Literary Societies.

VERULAM CLUB.-On the 5th instant, Mr. A. T. Cooper read a paper on "Dean Swift: his Life and Works;" which led to an interesting discussion upon the genius, influence, and labours, of "St. Patrick's famous Ďean." On the 12th, "Readings and Recitations from Modern Authors." On the 19th, a debate on "Are our Living Authors equal to their immediate Predecessors?" A question which received a negative answer by a majority of one. On the 26th, a business meeting was held. Chairman for the month, Mr. Lindley. Secretary, Mr. J. R. Crapper.

WESLEY YOUNG MEN'S SOCIETY-During the past month, four meetings have been held in connection with this Society. Mr. Joseph Clements read an able Essay on "St. Paul: his Life and Labours," on the 22nd instant. There have also been "Readings from Living Poets;" a Discussion on "Are Liturgies desirable in Public Worship?" On the 29th, the usual quarterly meeting was held, when the programme for the ensuing quarter was decided upon. The society numbers more than thirty members. Secretary, Mr. John Kilbourn.

THE MILTONIC CLASS.-A warm debate, extending over three evenings, upon "The Opening of the Exhibition on Sundays," has been the principal feature of the transactions of this society during the past month. Messrs. Thompson, Cordle, and Scholey, were the principal disputants. Several visitors availed themselves of the privilege allowed by this society, of taking part in the discussion, which much enhanced the interest of the proceedings.

WALSALL WORKING MEN'S COLLEGE.-At the recent examination in connection with the "Society of Arts," four students of this college succeeded in obtaining two second class and two third class certificates, which is an improvement upon the examinations of last year.

No reports have been received from the FRANKLIN CLUB, or the BRIDGE STREET YOUNG MEN'S IMPROVEMENT SOCIETY.

We understand that a Discussion Class has been formed in connection with the TEMPERANCE EDUCATIONAL CLASS, and meets weekly at the Grand Stand, Rooms. There are already more than twelve members.

Correspondence.

To the Editor of the Walsall Observer.

DEAR SIR,

I am surprised that in your remarks on "Art in Walsall," in the last number of the "Observer," you omitted to notice that specimen of ugliness which, guarded by a couple of guns, "adorns" the Bridge. A friend of mine, who visited Walsall during Whitsun Week, treated me to an hour's lecture on Private v Public Enterprise, illustrated by the clock over an establishment in Park Street, and the town clock above mentioned. I could only escape from him by promising to write to you, and point out your negligence. Having done so,

I remain, Yours, &c.

TASTE.

VOL. I.

AND REPOSITORY OF LOCAL LITERATURE.

AUGUST, 1862.

The American Crisis,

And England's Duty.

No. 3.

THE American struggle is the great event of the age, and towards it the eyes of all men are turned. Viewed from whatever standpoint, its importance must be confessed. Whether we consider its magnitude, or the interests involved, or the altogether exceptional features of this strange strife, we must admit that it is unprecedented in the records of modern history. The well-being of the whole world is affected; other nations beside the warring States are deeply interested in the struggle, and none more so than our own.

The recent serious reverses experienced by the North have once more called forth the question, "How long will this war last?" A few weeks ago, the tide had, to all appearance, fairly set in against the Confederates; a series of victories, though comparatively valueless, were successively achieved by the Federals, and the probabilities were, the speedy extinction of the "rebellion," and an end of the war. Now, however, the tide of events has turned, the Federals have sustained a series of the most shameful and disastrous defeats; its "grand army of the Potomac" has been forcibly driven from its boasted "position," and "retreated from Richmond twenty-seven miles." "And now, matters are pretty much the same as they were twelve months ago. The pervading impression here in England is certainly supported by the strongest probabilities, that recent events have postponed indefinitely the termination of hostilities, unless a fresh element is introduced. There is no earthly reason why it should not continue through the next fifty years, if left to itself. Nought appears yet to have been either won or lost, save life and blood and treasure. And looking at the respective "situations" of to-day, and a year ago; we are compelled to reiterate the question, "How long is it to last ?"

We cannot expect the war to be carried on by the North with increased vigour, various circumstances suggest the very opposite. The attention of all classes will in a very short time be directed to the question, "Who is to be the next President?" Already petty jealousies in high quarters are said to affect the unanimity of action so much required. McClellan, should he be favoured with success, will, in the opinion of many, occupy that position; while it is well known, that Stanton, Chase, and Seward are each expectants. To prevent McClellan's success, and thereby damage his chances of office, Stanton has already been said to withhold the necessary supplies from the General. And this state of things will continue and increase. While the unity of purpose, and vigour of action displayed by the South, is likely to continue. Patriotism fires the hearts and stimulates the courage of its soldiers: they are fighting for national independence, and this consideration will well weigh down every other, until success rewards their efforts.

