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* paralyzed one limb of the body politic, others must wither and perish with it. * This will not be all. The manufacturing establishments * of the North are overthrown by the operations of “the English system.” Competition in the cotton market of r the South, between European and American purchasers, a does now, as it has been demonstrated, advance the price 1 of their whole annual production twenty per cent. If the ordinary crop sell for twenty-eight oilo. it would sell without this competition at an amount less, by at least s four millions and a half. Let the amendment of the r member from South Carolina prevail, overthrow American a manufactures, take away this competition for the purchase of cotton, and this item also must be added to the invoice s of southern loss. . Once more, and I will leave this inventory of ruin in the = hands, of whomsoever it may concern, When our manua facturing capital and labor are in full and prosperous operation, we purchase and spin southern cotton, for which a we pay to the planters of South Carolina, and other a growers of that product, about seven millions of dollars annually. The overthrow of our establishments must a bring us back to the use of flax, hemp, and wool, and exclude cotton from our consumption. Cotton to that amount will not be raised, because it will not be wanted; and the land and labor now employed in producing it, must , be thrown out of use, and become of no value to their owners. Look at the amount southern planters will lose:
The encouragenrent on sugar, - - $2,100,000 The advance of cotton, advanced by competi
tion, - - - -
- 4,500,000 The supply of cotton for American manufacture
g and consumption, - - - 7,000,000
* The advanced annual value and amount of sales
from the market of slaves, . - 12,000,000 The total amount is - - $25,600,000
Tell us not that we shall continue to buy and consume your cotton; we shall have nothing wherewithal to purchase the fabric from the English loom, or to obtain the raw material for household manufacture. Do you imagine that our wives and daughters would lay your cotton to the wheel or to the distaff, where their mothers and grandmothers placed the wool and the flax raised by the labors and the hands of our fathers? Think not of it. Neither they nor we shall ever endure the ignominious dependence. How then can we work up, if we could purchase your cotton & Our spindles are beaten into ploughshares; our waterfalls are desolate; our skilled, our manufacturing labor is gone; and without money appropriated by Government for their migration: these people are on the other side of your great river in quest of a country. Some of them hunt the buffalo on the P. beyond Missouri; some trap for lesser game in the Rocky mountains; and some, pushing their more unwearied and adventurous course farther on towards the Western Ocean, have sought and found waterfalls and new seats on the tributary streams of the Oregon. Here have they built for themselves a country, established commercial relations with the Society, the Sandwich, and Friendly Islands of the Pacific; and here New England labor and New England economy have taught them to live and thrive, unmindful of the country whose mad and cruel policy drove them into exile. Here they may live and flourish, until some slave-driving politician and planter of South Carolina finds out their little eommonwealth, extends the iron provisions of the English system to their labor, and again chains them to a miserable dependence on South Carolina cotton and British looms. The advocates of the English system may tell me these things will not, cannot, come to pass. If we are liberal to England, England will surely liberal to us. Repeal
our tariff, she will repeal her tariff, her corn laws, and open her ports to our commerce. She will receive our cotton, as she does now at a duty of six per cent.; our sheep's wool, as she did in 1824, at six pence sterling a pound; and our wheat, at her lowest rate of duty, sixteen shillings and eight pence sterling per quarter of eight bushels. Let us, sir, if you please, so believe: and though Adam Smith told all the world, in 1776, that England, on an average of years, buys but one bushel of corn to every five hundred and seventy-three of her consumption; yet, to give to the friends of free trade all they can ask, let it be admitted that England will purchase from us to the amount of one third of her whole supply of bread. The annual consumption of that nation is stated at fifteen millions of quarters of eight bushels each. One-third, five millions of quarters, forty millions of bushels, will, in this state of free trade, be received from the United States. If you please, I admit she will receive our fish, beef, and pork, at thirty per cent, that being the rate of duty offered by the gentleman from New York, [Mr. CAMBRELENG) in his perpetual basis of free trade between the two countries. Let us examine the effect of this system of commerce on the interests of these United States. Exports will be great; imports, and consumption of English manufactured fabrics, will be abundant. We should, annually, in this state of affairs, probably import cotton cloths to the amount of forty millions, and woollens to the amount of sixty millions of dollars. Our cotton wool must go to England, as it does now, charged by her with a duty of six per cent. This augments the cost of the raw material exactly to that amount, and every one thousand pounds of cotton is thereby raised in price from one hundred to one hundred and six dollars. The cost of raw material is one of the original elements in the cost of the fabric. It goes into the cloth, and nothing will ever