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reduced to thirty per cent, upon the actual value of the merchandise, as proposed by this bill, the ruin of the farmer and manufacturer would be inevitable. The pressure of the trade upon us is bad enough now, but it would be much worse then, as our protecting duties would be reduced, one-third. Suppose the British manufacturer should then, as now, ship his own goods to this market; and suppose, in making up their invoice price, he should choose to consider the cost of the materials and the wages of labor as constituting their actual value, thereby leaving out the interest on capital, and the wear and decay of machinery, which vary from ten to thirty per cent. What would be the result: Why, that British cloth would come to us invoiced at seventy or eighty cents a yard, instead of one hundred cents, and would, therefore, actually pay a duty of some twenty or twenty-four cents only on the dollar, when it ought to pay a duty of thirty cents on the dollar. With the usual lo of from five to twenty per cent... for prompt to: as it is called, the difference against us would be still greater. Now, sir, should the American merchant export to Liverpool these same British cloths, or American cloths of the same quality and cost, they would be valued in Liverpool at one hundred cents, or more, a yard, and would actually pay a duty of thirty per cent. So that the same yard of cloth, or a yard of cloth of the same intrinsic cost, would pay thirty cents to the British treasury, and twenty or twenty-four cents only to the United States' treasury. And this is the sort of reciprocity that the bill will fix on us. My colleague [Mr. CAMBRELENG] remarked that he did not suppose that this bill would affect the policy of Great Britain, at least for some years to come. Sir, I think so too. She cannot accept of our offer, without opening her colonial pores to us, and repealing her corn laws; which last, I suppose, she can never do, because, I take it for granted, that, in the present condition of things, she is satisfiéd that agriculture is as essential to the prosperity of manufactures, as manufactures obviously are to the prosperity of agriculture. Neither did he [Mr. C.] think it probable that France, at present, would accept the proffered terms; but he thought that Portugal would. Suppose Portugal does, and we make a treaty with her, whereby it is agreed that she will receive our produce and manufactures at a. rate of duty not exceeding thirty percent. on the actual va. luethereof, to be ascertained as she pleases, and that we will receive her produce and manufactures at the same rate of duty on the actual value thereof, which value is to be ascertained, not as we please, but at Lisbon, or at some other place in Portugal. But, before I proceed to examine the ruinous effects such a treaty will have upon our farmers, mechanics, and shipowners, let me call the attention of the House to some of the provisions contained in our existing treaties with other nations. *The second article of our treaty with Great Britain says that “no higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importations into the United States of any articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of his Britannic Majesty's territories in Europe,” “than are or shall be payable on the like articles, being the growth, produce, or manufacture of any other foreign country." Two cargoes of cottons and woollens arrive at the port of New York at the same time; one from Portugal, the other from England. The Portuguese goods are entered at the custom-house, and pay the duty of thirty per cent. The British goods are also entered, and, by the provisions of this second article of our treaty with Great Britain, they pay a duty of thirty per cent only. Is it not so? I think it is; and I know not how we can escape from it. What better arrangement, therefore, can Great Britain desire than this contemplated arrangement with Portugal Her ports will remain, as they now are, closed to us, while ours will be