The Southern States seceded, they at once formed themselves into a separate and distinct Confederacy, appointing first a provisional and then a properly-constituted republican government. This government receives from the community universal respect. For all required purposes it has displayed its efficiency. The new Confederacy immediately organized armies for its defence, armies which have proved "equal to the occasion." They have vessels of war and merchandise on the high seas. They were immediately considered by Europe, and subsequently recognized by the Federals, as belligerents; and they have by their promptness of action, their valor, and their successes, put in a claim which ought not to be discarded-a claim to be received into the great family of nations. Join to all this their avowed determination not to be conquered, much less subdued their deeply-rooted, increasingly-cherished, and openlyavowed hate to Yankees, their government and their policy-and their earnest appeal for the moral support of enlightened Europe, and we ought to ask ourselves the question, "Can we legitimately and constitutionally interfere?" When we see nations engaged in a strife so suicidal, with no prospect of a termination this side mutual extinction-a strife whose baneful influences are spreading o'er all the earth, surely the urgings of civilization, the suggestings of duty, and the claims of humanity, alike demand that something be done.

But there is the other consideration, which is the consideration just now with us as Englishman, even at the risk of being de

The

nounced as selfish; and this is, the serious effects of this struggle in our own land. This country, and certain localities especially, are suffering to an unprecedented extent from this fearful internecine war. Lancashire, as our readers know, is in a most lamentable condition, and there are worse things to come. busy hum of the loom is completely dying out, mills are closed, trade is nearly at a stand-still, pauperism is alarmingly increasing, starvation is reigning in many homes, and all this is directly traceable to the American struggle We are experiencing all the sad realities of a cotton famine, which, if allowed to continue, will result in utter prostration, and complete ruin.

We believe the duty of our government with respect to the present state of things in Lancashire is two-fold;-1st, to endeavour to alleviate the present distress; and, 2nd, to avert if possible the approaching calamity of a "winter without work." We ought seriously to consider what legitimate means can be used to obtain the required material for our manufacture. We are starving for lack of cotton, millions of bales are spoiling across the Atlantic, what means can we use to bring it here? The question as to the right of one nation to enforce trade with another requires no attention, the case is so very exceptional in this respect. There exists no determination not to sell, but a desire to sell on the part of the Southern planters. This, then, is the gist of the whole matter, our merchants on this side the. Atlantic are wanting to buy, the growers on the other side are waiting to sell, and the question is, how can we give buyer and seller the desire of their hearts?

Looking at America, humanity says, "Stay, if possible, this fearful strife." Looking at home, humanity says, "Interfere at all hazards." Weeping mothers, famished children, a starving population, prompt our immediate action. And what is our duty? One course only is open, we have no alternative, if we are true to ourselves, mindful of our interests, and sensible of our responsibilities, and that is an immediate proffer of mediation, which, if rejected by the North, should be followed by a recognition of the South, its admission into the family of nations, and our assistance in securing and preserving its independence.

But shall we not be favouring and supporting the institutions of slavery, if this course be taken? We answer, the question of slavery has but little to do in this struggle, which we consider a purely political one. The Northerns are not, as is patent to every one, abolitionists. The popular cry now is, "The Union as

it was.

Mr. Wood, at the great mass meeting in New York, called the abolitionists the greatest foes to the country, and said that the second person who should walk up to the scaffold, next to Jeff. Davis, should be Mr. Sumner. The moral support of Englishmen will always be with the abolitionists, but now we cannot afford to be sentimental-we really have no time to argue the matter, the straightest course will be the best, and the easiest. We have allowed ourselves in time past to be wholly dependent, in various ways, upon slave-grown produce, and we cannot suddenly alter our course without consequences the most serious. Doubtless we shall learn lessons by passing events, but it will take years to put these lessons to any practical account, and our population must not starve meanwhile.

There is now a great deal of cant and affectation in some quarters about neutrality. But we should never think of neutrality when our national life is at stake. Surely our commerce is of as much importance as the honour of our flag, if we could only break through old-fashioned notions and prejudices. The honour and dignity of our flag was assailed a little while ago, and "action" was then the order of the day. Our commerce is now seriously injured, the happiness, nay, the existence of millions threatened and is neutrality our duty?

The ultimate end of all political action, diplomatic interference and negotiation, and every recourse to arms, should be the happiness of the community. Any theories opposed to this, any precedents adverse to this, should be unceremoniously discarded. We should establish as well as follow precedents, and we should aim only at the general good. If precedents and acknowledged rights aid us, we should follow them and act up to them, if not, we should pencil out a course for ourselves. In this case we cannot follow out the principles of strict neutrality, we cannot be, because we are not, disinterested spectators of the fight. cotton in the Southern States is, in one sense, our property: it has been grown almost exclusively for our consumption. The planters offer it to us, ought we not to obtain it? Recognize the Southern States as a separate nationality, the war will then be speedily terminated; the South will become our most devoted friends, and our own demands and urgent requirements will be met, our populace will have a winter with work, and America a winter with peace.

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