draw it out, until it is worn out on the back of the consumer. It would be idle to hope that England will draw back that duty then, which she retains in her treasury now. In coarse cotton cloths, which would constitute nearly all your importation, raw material is one-half of the cost of the fabric, Your whole cotton consumption of forty millions of dollars would come to you in effect charged with a duty of three per cent. On this part of your free trade, you will annually pay into the English treasury one million two hundred thousand dollars. Will your woollen trade be less productive to the English finances ! If that nation receive our wool as they received it in 1824, at a duty of six pence sterling, or twelve cents on a pound, and pay us forty cents for that quantity, the duty will amount to thirty per cent. Our wool will be wrought into woollens, at a cost of thirty per cent, for the benefit of the English treasury. This j cost will come back to us, in the English woollens wrought from our own wool. In these cloths, also, wool is one-half of the cost of the fabric; one-half the duty, or fifteen per cent, will, therefore be charged to us. No process of chemistry, or political economy, can extract this from our woollen consumption. It is a case not provided for by the learned Dr. Cooper, or by his equally learned disciple, who has, for so many years, edified this House on great questions of national interest. Pay you must, on the whole amount of your English woollen consumption, one-half the per centage which has been charged on E. wool; and ay it you must for the benefit of the English treasury. W. will import sixty millions of English woollens; fifteen per cent. on that amount is nine millions of dollars. This forms the second great branch of commercial profit, resulting from the English system of free trade. The export corn trade will be great, and may compensate for these minor inequalities of benefit, in our import. ation of cloths—forty millions of bushels of wheat, somewhat more than one million tons. This will give immense em
ployment to our “mercantile marine,” and realize all the golden schemes projected by the chairman of the Committee on Commerce. It should, however, be remembered, that business cannot be rendered profitable by doing a great deal, when every part of it is a losing concern. The English will receive our wheat at their lowestrate of duty, sixteen shillings and eight pence sterling on the quarter of eight bushels. This will be, on each bushel, about fifty cents. This corn, if we make no account of the cost of conveying it to England, will, by the duty, be raised in price fifty cents a bushel. The English manufacturers, who fabricate cotton and woollen cloths for our consumption, must pay fifty cents more for each bushel, than it would have cost American manufacturers, had they consumed it while producing the like fabrics in this country. This additional cost of their bread must be added to their wages, or the English manufacturing laborers cannot buy and consume our corn. Wages are one of the elements which go into all the fabrics produced by labor. As surely as raw material, at all its cost, is paid for, so surely must wages, at their whole cost, be paid for by those who consume the products of labor, fed and supported by wages. The duty on American corn is charged to the English manufacturing laborers who consume that corn. These laborers charge the amount of duty paid by them to the English master manufacturers, in the enhanced price of their wages. These master manufacturers must reimburse themselves, by charging a like amount on their cotton and woollen cloths. Here is the end of the course ; and the American farmers, who have sold the corn, and who must buy the cottons and woollens, stand in the gap, and must shoulder the burden. What is it The whole amount of your exported corn was forty millions of bushels; the duty on each bushel is fifty cents, and amounts in the whole sum to twenty millions of dollars. Let this be the third item in your account of profit and loss in the English system of free trade. I might run this account out into more length— setting down freight on the outward and home voyage; insurance against perils of the seas, perils of war, hazards of increased duty; competition with foreign growers of corn; and all the long inventory of evils resulting from this miserable and degraded tributary condition of dependence for our necessary clothing on a nation at a distance of three thousand miles. Here I will stop, and, after placing together the amount paid to England on these items of export, leave it to each gentleman of the committee to fill up the amount for himself. You will pay as a duty on cotton in the cloth brought home for your consumption, - - - - - - On sheep's wool, in a duty on wool brought back in woollens, for the like purpose, - - - - - On corn, in duty increasing its expense and thereby increasing the cost of labor fed by it, and finally charged on the fabrics
brought home for your consumption, - 20,000,000 Amounting to - $30,200,000
This, sir, will be a part of your annual loss—your annual tribute to the treasury of Great Britain.
Sir, is it wonderful that Englishmen, and the friends of Englishmen, should write, talk, toil, declaim for the English system Is it wonderful that the patriots before the revolution labored and toiled, and the revolution fought and bled, to save themselves and us from this degraded, this tributary condition—“this golden chain” of South Carolina politicians? Is it, can it indeed be wonderful that the survivors of those patriots, the Congress of 1789, laid the foundation of the American system, with high purpose of finishing that glorious achievement?
