| MAY 10, 1830.] The Tariff. [H. of R.

less than the free men of the North They have once taken desolation in some quarters of that State This, sir, is the benefit from this. It has been established by the constitu- poetical part of the subject. It would not have been well ! tion, that, for five of their slaves, they shall pay no more finished without the sketch of a ruin or two in the picture. tax than three of us free men pay. For what did they claim |To be serious, for this is a very serious part of }. ues

this difference? The history of that constitution will in-stion, how long will any country, any plantation, any 3. form them, that it was because the five, as they alleged, sustain a course of crops of any kind, when all which is

were, for every purpose of labor, no more efficient than raised on the land is sold and earried off from it? How

the slave does less than the free man? Observe them in the

hours of their toil. The free man works for himself. He looks forward to his reward, and is encouraged and quick. ened in his course by hope. The slave works for another. He looks back to his punishment, and is paralyzed by foar. * Like the tired horse, when he feels the lash, he springs up from the ground, but does not, and cannot, quicken his pace. In the language of the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. GoRHAM] “the free man does as much as he can;


o the three. Is it wonderful, or a matter of complaint, that long will it endure such a course, if planted with cotton *

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but the slave does as little as he can.”

South Carolina has told us that capital in that State is less profitable than in the North. Is it so It has been shown that each man earns forty-five dollars and sixty-two and a half cents per annum. great political economist of that State, said in his lectures, that to raise a prime field slave, cost two hundred and fifty dollars. The member from South Carolina has told us, in this debate, that everything is there reduced one-half in value. Such a slave is, therefore, worth at this time one hundred and #". dollars. Add to this the value of ten acres of land, cultivated in cotton, with implements of culture, at ten dollars per acre; and the whole amount is two hundred and twenty-five dollars. On this part of his capital he clears forty-five dollars and sixty-two and a half cents, equal to twenty per cent per annum. Onehalf of his slaves are women. The increase keeps the old stock good, and doubles it in twenty-five years. This gives two prime slaves in that time, worth one hundred and twenty-five dollars each, and both equal to two hundred aud fifty dollars. This amounts to ten dollars per aunum, and is equal to four per cent. on this part of his capital. The South Carolina planter, it appears, realizes forty-five dollars and sixty-two and a half cents on the labor of each of hie men, and ten dollars each per annum on the labor of each of his women. The average is about sixteen per cent. Sir, no eapital in the manufacturing States gives any thing like such a profit. This profit would soon be reduced by competition from those States, did not climate, and the condition of southern labor, secure a monopoly to the capitalist of the South. - Has oppression, indeed, made South Caroliua so ver r? What are her domestic exports : In 1827, she sent to foreign countries, in

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cotton, - - - $7,100,000 * One-third as much to the manufacturing. | States, - - - - - 2,366,666 g To the western States, as stated in 1828, three millions of dollars; but, as now stated, about - - - - - 2,000,000 - $11,466,666 * The population of South Carolina is about five hundred

thousand. One-half are slaves, or capital. . It is about forty-eight dollers a head for each free man. No account is here taken of indigo, rice, or tobacco, of which, and of other products, more than a million was that year exported. These will more than balance the amount, for any expenditure made on account of their labor. What State in the Union, sir, exports in a ratio to be compared with this It will be found, on full examination, that South Carolina never exported in any year in a ratio disclosing a condition of greater prosperity. If to this be added the appreciated exchangeable value of all these exports, that State will have still less cause of complaiut.