Spanish vessels, by the fifteenth article of her treaty with us, coming from the ports of Spain or of her colonies, are to be admitted, for the term of twelve years, into the ports of Pensacola and St Augustine, in the Floridas, * without paying other or higher duties on their cargoes" than are paid by vessels of the United States. . Of these twelve years, three yet remain. Spain, therefore, might bring into the Floridas her West India sugars and rum, at a duty of thirty per cent, which would be about equal to a duty on rum of ten cents a gallon, and on sugar of one cent a pound. This would effectually ruin our own sugar growers. With Colombia we have a treaty, the third article of which stipulates that the Colombians may trade with us “in all sorts of produce, manufactures, and merchandise, and shall pay no other or greater duties, charges, or fees whatsoever, than the most favored nation is, or shall be, obliged to pay.” We have similar treaties, also, with Sweden and Norway, and with the Hanseatic Republics of Lubec, Bremen, and Hamburgh. It will be perceived by these treaties, that a Colombian, Swedish, or Hanseatie vessel may, import into the United States auy article of any country which can be imported in one of our own ves. sels. A treaty, therefore, with Portugal, or with any other foreign power, in conformity with the provisions of this bill, would have the effect of opening our ports to the admission of the produce and manufactures of the world, at a rate of duty not exceeding thirty per cent. upon their value abroad. And these terms, having been deliberately offered by us, when once accepted by a foreign nation, we can never change. My colleague [Mr. CAMBRELENg] calls this reciprocity. The bill, too, speaks of reciprocal terms. As applied to the shipping interest, this is well enough. It is our licy and our law now. And this reciprocity is simply E. tween the ships of various nations in the same port, and not between the laws to which these ships may be subject in the ports of the respective nations. For example, a British ship, in one of our ports, is subject only to the same tonnage duty and other charges as an American ship; and an American ship, in a British port, is subject only to the same tonnage duty and other charges as a British ship, although these duties and charges may, at the same time, be twice or three times higher in a British port, under the laws of Great Britain, than they are in an American É'. under the laws of the United States. But, sir, this ill proposes a sort of universal scale of duties to become, I suppose, a part of the law of nations, whereby each nation, under all circumstances, will be bound to admit every article at a duty not exceeding thirty per cent. on its value. The policy of imposing duties, whether for revenue or protection, is purely municipal, wholly domestic, and has no connexion with the mere transit of vessels and their cargoes from one foreign port to another. Why, therefore, stop here Why not make a universal assize of bread Î Why not propose that the wages of labor shall be equalized every where? That no nation, t or small, shall have an army of more than six thousand strong? or a fortress more than five feet high? or more than five ships of war? ... All these are for the defence of persons, property, and honor; and they do not stand more firmly on the principle of self-preservation, than does this “American system” of protecting the labor, skill, and industry of our citizens. Sir, the principle of this bill, carried out, would soon make us s: ent u foreign labor : would soon drive us to foreign ot. for all we want, from a hat to a shoe, from an anchor to a hobnail. Let us look, a moment at its operation. England is the mistress of the loom and the anvil. Her manufacturers, after supplying their home market at a profit of some twenty-five per cent, have a large surplus on hand, These surplus goods, together, with the effects of bank