Sir, let our whole country adopt this policy—this English system—and from that time we are to England what
Poland is to the other nations of Europe. The West will not do this—the North will not do this—do it who may, New England will not. So long as one soldier of '75 lives on our hills, or one soldier's dust sleeps in a grave on our battle fields; so long as the 4th of July is a day in the chris tian calendar, New #. will not. By the souls of those men who fell at Lexington, and Bunker Hill, and Benning: ton, now beatified by redeeming mercy, New England will not chain herself to the wheel of this odious system.
Will the South, the generous, the warm hearted, the
patriotic South do this Will they leave us ; , Plant their fields, that British royalty may reap their toil? Be triboo taries, that a few demagogues may wear stars on the shoul, der, or garters at the knee When such a spirit is abroad in the land, will they not question it? “Be it a spirit of health, or goblin damn'd, Bring with it airs from heaven, or blasts from hell, Be its intents wicked, or charitable ; It comes in such a questionable shape, That they will speak to it.” South Carolina—of all these States once most devoted to this Union—go thou, if thou wilt. Leave this brotherhood of republics, this home of equality in the new world, for alienage in the old, and secondary rights and honors with European royalty. Provide for thyself other relations— alliance with England! The union will be Sicyon with Ma: cedonia; Aratus, the republican, with Antigonus, the king When his beloved city was filled with foreign soldiers; when he beheld the family of his darling son dishonored. and felt the poison circulating in his veins, “such,” said the dying patriot to his weeping friend, “such, Cephalon, are the fruits of royal friendship.” Alliance with England! No matter by what name this connexion is known to politicians in South Carolina, it will be deemed by all free men in all other lands, the lion and the lion's provider!
England!—and what has England done for the South
English avarice plundered from Africa her untamed bar. barism, her wild freedom, and, when chained and whipt into slavery, imported and spread out the moral pestilence over her whole colonies of the South—not only on you, and on you, and on you, was the scourge of nations inflicted but on all those of “the cane bearing isles” of the Carribean sea. Why, and for whose benefit? That this wretched slavery might toil; that you, as overseers, might toil and plough, and plant, and reap, and deliver to England the rich harvest. For what? For the very purpose, under the very system, this day, in this House, so earnestly demanded by you? that her labor may be fed from your fields, and your harvest be taxed to furnish her revenue; that they may be enriched by you, and you be made poor by them— they be lords, you anything they please. What more would England do for the South, if more may be done? Would she goad on that State to separate from the Union? Hear; read; and read all which is said, or written, by her hirelings in Europe, or by her renegade hirelings in America. Of all, what is the amount Divide and conquer, whom, united, she cannot. Conquer the South by alliance. The North No, not the North, nor the East, not the West. These they cannot; while there is a man, or a woman, or a child left living in those regions, they cannot conquer them. Let them, as in other days they did, pour the barbarism of Europe upon us. Each valley shall be a Golgotha; each hill shall be steeped in blood to the very top. Here we have lived free; where we have lived, as we have lived, we will die; and the winds of heaven shall, in those regions, blow over none but free men, or the bones or graves of free men. What other boon is England providing for herself, and for her colonies, her allies in the new world? The pure spirit of humanity, of elevated morals, of genuine religion. and of universal emancipation, are abroad in the world. These will be made tributary to her wealth and to her power. Avarice and ambition will sell her glory and her god for gold, and for dominion. Already it is said, and
it will be enacted by England, that slaves in the West India islands must be free. Can South Carolina be the * ally of Great Britain, and not feel the influence of her * power and policy . When “St. George's banner, broad and gay," floats, as it once did, over the territory of the a State, the spirit of English emancipation will walk abroad under the shadow of its ample field; and every chain shall # drop from the neck of every slave. The master and his a free man shall plough the same field; feed from the same * table; sleep in the same dormitory. If so far might be well, would such a herd of slaves, at once let loose from discipline, from the restraints of masterdom, submit to law, and patiently labor even for themselves? Here will be seen the length, and the breadth, and the depth of English humanity and English wisdom. She foresees the time, under the effects of this policy, when the arm of her "military power must be extended, to hold under control the emancipated slavery of the new world. Here will be, not only work, but pay, for her surplus population. The a United Kingdom can furnish a large supply; for the most - effective troops will not be thought requisite for the colonial service. Such as might perform garrison duty, may a be detailed for officers of platoons, and, to some extent, for file leaders. The filling up will be made from other a masses of population. Wandering mendacity shall be a culled of its sturdy beggars; alms-houses assorted for a stouter class of paupers; and jails recruited for athletic, untransported