avoiding a course which would have surely resulted in an interruption of the friendly relations then existing between Great Britain and the United States. In accordance with this policy he rejected the overtures which were finally made by the Colombian minister in London.64 bia at London, had with Canning on November 7, 1825 (O'Leary, Memorias, 352-354); Hurtado to Revenga, November 16, 1825 (O'Leary, Memorias, 358-360); Revenga to Bolivar's secretary general (O'Leary, Memorias, 478-479). 64 In a letter to Bolivar, dated December 23, 1826, Santander said: "Hurtado has at last spoken to Mr. Canning concerning the alliance and the protectorate. The minister [Canning] fears that the rest of the nations will view the league unfavorably, and particularly the United States of the North. He declared that England aspired only to maintain the relations which she had established with the American states, unless some unforeseen event should oblige her to adopt some other course." O'Leary, Memorias, III, 341. CHAPTER X ATTITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES ATTENTION must now be directed to the fuller consideration of the attitude of the United States toward the Panama Congress, as well as of the attitude of the great protagonist of that congress toward the United States. to It will be recalled that the circular of invitation which Bolivar sent out under date of December 7, 1824, was directed specifically to the "republics formerly colonies of Spain." Nevertheless, two months previously the government of Colombía had instructed Salazar, its minister at Washington, sound gradually and in a manner confidential and private, the opinion and desires of the government of the United States relative to the proposed American confederation," with a view to extend an invitation to that government if it should show a disposition to accept. In replying to Bolivar's circular, Santander, the acting president of Colombia, wrote early in February, 1825, that he had deemed it expedient to invite the United States to send representatives to the assembly, and that he was firmly convinced that the allies of Colombia would not fail to see with pleasure friends so enlightened and sincere taking part in deliberations for their common interest. Santander sent with his communication to Bolivar a copy of the instructions to Salazar.2 In April, Bolivar wrote expressing the fear that the invitation to the United States would not be favorably regarded by Great Britain, to which objection Santander re 3 1 Gual to Salazar, October 7, 1824. O'Leary, Memorias, XXII, 615. 2 Santander to Bolivar, February 6, 1825. O'Leary, Memorias, XXIV, 255. 3 The letter referred to has not been published. The inference is drawn from Santander's reply. plied that if the United States entered the confederation it would be only after having arrived at an understanding with Great Britain, as he was sure had been done when President Monroe announced his opposition to the American projects of the Holy Alliance.1 The government of Colombia was not alone in inviting the United States to participate in the Congress of Panama. Replying to Bolivar's circular of December 7, 1824, President Victoria declared that, as he was persuaded that the cause of independence and liberty was the cause not only of the republics formerly colonies of Spain but also of the United States, he had instructed the Mexican minister at Washington to broach the subject of the congress to the President and to inquire whether he would desire to send representatives to take part in its deliberations. During the spring of 1825, Clay held separate conferences on the same day with the ministers of Mexico and Colombia, at their request, in the course of which each of them stated that his government was desirous that the United States should send representatives to the proposed congress. Clay informed the ministers that if certain preliminary points relative to the subjects to be considered, the substance and form of the powers of the delegates, and the mode of organizing the congress could be arranged in a satisfactory manner, the President would be disposed to accept in behalf of the United States the invitation which had been provisionally tendered. Thus the matter rested until early in November, when Obregón and Salazar, the ministers of Mexico and Colombia, presented formal invitations, which were soon followed by a similar communication from the minister of the republic of Central America, who had not been a party to the previous conferences. In an identical note to Obregón and Salazar, Clay, while lamenting the fact that the preliminary conditions O'Leary, Memorias, III, 189. 5 Victoria to Bolivar, February 23, 1825. O'Leary, Memorias, XXIV, 256-257. 1 had not been satisfactorily arranged, declared that the President had resolved, subject to the advice and consent of the Senate, to send commissioners to the congress, and that, while these commissioners would not be authorized to enter upon any deliberations nor to concur in any acts inconsistent with the neutrality of the United States, they would be fully empowered and instructed on all questions likely to arise in which the nations of America had a common interest. On the same day Clay, in a shorter note, accepted the invitation which the minister from Central America had extended in behalf of his government. In his first annual message of December 6, 1825, President Adams referred briefly to the proposed assembly at Panama and made known the fact that he had accepted the invitation which had been extended to the United States to be represented in it. On December 26, he sent to the Senate his special message nominating Anderson and Sergeant as delegates. Accompanying this message there was a report from the secretary of state, together with copies of the correspondence with the ministers of Mexico, Colombia, and Central America. On January 9, 1826, he sent to the Senate, in compliance with a resolution of that body, yet another report of the secretary of State, furnishing translations of the conventions which Colombia had entered into with Peru, Mexico, Central America, and Chile; and with these there were transmitted such parts of the correspondence of the United States with Russia, France, Colombia, and Mexico as were supposed to bear upon the subject of the resolution. These messages and the accompanying papers were referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, from which, on January 16, Senator Macon made a report concluding with the recommendation that the following resolution. 8 • American State Papers, For. Rel., V. 835-839. be adopted: "Resolved, that it is not expedient, at this time, for the United States to send ministers to the Congress of American Nations assembled at Panama." 9 On February 1, to which day the consideration of the resolution was postponed, the President transmitted to the Senate, at its request, extracts from the correspondence between the United States and Spain, relative to the interposition of the Emperor of Russia to induce Spain to recognize the independence of the South American states. 10 No action of importance was taken by the Senate until February 15, when, on motion of Van Buren, it was resolved, first, that, upon the question whether the United States should be represented in the Congress of Panama, the Senate ought to act with open doors, unless it should appear that the publication of the documents would be prejudicial to existing negotiations; and secondly, that the President be requested to inform the Senate whether such objection existed. The President, in reply, declared that the communications relating to the Congress of Panama had been made in confidence, and that, as he believed in maintaining the established usage of free confidential intercourse between the executive and the Senate, he deemed it his duty to leave to the Senate itself the decision of the question.11 On February 23 a resolution was passed declaring that, although the Senate had the right to publish confidential communications, yet circumstances did not then require the exercise of that right. With this question disposed of, the Senate proceeded to consider the resolution reported by the Committee on Foreign Relations, and after a long debate it was defeated on March 14 by a vote of 19 to 24. The confirmation of the President's nominations followed without further difficulty, the 9 Executive Proceedings of the Senate of the United States on the Subject of the Mission to Panama, 3-14, 15-56, 57-76. 10 Executive Proceedings of the Senate of the United States on the Subject of the Congress of Panama, 77–86. 11 Ibid., 87. |