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obe, sent here in greater quantities than ever. And, if *hitherto they have successfully carried on this trade, and Achecked our manufactures, while the nominal duty has been forty-five per cent, surely, when, as proposed by *this bill, the nominal duty shall be thirty per cent. only, they will completely destroy our manufactories of cottons, *woollens, iron, and sugar. and, in a few years, take entire apossession of the American market, supplying it when othey please, and at such prices as they choose to demand. *What matters it to us, in such an event, whether the *British duty on woollens be fifteen or fifty per cent. And will, she abandon her agriculture, kill her flocks and her teattle, and take our grain, and provisions, and wool, in sexchange for her manufactures? Never! Will France { *No, never ! They cannot do it, without individual and onational sacrifices, which neither can ever make. * Not only our manufactures of cottons, woollens, iron and sugar, but of lead, tobacco, hats, boots, shoes, and of other common necessaries of life, are all protected by du-ies exceeding, and some of them greatly exceeding, thirty oper cent. upon their value: yet all these are to be pros. orated at a blow by this novel experiment, for the bene. cit of our navigation 1 * This is called a navigation bill. And what, sir, will be —ts effects upon the shipping interest of the United States? at is quite apparent that our commercial marine cannot, at the present day, find profitable or constant employonent in the service of foreign countries—though it is proable that a few may be thus constantly and profitably omployed. The reason is obvious. There is now scarcely : commercial nation that is not its own carrier. It follows, ohen, that our commercial marine must depend entirel apon the labor of our own citizens, and be sustained, if tall, by carrying to market the surplus products of that Labor. And it is equally clear that these products must e adapted to the state of the market; that is, to the wants of the taste of the buyer. This Fo to us, thereore, the true and only inquiry, shall we still rely, as for. Therly, upon finding a market for these crude, unwrought roducts ...Our cotton, rice, and tobacco, the produce of two millions of our citizens, still find a market abroad; ut there is comparatively none for the bread stuffs and rovisions, which could be readily, as heretofore, suplied to any amount by the remaining eight millions of ur citizens. This is easily accounted for. Nations that re used to feed, now feed themselves; and they no more want to buy of us, than we do of them. This branch of ommerce, once so thriving and lucrative, and which emloyed so many of our merchant vessels, is now falling of The cotton, tobacco, and rice of the South, great is they are, will give constant employment to but few of hem. What, then, is to sustain our merchant vessels— ur navigation ? That is the question. The old sources 're drying up. A new condition of things has arisen, ind there is no getting back to the old again. Whence, hen, is help to come From manufactures, added to *uch raw materials as still find a market abroad. The ibility of eight-tenths of our citizens to produce raw ma*erials, is daily increasibg; and yet the foreign market *or them is daily diminishing. How, then, is their skill ond labor to be brought in aid of the shipping interest, *xcept by giving new form and value to the raw material? And will not such an amount of skill and labor, in the "hape of manufactures, give new life and strength to our *avigation? Yet this bill proposes to benefit navigation, *y prostrating our manufacturing establishments; thus *utting off the very means by which it is to live. Sir, orill England, France, and Russia give up their commerial marine, or hazard its prosperity, upon the condition 'hat they shall supply us with manufactures, and we them orith cotton, tobacco, and bread They are now, more han ever, our determiued competitors on the ocean. o "hey will not, for they cannot, cease this competition. Vol. VI.-124.

How, then, can we sustain ourselves, unless we, like them draw nutriment and strength from the loom and the anvil? Unless we apply our skill and labor to existing habits and wants, and put in requisition all our means, as they do theirs, to supply them, how can we hope to extend our commerce or our power But it is said that our navigation is declining, and that this is owing to our tariff laws. Down to 1807, the United States enjoyed a large and unrivalled carrying trade. Thence, to the general peace in Europe, in 1815, our ships, during the greater part of the time, were detained in port by the embargo and the war, and the carrying trade, in the interval, fell chiefly to Great Britain. This injured our navigation and benefited hers. Since that period, a new condition of things has arisen, in consequence of which we have powerful, interested, and persevering rivals in the carrying trade, which once gave us such ample employment and profit. Still, and in spite of this rivalry, our tonnage has not only not declined, but is now, in fact, greater, in proportion to our population, than that of Great Britain, or of any other nation. The treasury records prove that it amounted, in 1824, to one million three hundred and eighty-nine thousand one hundred and sixty-three tons; in i825, to one million four hundred and twenty-three thousand one hundred and eleven; in 1826, to one million five hundred and thirtyfour, thousand one hundred and ninety; in 1827, to one million six hundred and twenty thousand six hundred and seven; and, in 1828, to one million seven hundred and eighteen thousand seven hundred. There has been a gradual increase since 1818, when the tonnage lists were corrected; and, since 1828, the increase has been about four hundred and eighty thousand tons. This does not look much like decay. The shipping interest may be, and doubtless is, greatly depressed. So is almost every other interest. Our domestic manufactures, annually exported, amount to several millions of dollars, and the quantity and value are rapidly increasing. The dye woods and other dye stuffs imported from abroad already employ a large amount of tonnage, and will annually employ more and more. And yet my colleague, [Mr. CAMBRELENG) by way of benefiting navigation, proposes a measure which will dry up the sources and paralyze the hands that sustain it, and finally cast it adrift upon the ocean, to seek and serve other, and kinder, and wiser masters. My colleague spoke of some contest between the democracy and aristocracy of England. Sir, that is a matter which I shall leave entirely to my colleague, Mr. Huskis. son, and the British Parliament, to settle in their own good time and way. But he made another assertion, which I cannot pass over in silence. He said there was, in this country, “an aristocracy of manufacturing capitalists, who would, if they could, grind, the democracy of this nation to ashes.” There has, indeed, lately sprung up an official aristocracy in our country. But a manufacturing aristocracy 1 Our manufacturers aristocrats! Why, sir, should one of them, attempt to coerce the opinions or votes of those he employed, he would find, to his cost, none so poor in purse or spirit as not to spurn him, and quit him. Why not talk of an aristocracy of farmers, or of mechanics? Sir, between the farmers and mechanics, and manufacturers, there is a dependence which is mutual and inseparable. Had my colleague [Mr. CAMBRELENG) understood the interests, pursuits, and feelings of the democracy of the country, he would not have used such language. What the democracy of the city is, I pretend not to know; but, in the country, I do know what it is. Farmers, mechanics, manufacturers, laborers, men who earn their bread in the sweat of their face, these constitute the bone, and blood, and muscle of the democracy of the country; these are the men who will neither grind nor be ground to ashes—and this is the democracy that