felons, to fill up the ranks of this servile war. Such a demand for men may be further satisfied by whatever has strength of arm to handle the firelock, or activity of leg equal to moving the left foot first; or so much of vitality as may be started by beat of drum, or blast of the “ear-piercing fife." When poor-houses and prisons are swept of their living tenants, Manchester and Sheffield can recruit them into men, and they will come out of these workshops, brightened in buff and scarlet, shining with caps and cockades, bristled with muskets and bayonets; cut up into companies, and regiments, and brigades, they are officered by supernumery young lords and long swords. Numerous as locusts, such, sir, will be the army sent out by the patronage and liberality of England to protect the white, and awe, and instruct, and quiet into good citizens the colored population of her colonies, and allied States. Sections of these veterans, quartered, not only on Jamaica and Barbadoes, but on South Carolina, and such other States as may join her alliance, you will see manoeuvering on parade, or promenading public places, or bowing in ball rooms, and giving a new tone to every complexion of society. Do not expect such and so many benefits, without cost. These military men must earn their rations and their wages, and receive them, too, where they do services, and win their honors. Forgive me if I speak more in the words of mirth than sadness. It is not in the heart of man—I cannot—I cannot, even in imagination, look at our country, disunited at home and allied abroad, unless the darkness of the picture be relieved by some lights not altogether germain to the coloring. Land of the South, look at us. Hear the voice of your friends, the sons of your fathers' friends. Lovely realm of valor and beauty, who protects you now Your own country—a brotherhood of patriots. Were it not so, what might not be? You are awakened by the cry of fire at midnight. The blaze of conflagration illumines your chamber. Insurrection, and massacre, and violation are in a husband's, a father's fears. You start from your bed, your wife presses her infant closer to her bosom. Do you hear the shriek of your daughter flying from brutality? Your son is cloven down, you find him weltering in his blood on the threshold of his sister's chamber. It is—God be praised—it is but a dream; an agonizing dream. You lie down again; but the fearful vision will not depart from
you, until, with lighted taper in your hand, you step soft
ly into every chamber, look at every child, put a kiss on every forehead, and breathe a father's blessing over ever innocent and lovely sleeper. What makes your and their security? What cools your fevered and anxious apprehensions? A thousand slaves are on your plantations; but the full fed and slumbering tiger cannot be more quiet. We sleep far off in our green valleys; but our fidelity is awake; and the arm of our power is at the very door of your habitation. The whole slavery of the South knows you are strong in our Union; powerful in our united strength. From West to East, around the whole horizon of your northern hemisphere, the cloud of our power is ever in their eye, and “hangs lowering on the declivity of our mountains,” ready to burst upon their heads the moment one arm is raised against your safety. This appalling meteor can never be hidden #. their eyes, until, between you and us, you shall raise a wall of separation high o: to cover the terific vision. What further would the free States in this Union do to relieve, those encumbered, and burdened by slavery How gladly would they make disbursements for the great and glorious purpose of colonization? Do you say this could not have been the intention of those who founded this Government # The patriots and philanthropists of this Union will join to place this power in the constitution. It may require years of patient labor, and wise counsel, and liberal appropriation to perform this work. The disease is chronic; but fewer years than formed it, may operate a perfect cure. Migration first forms colonies; these will extend into States, and those into United States, yearly absorbing a greater and greater number of emigrants. These movements, slow and small at first, grow more rapid and extensive, by their own progress. During the last century, a mighty revolution of mind has been made in the civilized world. . Its effects are gradually disclosing themselves, and gradually improving the condition of the human race. The eyes of all nations are turned on these United States; for here that great movement was commenced. Africa, like a bereaved mother, holds out her hands to America, and implores you to send back her exiled children. Does not Africa merit much at the hands of other nations Almost four thousand years ago, she, from the then rich storehouse of her genius and labor, sent out to them science, and arts, and letters, laws, and civilization. Wars and revolutions have exhausted this ancient abundance, and spread ignorance and barbarism over her regions; and the cupidity of other nations has multiplied and aggravated these evils. The ways of Providence cannot always be seen by man. When the Almighty comes out of his cloud, light fills the eyes of the universe. What a mystery, when the youthful patriarch, lost to his father, was sold into slavery 1 What a display of wisdom and benignity when we are permitted to see “all the families of the earth blessed" by that events Shall we question the great arrangement of divine wisdom, or hold parlance with that power who has made whole countries the enduring monuments of his avenging justice Let these people go. They are citizens of another country; send them home. Send them home instructed and civilized, and imbued with the pure princi. ples of christianity; so may they instruct and civilize their native land, and spread over its wide regions the glad tidings of human redemption., Secure to your country, to your age, to yourselves, the glory of paying back to Africa the mighty arrears of nations. Add another new world to the civilized regions of the globe. Do not say your States will be depopulated; your fields left without culture. In countries equal in fertility, and under the same laws, you cannot create a void in popula. tion; as well might you make a vacuum in the atmosphere. Better, more efficient labor will come to your aid. Free men, observant of the same laws, cherishing the same Union, worshipping the same God with you, will place
