bills, all of the denomination of five dollars, and before the end of the week the First National Bank of Dover was holding nearly five thousand dollars in this particular kind of currency, all crisp, new five or ten dollar notes that had never been creased, or that had been folded only once. Although the numbers of these notes were scattering, they were so distributed as to show that two whole series had been used, and that the notes whose numbers were missing in one shop or one bank had merely been spent or deposited in another. More than a month after the election, I myself obtained in Dover a lot of ten-dollar notes of this bank, whose numbers ran from 33,414 to 34,691, showing the use of $12,770; and through the hands of a single business man in Milford there passed notes whose highest and lowest numbers indicated the distribution, on election day, of more than $20,000. A gentleman in whose sources of information I have perfect confidence informed me that not less than $30,000 in crisp, new bills of the Merchants' National Bank of Boston went into the banks of Kent County alone, immediately after the November election. An equal if not a greater amount was undoubtedly distributed in Sussex County, and thousands of dollars passed from hand to hand without getting into banks of deposit at all. If the cashier of the Merchants' National could be compelled to disclose the name signed to the check or checks upon which these new, consecutively numbered notes were issued, the AttorneyGeneral of Delaware would be fully justified, I think, in filing an information under Section 8, Article V., of the Delaware Constitution, and bringing somebody before the Superior Court of Newcastle County for trial on the charge of vote-buying and bribery. Such a course of procedure would purify the political atmosphere of the State, and it might result in the enforced retirement of Mr. Addicks from the field of Delaware politics. I will not undertake to say where he would go, but he certainly would not go to the United States Senate. That these notes of the Merchants' National Bank of Boston were paid into the stores and banks of Kent County by Union Republican voters there is not the sha low of a doubt. In Dover, in Camden, in Georgetown, in Dagsboro, in Bridgeville, and in many other towns and villages of southern Delaware, the pay offices of the Addicks cashiers were perfectly well known, and scores of men were seen going to them from the polls and coming out of them with the new, crisp bills in their hands. In Camden, Kent County, for example, the cashier's office was a small empty building familiar to everybody in the community. One hundred and thirty negroes, who had voted the Union Republican ticket, went from the polls to that building on election day, and some of them as they returned dropped into stores, with the money in their hands, and, holding it out for inspection, said to the clerks, Say, boss, is dis yere counterfeit?" The crispness and newness of the unworn and uncreased notes excited their suspicion, and led them to fear that the bills had been manufactured for election purposes only. 66 In Georgetown, Sussex County, the office of the Addicks cashier was in a well-known general store on the main street of the town. The business of paying for Union Republican votes was carried on there so openly as to become a public scandal. Justice Boyce, of the Delaware Supreme Court, happened to pass the place on election day; saw negroes coming out with money in their hands; and was so filled with indignation that he went to the office of ex-Attorney-General Richards and asked whether the thing could not be stopped. Mr. Richards said that he thought Judge Boyce would be fully justified in raiding the place personally. The Judge thereupon went back to this store, burst in on the Addicks men, and said indignantly, "Gentlemen, this is disgraceful! It's scandalous! You'd better stop it!" The cashier's office was then moved to the house of a negro in a comparatively remote part of the town. The buying of votes throughout southern Delaware, in last fall's election, was so open and so notorious that the local Addicks men did not think it worth while to make a secret of it, and the figures that I am about to quote were, in most cases, given by them to personal friends. or intimate associates among the Democrats and Regulars. In the Camden precinct of the Seventh Representative District of Kent County, the chief Addicks worker, whose name I have, bought more maintaining and running his political than 200 voters, including 130 negroes out of the 134 who were registered. The market price of votes in the morning was $15, but it advanced to $25 later in the day. Five thousand dollars were sent there hurriedly in the afternoon, as a special emergency fund with which to buy votes for J. Frank Allee, the Addicks candidate for State Senator in the Third Senatorial District, when it was found that he was running behind in Dover. The emergency fund saved him, but he had only 98 plurality. In the first precinct of the Ninth Representative District of Kent County 175 Union Republican votes were paid for out of 225, and in the Fifth Representative District of the same county the Addicks workers bought 89 votes at $30 apiece, and about 100 votes (of negroes) at $10 apiece. In In the second precinct of the Second