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were not his acquaintance and personal our Supreme Court. It means that the friends, of men who were bound by neither results of this election are in so far endansocial nor financial ties to his fellow-club. gered. So vast are the resources of men. In a spirit of even justice, in the Mr. Whitney and the Metropolitan Street consummation of his experiment in fearRailway Company, so strong is money lessness and veracity, he determined to ruthlessly expended, that the newspapers deal in utter freedom of speech with the are loud in comment on the value of the men of power and leading in Wall Street reinforcement brought to Tammany, and and in the brownstone districts no less my campaign managers are pleading with than with the men of power and leading me to say no word of Mr. Whitney or the in the City Hall and in the slums; with Metropolitan Street Railway Company Mr. Whitney and Senator Platt no less that may provoke them to direct their than with Mr. Devery and Mayor Van vast resources more heavily against our Wyck.
side. My campaign managers, for aught "Is it any wonder,” said Mr. Jerome, I know, are right in the matter of expedi" that Mr. Whitney should at last come ency. I never have known anything about forward publicly upon the side of Mr. electioneering, and I am not here to play a Shepard, when the platform on which Mr. game I do not know. I am here to play Low is running contains a plank in favor the only game I know—the game of tellof taxation of public franchises ?-not, ing the truth. If by telling the truth I indeed, of any anarchistic scheme of con- lose the fight—why, later, there will be fiscation under pretext of taxation, but of another fight. But to me it seems that a just system of taxation by which those nothing could have served so well to show deriving benefits from public franchises the real nature of the fight in which we should pay the people a fair price for are engaged as just this support given benefits derived? Is it any wonder that openly to Tammany by the Metropolitan Mr. Whitney and the interests he repre. Street Railway Company. There are sents should be arrayed against the many people in this city who love TamFusion party, when they know that if many because they have been told that they can defeat it they can buy their way Tammany is the poor man's friend. as heretofore, and that if it cannot be There are not many people in this city defeated they cannot buy their way ?” who love the Metropolitan Street Railway
“ There has come into this campaign,” Company; and this avowed support of he said to another audience that same Tammany by the Metropolitan Street evening, “an element so sigrificant that I Railway Company comes just in time intend to say no word in any public place to show the blindest who the friends to-night except on this new theme. In of Tammany really are. The grafter its importance it very far transcends the never yet was working in the interest brutal ruffianism of Devery and the black- of the poor and honest man; he is mail levied by captains of police. It may certain to be working in the interest of seem to you far less picturesque and inter the man that has the stuff. And that is esting, it may evoke no cheers—but cheers why the fight for a dishonest administraare useless things. If you will take the tion never can be a people's fight. If remembrance of it home with you, it will anybody has been weak enough to fancy gradually assume the same importance in that there may be dishonest politicians your mind that it bears in mine.
whose dishonesty is for the people's profit, “ This new element is the support given let him disabuse himself. The dishonest publicly by William Whitney to Edward politician is certain to be working with Shepard. The support given by Mr. the richest grafter whose spoils he has a Whitney is support given by the Metro chance to share; and in this country the politan Street Railway Company; the richest grafters are the rich corporations intervention of the Metropolitan Street that rob the people of their rights. The Railway Company is the intervention of fight against the grafters now in office is the money power. It means that money a fight against the money power. Don't will be spent at this election as money misunderstand me. I don't want your has been spent to buy our City Council vote under false pretenses. Don't take and to buy our Legislature and to buy me for an Anarchist or any other claptrap fellow trying to bid for votes. There such men as it has found it can corrupt.” is no judge upon the bench and no private Evening after evening he reiterated the citizen who has stood more steadily than same charges, evening after evening the I, within the limits of such power as I applause swelled louder. But on October could exercise, for ihe sanctity of prop- 30th, without the smallest warning to erty. I am not attacking corporations any friend or counselor, he began the simply as corporations. I believe that in chief speech of the night with words the present economic organization of which to the minds of all his friends society corporations are absolutely neces- spelled ruin. It was one thing to attack sary to carry on the business of this or Mr. Whitney : Mr. Whitney was, when any other community; I believe that with all was said, a Democrat, and a Democrat out them it would be impossible to bring already formally enlisted on the side of together the great aggregations of capital the Democratic political machine. The that in the economic world are necessary fusion was a fusion of the whole Republito the winning of your bread and mine. can party with a portion of the DemoI am not even attacking trusts. They cratic; the political machine on which the may be expedient, they may be inexpedi- Fusionists relied was the Republican maent; I believe that they are inevitable chine. The mainspring of the Republidevelopments of the conditions of the can machine, supposedly or actually, was modern economic world, and that we shall Thomas Platt. “There is a man by the learn to manage them so