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knows the difference between a manly dependence on its own skill and labor, and a servile dependence on the workshops of England. If my colleague [Mr. CAMBRELENG) is still incredulous, let him propose to relieve the democracy of the country, by burning and destroying the manufacturing establishments among us. This democracy, whose oppression he so much deplores, will then teach him that the relief he proposes is ruin in disguise. This same democracy will also teach him that there is a lack of wisdom in tampering with interests whose magnitude and connexions one does not comprehend. I will detain the House but a few moments longer. Reason and experience have shown the necessity, and demonstrated the value, of the protective system; persuaded that it has done much, and will do more in advancing the prosperity of the nation, I am for maintaining it. I think we are bound to do so. This bill holds out to England, and other nations, hopes, which I am sure can never be realized. These perpetual proffers are unfair to them and to our own merchants. England should be made to know that we mean fairly, but effectually, to protect the capital, skill, and labor of our own citizens; that this policy is settled; and that, with regard to it, there will be no compromise—there can be none. Of this, she has no right to complain. She protects her interests, and we must do the same. The “American system” will give us wealth, and strength in peace, and men and money in war, and we cannot abandon it without exposing the nation, naked and defenceless, to the arts and arms of her enemies.

SALT.

Mr. TALIAFERRO rose, and said, he asked of the House a favor which he had never asked before, and which he had never refused to any other member who requested it. It was that the House would grant its unanimous consent for him to introduce a resolution, and have it printed. Inquiry being made as to the nature of the resolution, Mr. T. said it was of a nature which lay at the door of every man, woman, and child in the nation. It was of the nature of salt. - Leave being granted, Mr. T. handed to the Chair the following resolution: Whereas salt is an article which enters into the daily consumption of every human being in our country, as a matter of primary and unavoidable necessity, and is, to a very great extent, procured at a high price, compared with the cost of producing it, which too often exposes the poor consumer to the grinding exactions of the vendor and monopolist of the article. Influenced by such, and by other obviously sound considerations, Congress never has, except under circumstances of great and emergent fiscal necessity, imposed a duty on salt. And whereas, since the necessity for which the existing tax on salt was imposed (after five years entire exemption of it from duty) in the years 1818 and 1816, has been successfully met and overcome by the patient bearing and faithful payment of this and the other taxes by the people; and the Government no longer needs the revenue arising from the existing tax on salt : Resolved, That, from and after the 30th day of September next, the duty imposed on all salt imported into the United States, and the territories thereof, shall be ten cents the measured bushel; and that, from and after the 80th day of September, 1881, salt may be imported as aforesaid, free of any duty whatever. Fesolved, That the Committee of Ways and Means be instructed to prepare and report a bill in conformity with the foregoing resolution. The resolution being read, Mr. T. moved that it be laid on the table, and be printed. Mr. POTTER hoped the gentleman would withdraw his motion, and allow the resolution to be now considered.

Mr. TALIAFERRO did not intend to ask for its consi. deration at this time, but at the request of the gentleman from North Carolina, he would withdraw his motion to lay it on the table.