Representative District of Sussex County (Northwest Fork hundred) the Addicks men spent between $9,000 and $10,000, and bought 307 of their 401 votes. the northern part of Nanticoke hundred, Sussex County, they polled 158 votes, of which 140 votes were purchased. In the First Representative District of Sussex County (Cedar Creek hundred) they bought more than half their voters, including 258 negroes out of 260. In ti.e Dagsboro hundred, Sussex County, all of the Union Republican votes were bought except 16. There are said to be less than 50 unpurchasable voters in the whole Dagsboro hundred. In the Fifth Representative District of Sussex County (Little Creek hundred) the Addicks workers spent $5,700 and bought 407 votes. In the Fourth Representative District of the same county they spent $4,500 and bought 240 votes, as shown by their list. I might continue this enumeration of votes bought in southern Delaware if there were any necessity for so doing; but statistics make monotonous reading, and I have given specific cases enough, I think, to sustain and justify my general charge. A prominent Union Republican leader told a citizen of Wilmington, who is well known in Washington as well as throughout Delaware, that Mr. Addicks spent in Kent and Sussex Counties in the campaign of 1902 no less than $130,000. This included, I presume, the cost of "machine." Scores of Addicks workers have to be paid every year for their services; the "influence" of locally prominent men has to be bought-frequently at a high price-and large sums of money given to local managers for the purchase of votes are misappropriated or embezzled. In 1894, for example, Mr. Addicks, or an agent acting in his behalf, put into the hands of two workers in Gumboro, Sussex County, the sum of $2,000 to be used in buying votes. The workers stole most of the money, and the election district went Democratic by 56 majority, although the corruption fund of the Democrats was only $275. It is a common practice, furthermore, among Addicks workers to buy negro votes at the rate of $5 or $10 apiece, turn them in to Addicks at the rate of $15 or $20 apiece, and then pocket the difference between the real price paid and the listed price. Against fraud of this kind Mr. Addicks, of course, has no protection. There may be "honor among thieves;" but honor does not seem to be a characteristic of men who are hired to buy votes in Delaware; and although the employer may know that he is being robbed, he cannot prosecute the robber without admitting that he himself is particeps criminis. Dr. Layton told a friend in Dover, two years ago, that among the Addicks workers.in. Sussex County there was nobody whom he could trust with money. They all stole. Making due allowance for cash misappropriated or embezzled, and for the expense of running the Delaware " "machine," Mt. Addicks probably spent not less than $80,000 in Kent and Sussex Counties last fall in the corruption of the electorate, and bought seven or eight thousand of the thirteen thousand votes polled for his legislative candidates. He now has twenty-one supporters in the Delaware Assembly, and is holding up the State as usual. Senator Hanna, Chairman of the National Republican Committee, telegraphs State Representative Flinn at Dover that the anti-Addicks men ought not to combine with the Democrats to defeat the Union Republicans, because "certainly the party is entitled to the fruits of its" (purchased) "victory." [TO BE CONTINUED] A FIGHT FOR THE CITY I THE STORY OF A CAMPAIGN OF AMATEURS BY ALFRED HODDER Private Secretary to District Attorney Jerome IV. The Powers that Rule T is not the office of the leader of a great campaign, in his speeches, or even, it may be, in his inmost meditations, to do elaborate justice to the mood and mind of those he comes to overthrow; it is enough for him if in his words and thoughts he does rough justice to their deeds. Not their inward and spiritual state is for the moment of importance to him and to his hearers, but the state of the community beneath their rule; in the nice consideration of degrees of innocence or guilt there would be for him and for his hearers only loss of passion and of power. To the defense the Tammany politicians might have made Mr. Jerome paid, naturally enough, small heed; yet in the long interval for unimpassioned thought that lies between election and election, the nature and the weight of that defense may well be found of moment, not to the defendant only, but to the community itself. There was nothing new in Mr. Jerome's clear recognition of the alliance between the grafter and the puritan. Every man about town experienced in men and affairs takes that alliance for granted in his daily speech. What has escaped notice, seemingly, is the significance of that alliance. for the conscience of Tammany itself. The practice of levying blackmail on the wicked for the profit of the right eous is at least as old as Robin Hood; the practice of making vice contributory to the public treasury prevails in many foreign lands to-day. It is not a system that in the United States is sanctioned by the public conscience and the public will; but it is a system, not a chaos; it is to the credit of the administrative instinct in the community at large that, in the absence of administrable laws, there should have been evolved so firm and definite a