In 1824, Dr. Cooper, the

What, then, I shall be asked, is the cause of decay and Vol. VI.-117.

and tobacco These instances of exhausted fields and dilapidated buildings may be found in every long settled part of the country. Sir, they are so many monuments, in which we may read the fate of all those countries which have exhausted the virgin fertility of their lands, to furnish the greatest possible agricultural export. The progress of agricultural production furnishes another cause of this dereliction of old worn out plantations in South Carolina. Sugar has, in the employment of southern capital, taken the place, to a considerable extent, of cotton, as that product formerly took the place of tobacco. This could not be done without a change of residence. Men have, therefore, migrated from South Carolina to the sugar climate, and more fertile and fresher lands of Louisiana. Their moveable capital has migrated with them ; and what but decay and desolation could they leave to their former seats : Solitude is in those halls because, the toil and the song of labor have departed from the fields. How then does South Carolina sustain her complaint and allegations against the American system : If demand for cotton has not been diminished, but mightily increased by that system; if reduction of the price of cotton be merely nominal, so that all other things are equally as much, and cotton cloth more reduced ; if the appreciation of mone (as alleged by the Southern Review) be the cause of this diminution of price; if labor be more productive, and capital more profitable in South Carolina than in the manufacturing States; if that State export more abundantly than those States; and finally, if she export more at this time, according to her population, than she did in 1816, when Mr. Lowndes and Mr. Calhoun placed the tariff upon the labor and capital of the northern States; then, sir, what damage has that State suffered by the operations of the American system : Why, then, all this complaint? this cla: mor? this abuse? this crimination against i. system, and the friends of that system : Would they of the South win a political boon? Would a presidency, like the medicated fruits of mythology, quiet this awaked Cerberus, whose angry roar has so often echoed through these halls? ... No

matter for their vigorous, increasing, and productive labor;

no matter for their abundant and profitable capital, increased or various exports, cheapened and enriched consumption. No matter for all these. No, sir, no. The erafty, but envious Amalekite, in the proud court of the Asiatic empire, advanced to the second rank of power, the second coudition of favor, the Vizier, the Viceroyalty, not of twentyfour, but of one hundred and twenty provinces, when surrounded by his congratulating family and friends, with a scowl of discontent, and in the tones of malediction, exclaimed, “All this availeth me nothing, so long" as Mordecai the Jew sits at the king's gate. When, sir, when will anbition learn wisdom from the records of experience f" Sir, we are told by South Carolina that words have been invented of fraudful, sorcerous import; wherewithal the manufacturing wizards of the North abuse the honest and credulous ear of the nation. These foul magicians, as it is said, cry encouragement, protection, domestic industry, American system; and thereby raise, array, and drive a crusade o: the rights and interests of the South. Sir, have not the managing men of that region a school for words? State rights, independent sovereignty, consolidation, slavery; what words are these ? May not men conjure with such words? Have they not called up spirits by them! Aye, sir, and spirits as dark and mischievous as ever visited the moonlight of this world. In this very debate, has not a

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The Tariff.