Mr. POTTER then demanded the question of consider ation.

Mr. IRWIN, of Ohio, reminded Mr. T. of his promise, is the resolution were received, to ask that it be laid on the table, and not now considered.

Mr. TALIAFERRO immediately rose, and asked as a favor of Mr. Potter that he would withdraw his motion, and permit the resolution to be laid on the table; and he begged pardon for having for a moment forgot the pledge which he had given, in first yielding to the request of Mr. Porten; he regretted it, and hoped that gentleman would permit him to redeem his pledge.

Mr. POTTER accordingly withdrew his motion; and then, on motion of Mr. TALIAFERRO, the resolution was laid on the table.

THE TARIFF. - |

The engrossed bill “to an end the act in alteration of the several acts laying duties on imports," was read to third time, and the question stated, “Shall the bill pass!" |

Mr. HALL, of North Carolina, said, he had not beam distinctly the title, and wished to hear it. He had under stood the bill to be a bill for enforcing the collection of the revenue; he wished always to call things by their right names. He had never given a tariff vote, nor did he eve: intend to do so; but, sir, [said Mr. H.] I should certainly do so were I to vote for this bill. This is a bill profess: edly and in fact, to enforce the tariff law of 1828. The original bill to which this is proposed as an amendment of substitute, was intended for the same purpose. And why is the amendment, or the bill itself, proposed or required Evidently because the tariff of 1828 is defective—is ineff. cient. This bill is to supply the defect—to give the effi. ciency desired. It is, therefore, to be the efficient cause —the real causa causans of any additional effect produced by the tariff of 1828, whether for good or evil. As, there. fore, I never did give a tariff vote, and as this bill is virto ally, and to all practical purposes, the tariff law of 1828, I shall not vote for it. I am aware that, in regard to amend: ments of a certain character, I differ with many bere in my construction of the lear parliamentaria. All alterations, sir, are not amendments. This is one instance in point. All propositions Fo to be amendments are not really so. When the primary law was presented to me, I sthorred it as id: as nature abhors a vacuum. If a bill was before us, bad in its nature, and a substitute under the name of amendment offered, so garnished (though containing the same principles) as to make it more easily swal. lowed, it would in point of principle, be no amendment, but a mere substitute, in form. Where an amendment of: fered has the effect of striking off a portion, by which the actual evil is iessened, this is both an alteration and amendment, but not so the striking out one evil, and inserting the same in effect. I have never suffered myself to be thus caught by the name of am&hdment. Sir, I should not have voted for this bill had the salt been retained in it —it was not to my taste, however well salted. I would as soon have voted for the bill itself, called Mallary's bill because I could not have been made to vote for either.

Mr. TUCKER, of South Carolina, entered pretty largely

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1.

into a statement also of his objections to the bill, and to the

protecting system. He was followed by Mr. CHILTON, of Kentucky, who argued earnestly at some length on the same side, and concluded with a motion to lay the bill on the table, which was negatived. Mr. CAMBLELENG briefly stated why he should votes for the bill, notwithstanding his repugnance to some of its rovisions, which he deemed improper, but which he re É. on the Senate to rectify.

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The question was then put on the passage of the bill, and decided in the affirmative by the following vote:

