CHAPTER VIII.

THE COMPROMISE TARIFF.

Mr. Clay's Views of Public Policy in a Letter to the Hon. J. S. Johnston.-Controversy between the President and Vice-President, General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun.-Pilate and Herod agree in one Thing.-Nullification.-General Jackson attempts to kill two Birds at one Throw.-Fails to kill either.Publication of the Ordinance of Nullification.-General Jackson's Proclamation.-Governor Hayne's Counter Proclamation.-South Carolina in a State of Rebellion. Mr. Clay's Opinion of General Jackson's Proclamation in a Private Letter. The Proclamation a Failure.-General Jackson misses his Game.Mr. Clay on the Alert to save the Protective Policy.-Difficulties of his Position.-Matures his Plan.-Proposes the Compromise.-Explains it to the Senate. Analysis of the Bill.-Its favorable Reception.-The Administration (Mr. Verplanck's) Bill under Par.-A Private Letter from Mr. Clay of this Date.

THE following extract from a private letter of Mr. Clay to his particular friend, the Hon. J. S. Johnston, U. S. senator from Louisiana, will disclose some of his views of public policy, before he returned to the senate, in 1831. It is dated at Harrodsburg (Kentucky), July 23, 1831:

"Of the events at Washington, which have occurred since I saw you, I need say but little. Every one, fond of his country, must have seen them with mortification and regret. The only consolation deducible from them is, that they may contribute to dispel the delusion which placed those in power, who have occasioned them.

"You request, and I have pleasure in communicating, my views of the policy which ought to be observed by the general government, in respect to the tariff, after the payment of the public debt. "1. I think the principle of protection, both in theory, and its practical application, must be preserved.

"2. That, as the wants of the government, supposing the continuance of peace, will not then require more than about twelve millions of dollars, duties of impost ought to be reduced or totally repealed, upon articles of foreign growth, not competing with the productions of domestic industry, to such an amount as will leave the revenue about that sum. This, I believe, can be effected without touching any of the leading or essential articles which are now protected.

"3. As for internal improvements, I never would lay one cent of tax or duty for their prosecution; but, from time to time, as surpluses of revenue accumulate, they should be applied to the object of their promotion.

4. The renewal of the charter of the bank of the United States, with any modifications which may have been suggested by experience.

"These are the general principles. Details are unnecessary. You will at once see their application. You will also perceive the expediency of your considering this communication confidential. The country is at present so much excited, on most of the above subjects, that neither party is prepared impartially to consider any proposition which does not comprehend all it asks, in whatever spirit of extravagance. Any publication of my views would probably expose me to misconception with both parties. And I do not think, on the other hand, that, during the contest now existing, any opinions of mine should be put forth, which might be construed into an appeal, on my part, to the public."

A FEW historical reminiscences here, as between General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun, will perhaps cast some light on events now rapidly maturing to a crisis. These two eminent individuals, the former as president, and the latter as vice-president, had gone on with tolerable harmony-possibly in sincere friendship-till some third persons had forced upon the president's notice the facts, that Mr. Calhoun, as secretary of war, under Mr. Monroe, had not only taken the ground, in cabinet counsel, that General Jackson had transcended his orders, in the Seminole war, by occupying the Spanish posts; but that he was in favor of censure-of punishment. It is not material to the present object, who hoped to profit by stirring up these ashes; but the coals touched the president to the quick, and he immediately called on the vice-president, by a note, transmitting a newly-discovered document as the ground of his action, for an explanation. Whereupon the vice-president, very properly, threw himself back on his reserved rights, and declined to answer a private inquiry into his official conduct. The president wrote back, that it was unnecessary to say more; and from that moment the personal feud between them commenced, the corsequences of which were very important and momentous. It is one of the instructive lessons of history to observe how such personal matters among men of exalted station and great influence, affect states and nations. Mr. Calhoun, by this event, was cut off from his chances of the succession. It is remarkable, that before

General Jackson was installed for his second term, South Carolina nullification burst forth upon the land!

The opposition of some portions of the south to the protective policy, was not in itself sufficient to shake its foundations, and menace it with overthrow. It was the junction of that force with the personal feelings of the president in ANOTHER direction from. Mr. Calhoun, that made both formidable, and precipitated the country into a new and unexpected crisis. It was not material that these two agencies, these two wills-that of General Jackson and that of Mr. Calhoun-should have the same ultimate design, so long as they could act together in removing an obstacle which lay in the path of both. They might hate each other as much as each hated their common opponent, and yet unite for the destruction of the latter. That there was a moral affinity of this kind between the head of the national administration and the leader of nullification, though in a deadly quarrel with each other, it is supposed, will not be questioned.