word been caught; and tortured, and abused, that men might hear, and run mad even at the very echo of it? Tax; why, sir, when just, the word makes men stare; when unjust, unequal, oppressive, it drives them frantic. Sir, these sorcerers of the sultry South have, during this debate, with the skill of masters, repeated this word either alone or coupled with most inflaming adjectives. Permit me, sir, to pass within the magic circle, and, if it may be done, to do and reveal their juggling mysteries. They announce to this nation that they, the plantation, or, as they cabalistically call themselves, staple States, being but one-quarter or three millions of the whole people, do, in their own proper persons, pay two-thirds of all the taxes. -To illustrate this hypothesis, they tell us that South Carolina, in 1827, exported cotton amounting to seven million one hundred thousand dollars. On all this amount of cotton, they affirm that they did pay, and they do now pay, on all their like export, into the treasury of the United States, an export duty amounting to thirty, forty, fifty, some say sixty per cent. This duty is alleged to be paid on the export, because a like duty is laid on the goods purchased by their export, when they are brought into the country. These gentlemen tell us that “the custom-house is a turnpike gate, and it matters not whether you pay the toll when you go to market, or when you return from it.” It is as if the collector took two or three out of every five yards of cloth brought home for cotton sold in England. If these allegations be not mere words, contrived to provoke excitement, and, under a storm of loud and boisterous passion, to obscure the true state of the question, then must they be founded on some facts and arguments by which they are supported in the minds of reasonable men. When South Carolina alleges that the exports of the United States pay all the duties imposed by the tariff on imports, she sustains this allegation, so far as she has hitherto attempted to sustain it, by one of three argu: ments. First. When the products of the South are sold, they are sold for goods, to be imported into the United States; and whatever duty is imposed on such goods, when so imported, must and will be deducted from the exported southern produets, when sold abroad. Second. The import of the staple or plantation States being equal to their export, and their consumption being equal to such import, they, as consumers, pay all the duty on their import, and, therefore, they pay duty, or tax, as they call it, exactly in P. to their export. Third. The tariff so diminish es the value of their export or import, or both, as that this diminution is exactly equal to the whole duty on their whole in port. This question is not without difficulty, for it cannot be easy to disprove what is not proved by any evidence; or to overthrow, by any course of reasoning, what is sustained by no argument. South Carolina avers that she pays sixty per cent on all her eight millions of export. It is a tax of four million two hundred thousand dollars per annum, and in ten years amounts to forty-two millions of dollars. If we say, as we do say, this is not so, the allegation of South Carolina falls to the ground, as a mere cunningly devised fable, incredible in its nature, and not believed at all, unless by those who have been suitably trained to the faith, and can exclaim in the very words of ancient credulity, “I believe, because it is impossible." In the very onset of this argument against this South Carolina dogma, we must encounter the most invincible propensities of man; his avarice, his party spirit, pride of opinion, lust most indomitable, lust of power; and worst of all, if there be any thing worse, the subtle, fraudful, undermining o. of demagogues, devoted to an influence, such as finally laid the sovereignty of Athens at the foot of the Macedonian Philip. The effort, however, is worthy of patriotism, and surely worth making. The argument may reach the South. The candid, the honest, the many

[May 10, 1830. may hear, may consider, be convinced, and redeem them. on selves from the “forked councils" of crooked politicians. | * Are these people, then, thus grossly wronged by the to American system? Does South Carolina pay a duty, o be tax of forty, sixty, or any other per cent on all, or any of r: her exported, cotton or other products? First of alli o such duty deducted from the price of those exported pro duets, when sold in the foreign market? This South so the rolina doctrine presupposes that all commerce is merely to barter trade in different commodities. The gentleman bill

from Massachusetts [Mr. Davis] has, under that view of on the doctrine, exposed its absurdity. I will not repeat is what he has so ably said. In this argument it is alleged in that the duty on imported commodities is deducted from #: the price of the exported products, when sold in the s- so reign market; because those products are sold in that a market for such commodities as, when imported, are or charged with such duty. It is said South Carolina cotto ra is sold in Liverpool for cotton cloth, or for woollen cloth, so but because such cloth cannot come into the United State of unless a duty of sixty per cent is first paid upon it, the so English manufacturer, or his agent, the Liverpool met on chant, does deduct the amount of such duty from the prio || of the cotton, and pays the balance only to the planter who has raised and exported it. So long as the United State by their protecting system, continue to place this duty to the cottons and woollens of England, the English maus is facturer will indemnify himself, by deducting the duo || charged on cloths, from the price of South Carolina cotto, so received in payment for them, and thereby compel to to South Carolina planter to pay the whole amount of it. Thi'i. is the whole argument, however it may have been expan; ho ed by illustration, or amplified by repetition. South Carol; tı na cotton is sold for English cloth. Sixty per cent is deduto to ed from the price of the cotton in England, because sixty so per cent, duty is charged on the cloth in the United State in Let us for a moment look at the course of trade. Whe two hundred millions of pounds of cotton are exported to st England, and placed in the markets of Liverpool, on to so count of whomsoever it may concern, for what is this to so. ton sold Do manufacturers bring their cloths into this to market to barter for that cotton No, sir; it is purchased to by a class of merchants, who afterwards sellit out to mano to facturers in such parcels as they may want for consump is: tion. These merchants have no cloths, and probably nerg & deal in them. In all great markets the business is so do so vided, that the man who deals in one commodity here § deals in any other. Cotton merchants are never cloth of it. hardware merchants. Nay, so divided and distributed i ol; this trade, that each species of cotton will have its distino so. class of merchants, who deal in that species, and in to o other. In what does he, and all other purchasers of coli. ton, choose to pay for a purchased eargo of that comino [-o, dity? Why, truly, in that by which all purchases are made in a great market; the circulating medium of all commerloo. cial countries. In England, this is either coin, bullion. o bank notes, or bills of exchange. When the exporter of s. South Carolina cotton goes into the Liverpool marke * with his cargo, for what does he choose to selli Ho chooses to sell for the same medium which the cotton met to chants choose to pay him: coin, bullion, bank notes, or to bills of exchange. †. buyer will choose to pay in thos i. or in some one of these, because he will have nothing else six on hand with which to pay; and the seller will choose to take these, or some one of them, in ment, because it to may be what he wants, or he can with it more easily Pur . chase what he wants for the market of his own country If he take coin or bullion, it will be because he wishes to ship coin or bullion to the United States. If he take two notes, it will be because he has occasion for bank to so. in the course of his trade. If he intends loading his ship |* at any other port, he will take bills of exchange on some jou, house at such port. How, then, will the cotton merchu ||