themselves by your side. This change of moral and physical condition in our population will follow the removal of that pernicious cause, now so productive of alarming difference in political opinion; jealousies, incident to our present state, shall give place to a glorious emulation of [... ; and, O my country if God so please, thou shalt e united, and prosperous, and perpetuall Mr. BOULDIN said, he could not regard the issue of this debate in any degree doubtful; yet was the subject under discussion of vital consequence to this Government and to this country. An issue is made up [said Mr. B.] between gentlemen of the highest standing and greatest talents, deeply involving the prosperity of the country, and the very existence of the Government. It is alleged, on the one side, that one-third part of the pulation of the Union are, by law, compelled to bear a urden equal to two-thirds of the whole revenue arising from imposts. This inequality is denied on the other side, accompanied with the admission, that, if it exists, no Government can maintain it, no people will or can bear it. This, however, is followed by the assertion, that the tariff laws have been forced on the North; that capital has been invested under them; and, whatever may be the present or future views of the South, she will be held to it; and thus, it seems, the flag is nailed to the mast. The southern people and their State Governments entertain the same opinions with their representatives here. Throughout the whole planting country, the opinion that they are unequally taxed, is settled, is fixed. No difference exists among them on the subject, but that which arises from the different degrees of irritation arising from the oppression of this system of protecting the labor of others at their expense. I repeat that this is a question of vital importance. My
constituents have been represented here by one who could
do justice to this or any other question. And although I should be the last man in this world to call on them or you, sir, to “look on that picture, and on this," yet I cannot forbear saying that, to him, we owe the fact that the “hyena,” embargo, (which has been charged with being the progenitor of this tariff) was a thing, in the creation and continuance whereof my constituents had no share. With that reach of thought, extent of knowledge, and accuracy of judgment, in which he has few equals, no superiors, he foresaw the end of these things, pointed them out to us, and we have only to lament that those who ruled the destinies of this land did not also see the nature and charac. ter of commercial restrictions, as applied to American policy. I agree, sir, that the gentlemen who say that the tariff, of which we now complain, grew out of the embargoes, non-intercourse laws, and war, are right. Yet, should it not be forgotten that the petitions, remonstrances, and memorials of those who afterwards opposed the embargo most violently, had no inconsiderable effect in roducing it. But it matters not how the tariff came ; the inquiry is, whether it be an evil, and how to get rid of it. I shall not attempt to range over the whole ground occu. pied by the gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. McDUFFIE] who opened this debate; and in the partial view which I shall take, I may not be able to prove the existence of the inequality stated,by him to its full extent; yet am I not to be understood as admitting that any of the conclusions drawn by him were erroneous: it is only the mere simple and obvious effects of the tariff system I mean to exhibit; leaving the able and profound views of political economy, taken by that gentleman, unaided, * not (designedly) weakened by me. ... I shall attempt to prove that the burden imposed by the tariff system on the southern country is so unequal, that it justifies a peremptory call for relief; that it is such “as no Government can maintain—no people can or will bear.” But, before I enter on the particular course of reasoning by which I expect to demonstrate that propor