that they shall name of William Whitney,” Mr. Jerome serve the people's interests, as we have said that evening, as the beginning of his learned to manage other facts and forces speech in Lyric Hall, “and there is a man of the material world. I do not believe by the name of Thomas Platt, and the in subjecting corporations to any form of man named William Whitney and one extortion, legal or illegal. They have Ryan of evil State Trust fame met to-day; their rights; other people have theirs. and they conferred ; and when they had But when their vast resources are expended conferred they sent for Thomas Platt, and to gain possession of our Legislatures and Thomas Platt went to that office. He is our courts, and even our ballot-boxes, a man more accustomed to send for others then it is time to call a halt; then it is than to go to them. He went up in the time to spring to the defense of our rights back elevator, and was taken to the priagainst the money power. You can call vate room of William Whitney, and then a halt by your ballots, if you will, the William Whitney and Thomas Ryan, who sixth of next November; you can never had been waiting in the office of the Morcall a halt by criticism and comment. ton Trust Company, went to the room Criticism and comment take as little hold where Thomas Platt was, and they conon corporations as on politicians. The ferred. giving and the taking of bribes are crimi- Now, I have no use and never have nal offenses ; you can call a halt by voting had any use for Thomas Platt, any more for an equal and impartial enforcement than for Richard Croker or for William of the law.”
Whitney, and I tell you this to-night “ The little looters !” he exclaimed at because it serves to show you how things still another meeting that evening : “ what stand, and because I believe that if the are they to the octopus that holds the people of New York knew really how whole city in its grasp ? I have at heart things stand, they would arm our hands the suppression of vice in this city; I at this election against corruption both have at heart the suppression of crimes Democratic and Republican. of violence in this city; I have at heart " It may be that they conferred about the suppression of public gambling in the parallax of Jupiter or the dark side of this city ; but far more deeply than any the moon, but they didn't. It may be or all of these, I have at heart the libera- that Mr. Whitney talked with Mr. Platt tion of this city from the power that sys about the Philippine Islands, but he tematically corrupts its public service - didn't. He talked, as I believe, with corrupts the courts, corrupts the Legisla. Mr. Platt about the District Attorneyture, corrupts the City Council, and seeks ship of the County of New York. Mr. to keep in power against the people's will Whitney's memory is not so short that it
cannot go back to the days, scarcely a faces on the platform were those of Mr. year ago, of the State Trust Company, Jerome's own party. They sought one when a loan of $2,000,000 was made to another's eyes for a time in mute amazeD. F. Shea, an office boy of Thomas ment. Finally they found speech--in Ryan, though that loan was forbidden by whispers. “It looks as if I had seen a the State of New York, and was, in con- man commit suicide,” said one; “he is sequence, a criminal transaction.
either à martyr or a hero." Suicide! “ It is no new thing, the alliance He has killed the whole ticket along between Tammany Hall grafters and Re with himself. Why didn't you stop him publican grafters—or do you think that off?” This inquiry was addressed to the graft is a monopoly of Tammany Hall? writer, because he had happened to be Do you think the rule of Thomas Platt is alone with Mr. Jerome in the carriage any better than the rule of Richard Croker, when he arrived at Lyric Hall. The except that the one may be compared to notion of stopping him off from saying petty larceny and the other to grand anything he had made up his mind to say, larceny? I have had occasion to know which would in any case have been amussomething of the power of bosses in this ing, was in this case the more so since he city, and I have seen the fair fame of the had not dropped a word of his intention city prostituted year after year by infa- to name Senator Platt. He had said only, mous collusion between the persons who as we neared our destination, “ Hodder, I misrepresent the Republican party and am going to put the fat in the fire." I the persons who misrepresent the Demo said that I was not surprised, that he had cratic party. It is no new thing, the been doing nothing from the beginning of alliance between the bosses upon either the campaign but put the fat in the fire. side and the alliance between those bosses “ It makes small difference,” he answered, and the money power. But do you realize with an accent of brooding meditation what that alliance means ? There are that was by no means usual with him, sincere men, and I am one of them, who “ whether Low and I be elected ; it is believe the principles of the Democratic important only that some one have the party essential to the welfare of the coun- pluck to tell the people the truth;" and he try; there are sincere and loyal men, and jumped out of the carriage. many of them, who believe the principles There was nothing improbable or even of the Republican party essential to the unusual in the sort of understanding welfare of the country. Such men must between political adversaries which Mr. fight it out together at the polls, and may Jerome was thus ascribing to Mr. Platt be content to fight it out together loyally, and Mr. Whitney: it was precisely because with a true, square count. But in the such compacts are become a commonplace meanwhile in a back room there sit in of politics, and yet are unfamiliar to the conference a little group of men who have public, that this one with overwhelming control of the elections and decide the force seemed to him to point a moral and questions we contend about, with no to symbolize a danger. It is between the regard to principles at all.”