YEAS-Messrs. Angel, Armstrong, Arnold, Bailey, Barber, Bartley, Bates, Baylor, Beekman, John Blair, Boekee, Boon, Borst, Brown, Buchanan, Burges, Butman, Cahoon, Cambreleng, Chandler, Childs, Clark, Coleman, Condict, Cooper, Cowles, Hector Craig, Robert Craig, Crane, Crawford, Creighton, Crowninshield, Daniel, Johl, Davis, o De Witt, Dickinson, Doddridge, Duncan, Dwight, Earll, Ellsworth, George Evans, Joshua Evans, Edward. Everett, Horace Everett, Findlay, Finch, For. ward. Fry, Gilmore, Grennell, Hawkins, Hemphill, Hodges, Hoffman, Howard, Hughes, Hunt, Huntington, Ihrie, lugersoll, Irwin, Irvin, Isacks, Jennings, Johns, Richard M. Johnson, Kendall, Kennon, Kincaid, Perkins King, Lecompte, Letcher, Lyon, Magee, Mallary, Martindale, L. Maxwell, McCreery, Mercer, Mitchell, Monell, Muhlenberg, Norton, Overton, Pearce, Pettis, Pierson, Powers, Ramsey, Randolph, Reed, Richardson, Rose, Scott, Shields, Semmes, Sill, Smith, Ambrose Spencer, Sprigg, Staubery....Standifer, Sterigere, Stephens, Henry R. Storrs, William L. Storrs, Strong, Sutherland, Swann, Swift, Taylor, Test, Thomson, Tracy, Vance, Varnum, Verplanck, Vinton, Washington, Whittlesey, Campbell P. Woo. Edward D. White, Wickliffe, Yancey, Young— 127.

NAYS-Messrs. Anderson, Archer, John S. Barbour, Philip P. Barbour, Barringer, Chilton, Claiborne, Clay, Conner, Crockett, Crocheron, Davenport, Deberry, Desha, Drayton, Dudley, Gordon, Hammons, Harvey, Cave Johnson, Lea, Lent, Loyall, Lewis, Lumpkin, Maxwell, McCoy, McIntire, Polk, Rencher, Roane, William B. Shepard, Augustine H. Shepperd, Richard Spencer, Taliaferro, Trezvant, Tucker, Wayne, Weeks, Williams, Wingate,

So the bill was passed, and sent to the Senate for concurrence. [The bill passed the House in the following shape:) * Be it enacted, &c. That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, is hereby authorized to appoint an additional appraiser of merchandise for the port of New York, who shall take a similar oath, and have like power and compensation, and perform the same duties with the appraisers now authorized by law to be appointed at that place. “SEc. 2. And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Treasury may appoint not exceeding four assistant appraisers in New York, two in Philadelphia, and two in Boston, who shall be practically acquainted with the quality and value of some one or more of the chief articles of importation subject to appraisement, to be employed in appraising goods in such manner as shall be directed by the Secretary of the Treasury, and who shall take and subscribe an oath diligently and faithfully to examine and inspect such goods, wares, or merchandise as the principal uppraisers may direct, and truly to report to them, to the best of their knowledge and belief, the true value thereof, according to law; whereupon, the principal appraisers shall ! revise and correct the same as they may judge proper, and report to the collector their decision thereon; but if the collector shall deem any appraisement of goods too low, | he shall have power to order a re-appraisement, either by the principal appraisers, or by three merchants designated by him for that purpose, who shall be citizens of the United | States, and cause the duties to be charged accordingly. “Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That, from and after the thirteenth day of September next, whenever goods, of which wool or cotton is a component part, of similar kind, but different quality, are found in the same package, it shall be the duty of the appraisers to adopt the value of the best article contained in such package as the average value of the whole; and if the owner, importer, consignee, or agent for any goods appraised, shall consider any ap