tion, I beg leave to make some general remarks on the system itself. I freely admit that, in every country, the employments of men should be so diversified as to suit their various propensities and capacities; and, so great is the advantage of this diversity, that labor is often advan: tageously employed on objects which (on any general estimate) yield (as it seems) less profit than others to which it might be turned. But the genius and disposition of the people will sufficiently lead them to this diversity of pur. suit. I grant, too, that, as it regards, manufactures, the Government of a compact country, including a population similarly situated, may sometimes act wisely by taxing the community to foster manufactures; but this happens only when, regard being had to the price of labor, the climate, genius of the people, and every thing which can perma: nently influence the price of production, it is seen that the needed skill, experience, and economy, are all that is wanting to enable them, in that particular, to meet the manufactures of other countries in fair competition. And, sir, to justify this taxing of the community, there should be, at least, a fair probability that, in due season, he who pays the present price of protection, shall be repaid, and with reasonable interest, by the diminished price or inproved quality of the article. A question often arises, whe ther it is best to give this extent of justifiable encouragement, by direct bounties, or by duties laid on the foreign article. I shall make no effort to solve this question as a general one. In regard to such a country as I have sup: posed, the protecting system, in the one or the other mode, may be adopted, according to circumstances. ...But, as it regards such a country as the United States, direet boun. ties would be less unequal and unjust in their operation than protecting duties; but any mode of protection by this Government would be liable to the objection that a gene. ral tax is applied to a partial benefit: this, however, is cer. tainly better, or, rather, not so bad, as the o ration of the protecting duty system here, which makes him who is very remotely, if at all to be benefited by manufacturing skill, pay double as much to produce it, as he does, who is to reap all the direct, and nine-tenths of the remote, advantages from it. To place the fact of this inequality in a plain and simple, point of view before the country, was and is, my principal object. I have adverted to these truisms in political economy, fur the simple, purpose of showing that so much of sense as there is in the common slang of fostering American industry, has not been passed heedlessly over by me. Should I be charged with taking my principles, in part, from Alexander Hamilton, I should not plead “not guilty.” The difference between that great statesman and some “I have heard others praise." , is precisely that which separates between the physician of science, experieuce, and sense, and the bold empirie whose nostrums cure all diseases. When Hamilton proposed moderate discriminations in the duties, to protect manufactures, he examined, critically and accurately, into the extent of the difficulties to be overcome : proportioned his means to the end; but with “this especial observanee," that, with him, the end was never one not worth the means required to produce it. Those who have followed have reversed this picture entirely—they do not inquire the cost of what they desire: if it be good in the abstract, it seems to suffice them; and if they regard us as alien enemies, they need not care how much we pay for what they get. Between Hamilton and those with whom I agree in opinion on the original and general questions of American policy, there was this differenee, that he deemed it desirable that this Government should have more power than the constitution gave it. They thought it had too much. He thought this Government had more power under the constitution, than they thought was conferred; and thus he acted under the Government, more as if he had an entire whole under his management, than those whom (in this respect) l am proud to follow, deemed consistent with the sovereignty
and independence designed to be retained by the States. His was, in a word, the old federal doctrine, denied, reprobated, but practised by the new republican school, with this only difference, that, while they follow the principles of Hamilton, they wholly discard his wisdom and prudence in praetice. One of Mr. Hamilton's maxims I have heard cited here as authority, during this debate: it is, that the final effect of success in any branch of manufactures, is to reduce the price of the article. Of this effect, he never lost sight in his practice. He deemed it unwise to expend money to force the manufacture of any article which could not, in the end, be produced here as cheap as it could be imported. Fifteen per cent, duty was regarded by him as an ample bounty for the production of any article; and, whenever that encouragement failed to produce the effect of success, he deemed it a practical proof that, at the time of trial, the article could not be advantageously manufactured here. It is not denied but the acts of foreign Governmenis might defeat this rule; but they can do it in no other way than by bounties on the manufacturing or exporting particular articles. These bounties, I know, must be met by an equivalent bounty or impost, over and above the fifteen per cent, to give the rule a fair trial. I have heard a good deal of unmeaning reference to a change of times, and fall of prices, as circumstances requiring a variation of Mr. Hamilton's rule. These, sir, are wholly without meaning. If circumstances have rendered the cost of production of any article in a foreign country half what it formerly was, and those circumstances do not apply here, it is the very reason why we should purchase and not manufacture the article. If the circumstances do apply, then fifteen per cent. gives the same advantage it before did. But to our modern politicians the failure of fifteen per cent only proves that fifty is required, which is laid on with much indifference by those who receive more of it than they pay; and that they do receive more than they pay, that the minority, consisting of one-third part of the population of this country, are greatly overburdened by this protecting system, I shall proceed to prove. To set this matter in a clear light, I will suppose a case. N and T are distinct parts of the same country, equal