rank and file of either party that there That speech in Lyric Hall was given obtains in matters politic a warfare to the under the auspices of a local Republican death. The leaders on either side—not organization. The audience enjoyed it, the orators, but the true leaders, the men but the faces on the platform went white who govern the machine, the men who with dismay at the first mention of Sen- constitute the power behind the throneator Platt. The chairman, who had said are for the most part on amicable terms. the prettiest words he could command a The Republican machine is to all intents few minutes before and sat down smiling, and purposes a trust; the Democratic looked as if he had just discovered that machine is to all intents and purposes a some one had been making a fool of him. trust; like other trusts, they pool. When He was a big man, with a big face that the Republicans come into power, most lent itself to angry expression ; he had the offices, but by no means all, go to Repubaspect of a disappointed, savage bulldog, licans; when the Democrats come into held back by a collar and chain from a power, most offices, but by no means all, go at his natural prey. The foolishest are given to Democrats; the distribution of places is arranged by conference his own eyes, justified him in making that between the opposing powers. Before speech. His offhand reply was: “ If Platt election the distribution of votes is not wants a fight, he can get it. I was not infrequently arranged in the same manner: going to wait for him to strike the first one candidate is sacrificed to save or to blow. I do not want public office badly defeat another candidate of more impor- enough to be a puppet in the hands of tance. In the last days of the campaign any man or set of men. I am not makprecisely such a compromise was openlying this campaign to win out as District attempted and enjoined by Tammany for Attorney; I am making it to tell the the defeat of Mr. Jerome. The instruc- people of New York the things they ought tions that went out from Tammany head- to know.” Later in the day there came quarters were to trade votes in any manner to visit him at headquarters a man in that would keep the District Attorney's whose integrity he was known to have office safe. That the District Attorney's implicit confidence, commissioned to office should be friendly, or at least assure him that to his personal knowlquiescent, is a matter of supreme necessity edge there had been at the conference in to all the systematic violators of the law; question or elsewhere no consultation or it is necessary, not indeed for their agreement between Mr. Plait and Mr. immunity-the District Attorney is far Whitney with regard to any political enough from being omnipotent—but for matter whatsoever. That the secret contheir peace of mind. Witnesses may be ference had taken place was by this insuborned or else removed, be the District formant not explicitly denied. There are Attorney and his staff never so active or persons who still affirm themselves to so vigilant; juries and judges still may have good and sufficient reason to beliete intervene between the offenders and the that the subject of the conference was in law. But between the indictment and the fact precisely that declared by Mr. Jerome, verdict, and even between the beginning and that a conspiracy was in fact defeated of the investigation and the formulation by being brought so soon and so audaor abandonment of the indictment, the ciously to light. Mr. Jerome himself acviolators of the law are sure to pass cepted his informant's word. “I have unquiet hours. It is worth to then what received assurances," he said that night ever it may cost to go their wonted way at his first public meeting, “ from a gentle
man who is in a position to know, and in The next morning there were published whose honor and integrity I believe, that interviews with Senator Platt and Mr. at the conference of which I spoke last Whitney denying that they had been night there was no discussion between recently in conference, and newspapers Mr. Platt and Mr. Whitney of any matter which had given Mr. Jerome steady sup- bearing on this election. These state port dealt in unfriendly criticism. Men ments I accept. I am satisfied from the who had worked for him and candidates assurances that I have received to-day that on the ticket with him visited his head- the Republican organization in this city quarters with long faces. Word came that will loyally support the whole ticket-the Senator Platt had given orders that he whole ticket, without exception ; and that should not be permitted to speak in any the returns on election day will show this hill controlled by the Republican organ- support to have been given. To this izition until he had publicly recanted and extent I qualify what I have said, and to apologized. Practically every one held this extent only. What I have said,