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praisement, made by the appraisers, or other persons designated by the collector, too high, he may apply to the collector in writing, stating the reasons for his opinion; and having made oath that the said appraisement is higher than the actual cost and proper charges on which duty is to be charged, and also that he verily believes that it is higher than the current value of the said goods, includin said charges, at the place of exportation, the collector sh designate one merchant, skilled in the value of such goods, and the owner, importer, consignee, or agent may designate another, both of whom shall be citizens of the United States, who, if they cannot agree in an appraisement, may designate an umpire, who shall also be a citizen of the United States; and when they, or a majority of them, shall have agreed, they shall report the result to the collector; and if their appraisement shall not e with that of the United States' appraisers, the collector shall decide between them. * Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the collectors of the customs shall cause at least one package out of every invoice, and one package at least out of every twenty packages of each invoice, and a greater number should he deem it necessary, of goods imported into the respective districts, which package or packages he shall have first designated on the invoice, to be opened and examined ; and if the same be found not to correspond with the invoice, or to be falsely charged in such invoice, the collector shall order, forthwith, all the goods contained in the same entry to be inspected; and if such goods be subject to an ad valorem duty, the same shall be appraised; and if any package shall be found to contain any article not described in the invoice, or if such package or invoice be made up with intent, by a false valuation, or extension, or otherwise, to evade or defraud the revenue, the same shall be forfeited; and the fifteenth section of the “Act supplementary to an act to amend an act entitled ‘An act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage, passed second March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine, and for other purposes,” passed first March, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-three, and also so much of any act of Congress as imposes an additional duty or penalty of fifty per centum on duties upon any goods which may be appraised at twenty-five per centum, or ten per centum, above their invoice price, is hereby repealed; and no goods liable to be inspected or appraised as aforesaid, shall be delivered from the custody of the officers of the customs, until the same shall have been inspected or appraised, or until the packages sent to be inspected or appraised shall be found correctly and fairly invoiced and put up, and so reported to the collector: Provided, That the collector may, at the request of the owner, importer, consignee, or agent, take bonds, with approved security, in double the estimaetd value of such goods, conditioned that they shall be delivered to the order of the collector, at any time within ten days after the package or packages sent to the public stores shall have been appraised and rted to the collector. And if, in the mean time, any of the said packages shall be opened without the consent of the collector or surveyor given in writing, and then in the presence of one of the inspectors of the customs, or if the said package or packages shall not be delivered to the order of the collector, according to the condition of the said bond, the same shall, in either case, be forfeited. “Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the collector to cause all goods entered for re-exportation, or for transportation from one port or place to ahother, with the right of drawback, to be inspected, and the articles thereof compared with their respective invoices, before a permit shall be given for landing the same; and where the goods so entered shall be found not to agree with the entry, they shall be forfeited; and every importer, owner, consigness, agent, or exporter, who shall enter goods for importation, or for exportation, or transportation. of such goods, to be filed and preserved by him in the archives of the custom-house, .. shall be signed by such importer, owner, consignee, agent, or exporter, and the oath to be made on the entry of such as shall be annexed thereto. “SEC. 6. And be. it further enacted, That the assistant appraisers at New York shall receive a compensation of fifteen hundred dollars per annum; and those at Boston and Philadelphia, a compensation of twelve hundred dollars per annum, to be paid out of the proceeds of the customs; and the clerks and all other persons employed in the appaiser's office, shall be appointed by the principal appraiser, and their number and compensation limited and fixed by the Secretary of the Treasury. “SEG 7. And be it further enacted, That all forfeitures incurred under this act shall be sued for, recovered, and distributed according to the provisions of the act entitled “An act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage," passed the second day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine: Provided, That the apraisers shall, in no case, receive any proportion of such forfeiture: And provided, also, That the Secretary of the Treasury shall be, and he is hereby, authorized to remit any such forfeiture, whenever he is of opinion that no fraud on the revenue was intended. “Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That whenever, in the opinion of the Secretary of the Treasury, it may be necessary, in order to carry into full effect the laws for the collection of the revenue, he may authorize the collector of any district into which goods, wares, or merchandise subject to duty may be imported, to require the owner, importer, or consignee of such goods, wares, or merchan: dise, to give bond, in addition to the bond now required. by law, in a sum not exceeding the value of such merchandise, that he will produce, or cause to be produced, within a reasonable time, to be fixed by the said Secretary, such proof as the said Secretary may deem necessary, and as may be in the power of the said owner, importer, or consignee to obtain, to enable the collecter to ascertain the class or description of manufacture, or rate of duty to which such goods wares, or merchandise may be justly liable. “Sec. 9...And be it further enacted.That, from and after the thirtieth day of September next, all iron manufactured for railroads shall be liable to the same rate of duty which is now imposed on bar or bolt iron of similar manufacture, and that all scrap iron shall be liable to the same duty that is charged on iron in pigs: Provided, however, That when it shall be satisfactorily proved to the Secretary of the Treasury that any of the said iron imported for the or. of being applied in the construction of any railroad, by any State or incorporated company, has been actually and permanently laid on any such railroad, that then, and in that case, he may allow to such State or company a drawback of the duty on such railroad iron so laid; or, if the duty on the same shall have been nctually paid, he may refund the same : Provided, Such drawback or repayment shall not reduce the duty to be paid on such iron below - twenty-five per cent, ad valorem, nor when in any less quantity than twenty tons.”