scheme. An inadministrable law is in practice not a law; it commits to the administrator the labor of evolving case by case a practicable scheme. An inadministrable law is in practice infinitely worse than none; it foreordains the illegality of every practicable scheme. Where the law is inadministrable, the administration of the law is The necessarily illegal; where the law is inadministrable, the administrator of the law is the legislator's âme damnée. The price paid for the specious virtue of the legislator is the administrator's legal guilt. It is not to be wondered at that the administrator should upon occasion turn in wrath upon the eloquent accuser who has been the foreordainer of his crime. The Tammany politician has thus turned upon his accuser more than once; he has declared in good set terms that he has served the public as in fact though not in word the public wishes to be served. guilt of perjury lies in deceit. The oath he takes and breaks, the public has required that he shall take-and break; and it is toward the public only, he may reasonably claim, that its obligation was incurred. It is a familiar principle of law and ethics that to the performance of impossibilities no man can possibly be bound. The legislating public solemnly propounds to him an oath for the performance of impossibilities which it knows to be impossibilities; he solemnly recites the oath that its propounder knows to be an oath for the performance of impossibilities: qui est-ce qu'on trompe ici? The administrative system thus evolved is far from being the private property of Tammany or even of the Democratic party as a whole. No political party in the United States has the monopoly of the administrative lie. The system is essentially the same whatever party may chance to have the upper hand. If it is under Tammany that the illegal administrative system is oftenest and most violently denounced, that is by no means because under Tammany the administrative lie and the illegal administrative system it necessitates reach their extremest form. It is rather because the Democratic party as a whole, and Tammany in particular, have less than their opponents' genius for the administrative lie. It is rather because the Tammany politician is administering a system to which he was not born. The administrative lie is AngloSaxon, Protestant, and Puritanic; the Tammany politician, as a rule, is none of these three things. His taste in lies, if lie he must, is of a different kind; his taste in men is of a different kind; his very conscience is of a different kind. Confessedly it is not the Anglo-Saxon element that is predominant in Tammany; and no one ever yet has called hypocrisy the Irishman's besetting sin. His temptations to departure from veracity have seemingly an altogether different source. They are temptations seemingly to overpraise his interlocutor rather than his own people or himself, and the praise he gives and seeks is not the praise of being grave and good and great; it is the praise of being loyal, loving, charming, witty, brave, and kind. It is probable, indeed, that he sees neither stimulus to virtue nor evidence of virtue in the overstatement of his own or of his neighbor's moral strength; he has been taught that the remission of men's sins must be preceded by the confession of their sins, and that none have been more ready to claim kinship with the sinner than the holiest of the saints. His forte lies neither in rebuke nor exhortation, nor even in moral indignation. It can scarcely be affirmed of him as yet that he has shown any special aptitude for doing justice; it can scarcely be denied of him that he loves mercy and walks humbly with his God. Far from overstating his own virtues, he is prone upon occasion to understate them of all modes of speech the most bewildering and exasperating to the average Anglo-Saxon mind. Only the other day Mr. Croker was guilty of a slip of just this sort; in words which rang from the Atlantic coast to the Pacific, he declared himself to have been working for his own pocket all the time. No man in the least experienced in men or in affairs will find it credible that in this instance he was speaking the truth about himself. It is not to be believed that ever any man attained and kept the central place in a vast body of quick-witted and hot-hearted men by working for his own pocket all the time; it is not to be believed that Mr. Croker has not sacrificed a thousand times his personal and present interests, if not indeed to those of the great public, still to those of his colleagues and his clan. The point is that, face to face with enemies who had a gift and passion for good words, he had no impulse to give himself good words; he had an impulse rather of sheer wrathful and disgustful impatience of good words; he utterly declined to drape himself in any decorative phrase. The point is that this impatience of the decorative phrase is found far oftener on the Democratic than on the Republican side. There is nothing in the principles of the two parties to explain their difference on this point; the principles of the Democratic party lend themselves perhaps more readily to the requirements of the ringing phrase: the source of the difference lies rather in a difference of race and of inherited ideals. It is only in the Democratic ranks that there occur such outbursts