South Carolina, led on by Mr. Calhoun, had already made some strong and decided demonstrations of her purpose, when Mr. Clay was engaged in this debate in the senate of the United States, in February, 1832. It was impossible, therefore, that this state of things in that quarter should be disregarded on such an occasion. In allusion to it, Mr. Clay said:

"With respect to this Union, Mr. President, the truth can not be too generally proclaimed, nor too strongly inculcated, that it is necessary to the whole and to all the parts-necessary to those parts, indeed, in different degrees, but vitally necessary to each-and that threats to disturb or dissolve it, coming from any of the parts, would be quite as indiscreet and improper as would be threats from the residue to exclude those parts from the pale of its benefits. The great principle, which lies at the foundation of all free governments, is, that the majority must govern-from which there is, or can be, no appeal but to the sword. That majority ought to govern wisely, equitably, moderately, and constitutionally, but govern it must, subject only to that terrible appeal. If ever one or several states, being a minority, can, by menacing a dissolution of the Union, succeed in forcing an abandonment of great measures, deemed essential to the interests and prosperity of the whole, the Union, from that moment, is practically gone. It may linger on, in form and name, but its vital spirit has fled for ever! Entertaining these deliberate opinions, I would entreat the patriotic people of South Carolina-the land of Marion, Sumpter, and Pickensof Rutledge, Laurens, the Pinckneys and Lowndes—of living and

present names, which I would mention if they were not living or present-to pause, solemnly pause! and contemplate the frightful precipice which lies directly before them! To retreat may be painful and mortifying to their gallantry and pride, but it is to retreat to the Union, to safety, and to those brethren with whom, or with whose ancestors, they, or their ancestors, have won, on fields of glory, imperishable renown. To advance, is to rush on certain and inevitable disgrace and destruction.

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"The danger to our Union does not lie on the side of persistence in the American system, but on that of its abandonment. If, as I have supposed and believe, the inhabitants of all north and east of James river, and all west of the mountains, including Louisiana, are deeply interested in the preservation of that system, would they be reconciled to its overthrow? Can it be expected that two thirds, if not three fourths, of the people of the United States, would consent to the destruction of a policy, believed to be indispensably necessary to their prosperity?-when, too, the sacrifice is made at the instance of a single interest, which they verily believe will not be promoted by it? In estimating the degree of peril which may be incident to two opposite courses of human policy, the statesman would be short-sighted, who should content himself with viewing only the evils, real or imaginary, which belong to that course which is in practical operation. He should lift himself up to the contemplation of those greater and more certain dangers which might inevitably attend the adoption of the alternative course. What would be the condition of this Union, if Pennsylvania and New York, those mammoth members of our confederacy, were firmly persuaded that their industry was paralyzed, and their prosperity blighted, by the enforcement of the British colonial system, under the delusive name of free trade? They are now tranquil and happy, and contented, conscious of their welfare, and feeling a salutary and rapid circulation of the products of home mauufactures and home industry, throughout all their great arteries. But let that be checked-let them feel that a foreign system is to predominate, and the sources of their subsistence and comfort dried up; let New England and the west, and the middle states, all feel that they too are the victims of a mistaken policy, and let these vast portions of our country despair of any favorable change, and then indeed we might tremble for the continuance and safety of this Union!

"And need I remind you, sir, that this dereliction of the duty of protecting our domestic industry, and abandonment of it to the fate of foreign legislation, would be directly at war with leading considerations which prompted the adoption of the present constitution? The states respectively surrendered to the general government the whole power of laying imposts on foreign goods.

They stripped themselves of all power to protect their own manufactures, by the most efficacious means of encouragement-the imposition of duties on rival foreign fabrics. Did they create that great trust, did they voluntarily subject themselves to this selfrestriction, that the power should remain in the federal government inactive, unexecuted, and lifeless? Mr. Madison, at the commencement of the government, told you otherwise. In discussing at that early period this very subject, he declared that a failure to exercise this power would be a 'fraud' upon the northern states, to which may now be added the middle and western states.

"Gentlemen are greatly deceived as to the hold which this system has in the affections of the people of the United States. They represent that it is the policy of New England, and that she is most benefited by it. If there be any part of this Union which has been most steady, most unanimous, and most determined in its support, it is Pennsylvania. Why is not that powerful state attacked? Why pass her over, and aim the blow at New England? New England came reluctantly into the policy. In 1824, a majority of her delegation was opposed to it. From the largest state of New England there was but a solitary vote in favor of the bill. That enterprising people can readily accommodate their industry to any policy, provided it be settled. They supposed this was fixed, and they submitted to the decrees of government. And the progress of public opinion has kept pace with the developments of the benefits of the system. Now, all New England, at least in this house (with the exception of one small still voice), is in favor of the system. In 1824, all Maryland was against it; now the majority is for it. Then, Louisiana, with one exception, was opposed to it; now, without any exception, she is in favor of it. The march of public sentiment is to the south. Virginia will be the next convert; and in less than seven years, if there be no obstacles from political causes, or prejudices industriously instilled, the majority of eastern Virginia will be, as the majority of western Virginia now is, in favor of the American system. North Carolina will follow later, but not less certainly. Eastern Tennessee is now in favor of the system. And, finally, its doctrines will pervade the whole Union, and the wonder will be, that they ever should have been opposed.

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"For one,

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I am delighted to see the condition of the poor attracting the consideration of the opponents of the tariff. It is for the great body of the people, and especially for the poor, that I have ever supported the American system. It affords them profitable employment, and supplies the means of comfortable subsistence. It secures to them, certainly, necessaries of life, manufactured at home and places within their reach, and enables them to acquire a reasonable share of foreign luxuries; while the system