that the debt of the property must be paid off, and therefore a considerable number of Negroes were sent out to job. I believe the distance was between twenty and thirty miles. Mr. told me himself

it was a great hardship upon the Negroes, and the Negroes were determined they would not put up with it any longer, and for these reasons in the first place, they had harder work; then, they were a week or a fortnight away from their families at a time, and never saw them but on Sunday; that they had no opportunity of returning to the property to which they belonged; that their provision grounds were at that time uncultivated; and their allowance nothing like a compensation for losing their provisions; that they had nothing like a comfortable

house-nothing but temporary booths covered with cocoa-nut branches, on the sides of the road, instead of their comparatively comfortable huts on their own properties; therefore, as they were harder wrought, and taken away from their families, they were determined to put up with it no longer, and ran away to the woods. The overseer told me it was very hard, and he felt it so, but that the property was so involved; and he thought he could clear £500 a year by this kind of jobbing. I have known much individual suffering from slaves being taken to gaol, where they were confined for the debt of their master. I have seen the Deputy Marshal (or, as he is called, the Marshal's Dog), arrest Negroes, and drag them away for miles; and I have seen them crying and tearing themselves in the most violent manner. I remember once a young woman, who was arrested in a house where I happened to be at the time, on account of some debt owing to a gentleman by her owner. This young woman was about fifteen when she was arrested by the Deputy Marshal; the lady in whose house she was was very much affected, and appeared very indignant. I asked what was the matter; she said she had heard the Negro state there would be a fine prize at night for the gaol. Now,' says she, mentioning the name, this is a girl, though she does not belong to me, whom I have brought up as my own child; she has been religiously instructed, and can read the Scriptures; she is going at night to get into the fangs of one of those villains that belong to the gaol, and he will make her his temporary wife; that is a common case with the young Negro wome omen about her age, when they are cast into gaol for the debts of their owners.' I was present at the time, and if I had not assisted to redeem the girl, she would have been taken to the gaol. There was another case, of a young lad, about fifteen years of age I should suppose; he belonged to a property which was very considerably involved; he was a very decent young man; there was also the mother of this lad, with about seven children; they were a very comfortable family, and religiously instructed and well taken care of: this lad was seized and was taken to gaol, and kept there for some time; then sold and separated thirty or forty miles from where he had been brought up, and where the other branches of his family This I state from personal knowledge, that he was removed from his mother and brothers and sisters. I have also, in visiting the gaols, seen respectable Negroes, or at least apparently respectable quiet-looking people; I have asked what they were there for: I was told for their master's debt. They had been confined a longer or a shorter time" (p. 700, 701).

were.

5. THE REV. THOMAS MORGAN.

The evidence of this missionary before the Committee of the House of Commons will be found at pages 391 and 392 of No. 104.

Mr. Morgan is asked, "Have you heard or known of an instance of Negroes being addicted to vindictiveness and eruelty?" His reply is, "When I was in Antigua, there was a member of our society executed for murdering his overseer, but t was in consequence of the overseer debauching his wife." He knew of none in Jamaica (p. 712). He toought the slaves remarkable for their attachment to those who treated them kindly. He believed that, in regard to missionaries, the Negroes were disposed to lay down life for them; and he had witnessed many instances in regard to their owners also, when treated with any thing like kindness (ibid).

He considered the distress of the planter to arise mainly from slavery itself. It was founded on wrong. It was an iniquity calling he feared, for the judgment of heaven (pp. 713, 714).

If slaves were emancipated, he believed the parents woud be eager

to have their children instructed, and would pay for their instruction. On plantations children go to work at five years of age (p. 715).

He has seen the slaves beaten in the field with the cart-whip, the same kind of whip now shown, only the handle not quite so long (p. 717).

If the slaves were emancipated, there would still be law, of course, to restrain them; and in proportion as religious influence extended among them there would be peace and order (p. 718).

He

He always commended the slaves for attending to religious worship, and where there was any failure of attendance urged them to it. considered neither himself nor them as breaking any law in pressing this duty upon them, whatever the wish of their masters might be (p. 720).

6. THE REV. WILLIAM KNIBB.

The evidence of this missionary before the House of Commons' Committee is contained at pages 392-405 of No. 104.