of impolitic and disconcerting candor as made memorable the administration of the late Chief of Police; it would be an error to suppose that William Devery incurred the indignation of the public in the first instance by his deeds; he incurred it by his words. There had been chiefs of police before his day who exercised quite as capriciously and ruthlessly as great an arbitrary power; what the public would not stand for was a lawless exercise of power that was not even denied. That William Devery did himself injustice by his words there is no reason to believe; but at least it is self evident that he, too, had no impulse to give himself good words; he has a gift for words, but he has used it for the fabrication of the undecorative phrase. Audacities of utterance like his can never be the rule in any group of politicians; and Mr. Croker, and for that matter Mr. Sullivan, are more renowned for silence than for speech; but still their very silence obviously is a silence from good words. They may plead plausibly enough that they have done what the great public wishes to have done, but in the meanwhile they have failed to say what it wishes to have said. They have too lightly taken for granted that by keeping on the statutebook the formulas of the administrative lie, the public craving for the decorative phrase is once for all appeased. Among their colleagues few or none have made amends for this oversight of theirs. Even when the Tammany politician is in theory a convert to the charm or to the usefulness of the administrative lie, even when he takes it on his lips deliberately, he, for the most part, fails to recite it with suffi cient gravity and unction; because it is a formula, he recites it du bout des lèvres and formally; like certain Old World comedians lauded by Charles Lamb, he seems to be confiding to his audience that he is but playing a part. When the administrative lie is called in question, he has not the least appearance of feeling his own veracity to be impugned; it might be almost fancied that he breathed more freely, as now at last at liberty without deceit to speak the lines set down. If we are near waking when we dream, we are still more obviously near truth-telling when we are willing to admit we lie; indeed, fiction owned for fiction has seldom, except among the strictest of the puritans, passed for a lie at all. But lies so told lose half their power to thrill; under the administration of Tammany the great Anglo-Saxon public has been left starving for good words. no In the United States the public is by means Anglo-Saxon-witness Tammany; and the time may come when even in morals there will be a compromise between the ideals of the Anglo-Saxon race and those of races whose blood is blent with ours. To me it seems that in the compromise there is not necessarily involved a moral loss. There is something to be said for the morality of suiting action to word and word to action, and something even for the morality of being a little better than one's word. I cannot for my life detest William Devery—he is too veracious; nor yet Tim Sullivan-he is too kindly; there is in the world no sort of charity that counts for good except Big Tim's. Nor yet Tammany itself; it fosters in too great perfection the spirit without which no great republic ever yet has thriven-the spirit of the clan. The clan differs from the trust, whether of capital or labor, in that it embraces all sorts and conditions of men. There are doubtless various excellent sorts of men that count few representatives in Tammany, but at least it has been rather they that held aloof than Tammany that refused to take them in. Tammany has enabled men in widely different states of life to understand one another's needs and natures. It has accomplished quietly and effectually for its own innumerable members what has been too often fussily and ineffectually attempted for the community at large. It has supplied in time of need material aid without the intervention of a Charity Organization, and legal aid without the intervention of a Legal Aid Society. If its system of administration has been liable to terrible abuses, it has been sedulous in the protection of the individual against the working of the system, at least whenever the individual has been a member of the clan. No doubt it has been often reckless of the interest of individuals not numbered with the clan; no doubt it has often been reckless of the interest of the public as a whole. But it was said long since by a great statesman that the man who in his politics pursues the interest of his friends at least has proved himself disposed to seek some other interest than his own. And it may be doubted whether any man was ever capable of working to good purpose for the public who was not capable of working for a clan. When all is said, there is for individuals and for nations such a thing as an apprenticeship of public spirit; and it might be served in a worse school than Tammany Hall. If there is to be forever in the city of New York a system of inadministrable law and illegal adminis- . tration, the application of the system might be in worse hands than those of Tammany Hall. But Tammany is committed to that lying system; there lies the rub with Tammany. However little natural gift or liking it may have for the administrative lie, it has accepted its existence, it |