H. of R.] Removal of the Indians.—Navigation and Imposts. [May 14, 1830. from one port or place to another, with the right of draw- expediency of the measures which it contemplated. Hay back, shall deposit with the collector an original invoice ling spoken upwards of two hours, he intimated his willing

REMOVAL OF THE INDIANS.

On motion of Mr. BELL, the several special orders of the day were postponed, and the House resolved itself into Committee of the Whole, Mr. WickLIFFE being called to the chair, and took up the bill making an appropriation to enable the President of the United States to effect an exchange of lands with the Indians within the States, and to provide for their removal beyond the river Mississippi.

Mr. BELL, chairman of the Committee on Indian Af. fairs, rose, and addressed the committee at large, in ex

ness to give way, and allow some other gentleman to cotinue the argument, if it was the pleasure of the commit tee to sit longer, reserving what he had further to say for another day.

Mr. LUMPKIN, of Georgia, rose, and of. a wil lingness to proceed with the remarks which he designed to make, if the committee were disposed to continue the sitting; but, it being half after three o'clock, (and som members intimating a wish, after the late fatiguing sitting of the House, that the committee should rise,) he gave way, and the committee rose.

FRIDAY, MAY 14, 1830. NAVIGATION AND IMPOSTS.

The House resumed the consideration of the bill con cerning navigation and imposts.

Mr. Łoś said, it was not his intention do ring the present session-to go into a full examination of the important and comprehensive measure now under consi. deration. The committee had not anticipated its ado tion until some modification had been made in an existing impost system. Gentlemen had, however, commenced a war against it, more distinguished for zeal than moders. tion, and seemed determined at all hazards to force the House into a premature debate, and in opposition to the wishes of the committee. He should not, by such a course, be driven from his purpose, which was to have the ques tion postponed until the next session. He should merely reply now to some objections which had been urged, and endeavor to satisfy the House that, whether expedient of not, the measure proposed was worthy its serious consi. deration. He had certainly misconceived the great and permanent interests of this country, if the policy recom: mended was not essential to the prosperity of its industry, and not only so, but absolutely required in the actual ent: dition of our commercial and political relations with foreign nations.

He could not refrain from expressing his surprise at the novelty of the course pursued by gentlemen opposed to the bill—at this extraordinary impatience to reject it, with: out even condescending to examine its provisions, and certainly, from their own declarations, without comprehending its design, scope, or practical operation. Gentle men seemed to have been hurried away by their suspicions. The measure was too monstrous even to be entered upon the journals of the House—it must be instantly and absoi. rejected. It is not, sir, the first instance, where measures designed to enlarge the prosperity of the coun: try, and to increase its power, have been hastily condemn ed, and upon equally solid grounds. There is no difficulty, however, in accounting for this premature hostility, when we advert to discussions elsewhere. It may be safely as: cribed to certain idle speculations of the last summer on our negotiations with Great Britain, and the outcry then raised and still echoed here, for political purposes, that this administration were about to get rid of our tariff by negotiation. Gentlemen may dismiss their suspicions and their fears. The majority of the committee are alone responsi ble for this measure, be it good or bad; and let me assure them that they have entered into no conspiracy to break down any one interest in the country. No, sir, however I may deprecate the policy adopted since the war, if there be any party or association of men, here or elsewhere, whose purpose it is to break down any established interest, I am not with them. I had nothing to do, sir, with im: posing duties, or with stimulating our countrymen to cu. gage in rash and unprofitable speculations; but I will share in no scheme to annihilate investments made upon the faith of our laws, however, I may have denounced such

planation of the objects of the bill, and the policy and

measures as mischievous and disastrous. I will labor zeal.

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