Our readers will recollect how roughly Mr. Knibb was handled in that Committee, and particularly how it was attempted to falsify his testimony as to the confidence reposed in him by Mr. Miller, the custos, in respect to the examination of the Negro insurgents, who were under sentence of death, particularly in the evidence of Mr. Baker and Mr. Dignum (see Anti-Slavery Reporter, No. 104, pp. 339, 341). He now produced a letter from this identical Mr. Miller (who was the attorney of Mr. Hankey's estates, and also of Lord Seaford's), addressed to Mr. Knibb on the eve of his absenting himself, for a few months, from Jamaica, on account of his health, and to which island he returned just after the Baptist chapels had been destroyed, in February 1832. It is dated Falmouth, 12th June, 1831, and is as follows:

"Dear Sir,

"I am sorry to find from your letter that your ministry at Rio Bueno and Arcadia is about to cease, particularly as you have acquired the respect and esteem of the white persons residing at Arcadia, as well as of the slaves.

"I send enclosed a note for Mr. Whitehouse, requesting him to attend at Arcadia in your stead, which you will oblige me by conveying to him.

"Soon after my arrival in England I shall call on Mr. Hankey, when he will no doubt be particular in his enquiries respecting the progress his slaves are making in religious instruction, and in every matter which relates to their welfare.

"Please accept my best thanks for your kind wishes on my behalf; and wishing you the enjoyment of health and happiness," &c. (p. 738.)

Instantly on his return to Jamaica (in February, 1832, as mentioned above), Mr. Custos Miller sent for Mr. Knibb, and had a conversation with him for two hours, in which he stated his sorrow for the demolition of the chapels, and said the island was ruined by it (p. 738).

Lord Belmore issued a proclamation about the destruction of the chapels, which was nugatory. No attempt was made to prosecute the offenders, some of them magistrates, though the missionaries in their memorial gave him the names of the whole of the magistrates and officers of militia, whom they said they could prove to have been engaged in the demolition of the chapels (p. 739).

Mr. Knibb produced to the Committee Jamaica newspapers stating

the formation of the Colonial Church Union, framed for expelling dissenters and screening the destroyers of their chapels, stating the day of meeting, the proceedings and objects of the society, and the persons, magistrates and others, by whom it was formed. Among the resolutions of one of these meetings, held at Falmouth, in Trelawney, on the 24th March 1832, and signed by the custos, James Macdonald, who was in the chair, are the following:-

"1st. That the representatives of this parish be instructed to support every measure that may be brought forward in the house of assembly for preventing the sectarians any longer being permitted to disseminate their dangerous tenets amongst our slave population.

"2d. That it appears from a mass of moral evidence, that the sect called Baptists has been most instrumental in misleading our slave population by the inculcation of doctrines teaching disobedience to their masters. As Sectarianism leads to revolution both in church and state, it behoves us to adopt means to prevent any other than duly authorised ministers of the established churches of England and Scotland from imparting religious instruction to the slaves; and in furtherance of this measure we call upon all proprietors of estates, or their attorneys, to put down all sectarian meetings on their respective properties.

"3d. That our magistracy should be most strongly urged to withhold, for the future, their license to sectarian ministers and their places of worship.

"6th. That this meeting pledges itself to operate with the other parishes in this island in the general Colonial Church Union, for the purpose of protecting our interests from the diabolical machinations of the anti-slavery party in England, and their emissaries the sectarian preachers in this island" (p. 740).

As to pulling down the chapels, the Cornwall Courier, edited by Mr. Dyer, a magistrate, contains the following passage :—

"The war now may be considered at an end. The deluded victims of sectarian treachery have tried their strength, and are satisfied of their utter incapacity for warlike operations. The ease and celerity with which they have been subdued, and appalling examples, have struck a terror which will not be got the better of; and we might anticipate a long series of peace, were it not for the portentous events with which the political horizon of the parent state is overcharged. There we are to expect nothing but what the most rancorous animosity, backed by power, may inflict; but we are happy to observe that a feeling and spirit is aroused throughout the island which will enable the injured and insulted inhabitants to withstand and repel the assaults of their enemies. This has been manifested in the destruction of those dens of sedition and hypocrisy, the sectarian chapels.

"Retribution has been inflicted in the most speedy manner, and it has been inflicted by those who had a full right to do so. Society has its rights as well as legislature. The prerogative of society is undeniable; it is at all times greater than that of legislature, which is dependent on it. Here is one of those instances where the representatives were powerless, and the people have taken it in their own hands. When we say the people, we do not mean a mob-a gang of thieves and pickpockets, such as the happy politics of England now acknowledge as their liege lords; but we mean the magistrates, vestrymen, and freeholders of the island, who have been in arms to preserve their property, and who have in open day done this thing in self-defence" (p. 741).

The Jamaica Courant of the 1st March, 1832, a paper universally circulated in the island, contains the following denial of the slaves owing allegiance to the crown, but only to their masters.

"On an attentive reperusal of the governor's opening speech to the legislature,