in population, and separated by the river P. T. produces the whole exports, and manufactures none. The merchants reside in N; they buy the exports made in T, and export them, They import an equivalent; upon which imports a duty of forty per cent is laid. In N, every article imported is also manufactured; but they manufacture exactly half as much of each article as the consumption of the whole country requires. The inhabitants of T. receive the money for their exports of the merchants of N, and they turn round and lay out one-half of it for articles manufactured in N, and the other half for goods imported. The inhabitants of T are, by this duty, burdened with a duty of forty per cent on the whole amount of their exports; and the inhabitants of N, collectively, pay not one cent of this tax, except the duty on the imported goods, purchased with the freight and exporters' profit; by which amount the statement shows N to be able to pay for and consume more thau T. The result here stated can by no reasoning be rendered more clear to men acquainted with the affairs and business of the world. To such it is manifest that the home made article of the same quality will sell, in the same market, for the same price with the one imported. To such, too, it is also plain that the manufactured and imported goods will be sold at somewhat better prices, provided the manufacturer can afford to undersell the importer than if he cannot. In the former case, the importer will be compelled to be circumspect, and import only what the market requires; thus keeping always what is called a sharp demand. A knowledge on his part that the manufacturer can undersell him, will always prevent him from overstock.
ing the market; and, I suppose, no one will require it to
be proved that the manufacturer will not, ordinarily, sell his goods below the market price. Charity is unknown in transactions of this kind. In the case stated, T pays forty per cent on all the imported goods so ź. her citizens, whoseh goes into the treasury, and precisely the same amount (which is, in effect, a bounty to the manufacturers of N) for home productions. It is Fo manifest that, in the case stated, T pays the whole tax, except the little paid by the merchant and ship owner; for, at the time the citizens of T lay out their money in goods, one-half imported, and paying a duty of forty per cent, and the other half of home productions, paying no duty, for the same money, the other . of their consumption, might have been supplied by duty-paying goods; and the money they thus pay for home productions, will pay for the same quantity of imported goods consumed in N, being the whole importation, except the ship owner and merchant's freight and profit. These are, indeed, commonplace matters, and truths so obvious, that, in the more able views taken of this interesting subject by scientific political economists, what I have attempted to prove by argument is referred to simply as a fact about which no doubt exists. Nor could I have been induced to present an argument of this sort, but for the round and constant assertion, here and elsewhere, that the burden of protecting duties is borne wholly by the consumers of the duty-paying goods, in proportion to the consumption of such goods. In the case I have stated, it is shown that N, as a body, o no import taxes. I know that individuals in N (all ut the manufacturers) pay this tax; and among them they do also pay exactly the same sum that T pays; the whole amount of duties is paid to the treasury, and the same amount is paid to the manufacturers in N. In their exchanges one with another, this protection is no protection at all. The actual protection given to these manufacturers is confined wholly to the productions of their labor, sold to the unprotected chasses. In the country I have supposed, the manufacturing establishments may also be supposed to be interspersed throughout the country of N ; the premium paid to them for manufacturing by their unprotected neighbors, the cultivators of the earth around them, is in some degree compensated by the market they afford for agricultural productions, and occasional employment given to the spare labor of the farm; and when it is 'ois. that the market in T for their goods may be fairly, in this case, said to double their numbers, and so double the sum of this convenience to their neighbors, and that, in most cases, a good deal of dust can be thrown over the question of quality and price; and if to all that be added the fact that the duties were raised upon a falling market, covering the effect produced on the price, a strong case is made for the acquiescence of these neighboring cultivators in the share they have to bear in supporting this establishment, which, in this case, is of the same cost with that of their Government. To the citizens of T this is an unmixed burden, “and an inequality which no Government can maintain, no people will, can, or ought to bear.” I am perfectly certain of the effect of the case supposed. If it is not demonstrated, it is my fault. It remains for me to show in what degree the different parts of this country approximate to the ease supposed, and therefrom to conclude whether the present tariff laws do operate so unequally that they ought not to be and cannot be borne. The facts are, that one-third of our population produce two-thirds of our exports; that the goods imported are subject to a duty of at least forty per cent. ; and let it be admitted (though not believed) that the imported articles are consumed, throughout the whole country, in proportion to population. The two-thirds who produce onethird of the exports, are largely engaged in manufacturing