it hin to blame for two things : for sacri- touches the broad facts and issues of our ficing a notable career for himself, and for politics, I stand for, if I stand alone.” jeoparding even his associates on the The attack on Senator Platt and Mr. ticket, both for a freak of temper. I set Whitney was in a manner the turningthese things down because they place in point of the campaign. For Mr. Jerome high relief the fact that the men who are himself it was a turning point. In the to reform American politics must be pre- attack on Senator Platt he had at last pared at times to stand alone. I asked given complete expression to his own Mr. Jerome that same day what had, in conception of the essential nature of the
state of things to be reformed. He had man he found that he could trust. There made appeal to those, and to those alone, had been applause for Mr. Jerome, and by whom alone, as he believed, it could vehement applause, from first to last belastingly reformed. He had made whenever he appeared ; but never such appeal to the unattached, plain man. He applause as when he struck into a course had grown weary of inveighing against in which it was supposed that he would Tammany and only Tammany. The find himself alone. Tammany administration was corrupt; he Those who were about Mr. Jerome in had fought and was fighting with a will the few remaining days of the campaign to have it overthrown. He was far from must often have had running in their dreaming that the battle of reform would minds the well-worn lines descriptive of have been won when Tammany was over- the "happy warrior;" he, too, was happy thrown. He knew well that in Tammany as a lover,” and was “ fired with sudden lay neither the sole root nor the sole fruit brightness, like a man inspired.” His of the administrative lie. He knew well energies, astonishing before, seemed quadthat no system different in essentials from rupled; he spoke at even more meetings, that of Tammany ever has existed, or he spoke longer; what his speeches lost will ever enduringly exist, under the sway in picturesque detail they gained in of the administrative lie. The govern- impetus and scope.
impetus and scope. In every speech he ment of the city, he had repeatedly de- pressed home his appeal to the plain clared, was in the hands of a gang of
In the very experiences, the very criminals; it is an exact description, from preoccupations, that had seemed to sepaa legal point of view, of illegal licensers rate him from the generality of men, he and liberal enforcers of a mendacious found a vital ground of unity with the law. Besides the gang of criminals actu- plain people of the land. There is small ally in power, there is sure to be at least difference of opinion concerning the main one other gang of criminals that has been outlines and enactments of the criminal and still desires to be in power. As law. There is small difference even of against the plain people, there was to his feeling, except as feeling may be found thinking a natural alliance between the dishonorably inert or honorably strong. rival gangs, as also between whatever In the broad lines laid down by the crimgang might chance to be in power and inal law he found the lines of demarcathe richest violators of the law. The tion between the party of the criminal difficulty lay in bringing home to the and the party of the plain people of the plain man the fact of this alliance and its land. scope; the difficulty lay in rousing the “ They tell me,” he said, in response plain man to a sense of his own interest to his applauders at the Murray Hill in the strife and to a sense of his own Lyceum, “ that I should have made none power. The hostile intervention—the at of the speeches I have lately made. They least apparent hostile intervention—of tell me I have been needlessly arraying Senator Platt, the open hostile interven- against our cause great and powerful tion of Mr. Whitney, had given him his enemies. But I judge your hearts by mine, opportunity, without departing from the and I think that there are enemies whom question of the hour, to make appeal with it rejoices and exalts and fortifies men's passionate explicitness to the plain man hearts to encounter face to face. I think against the plain man's natural foes. The that the great corporate interests that attack on Senator Platt had been to the have entered into a corrupt alliance with plain man a convincing proof that here corrupt politicians to despoil the people was not the ordinary office-seeker, with a of this city of their rights have not waited loud voice and much to say of the iniqui- until these last days of the campaign to ties of those upon the other side. The know which side to fight on, and that it applause that in a virtually Republican is for the people of this city of the last mass-meeting rewarded the attack upon importance, and animating and invigorthe party chief of the Republicans was a ating and well-omened, to know at last convincing proof that the plain man in beyond a peradventure on what side those every party was prepared to stand by the interests mean to fight. In finding them