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on any P.": deduct fifty or sixty per cent from the cotton of the South Carolina planter It must be, says the South Carolina doctrine, because the article, in which he pays him, is charged with fifty or sixty per cent duty when imported into the United States. Not so, for if he pays him in bank notes, they are put off in his trade in England, at the same rate at which all other men pass them, and without any deduction, because they have been received in pay for South Carolina cotton. If he receive bills of exchange on Amsterdam, Copenhagen, or St Pe. tersburg, the merchants of those cities will surely not pay them at a discount of sixty per cent, because they were drawn and received in payment for South Carolina cotton. If the English cotton merchants pay the South Carolina cotton planter in coin or bullion for his exported cotton, can he deduct sixty per cent from the price, because sixty per cent duty will be charged, at the American customhouse, on that coin or bullion, when imported into the United States. Surely not; because no such duty, and no duty whatever, is charged on coin or bullion when imported into the United States under the tariff, protec. tion law, or American system of this country. If then, the English cotton buyer do befool the South Carolina cotton planter, and deduct sixty per cent from the price of his cotton, whenever that amount of duty is charged in the United States on the medium received by the planter in payment for his cotton; yet, as he may, and always does receive in payment a medium, on which no duty is charged on its arrival in the United States, then no deduction from such price is ever, made. The South Carolina doctrine is a mere theoretical dogma, fit only to amuse and delude: it is like some other exhalations, which never appear but in a dark and troubled atmosphere. When light and sunshine return to the earth, they vanish, are seen no more, and the traveller, returning to the right path, goes on his way, rejoicing. . Sir, if the South Carolina doctrine be true, what must be the condition of the exporting cotton merchant Permit me to propose a case. A merchant of Boston, Providence, or New York, invests ten thousand dollars in cotton at Charleston, and, shipping it to Liverpool, sells the whole, with the intention of investing the amount of sales in woollen cloths, to be shipped to the United States for the American market. For the purpose of exhibiting the South Carolina doctrine in the simplest form, I will leave out of the statement all account of freight, insurance, or profits on the outward voyage; and add the freight, insurance, and duties only on the homeward. ... His cotton sells, in Liverpool, for ten thousand dollars. From. this amount the English manufacturer, or his agent, the Liverpool cotton merchant, deducts sixty per cent. because the English woollens, which are to be received in payment, will be charged with a duty of sixty per cent, when imported into the Únited States: four thousand dollars remain. This sum is received in woollen cloths. Fifteen per cent...is paid for freight and insurance, equal to six hundred dollars. A duty of sixty per cent is paid on this investment of four thousand dollars, on its arrival in the United States. This amounts to two thousand four hundred dollars. It is Pro sumed the woollen cloths will sell for the original cost, with the freight and insurance added, together with the duties. How will the account stand? Cost of cotton is - - - Freight and insurance of woollen goods hom Duty on do. in the United States - - 2,400 Total amount paid out - - - $13,000 For reimbursing this sum, the merchant will have on hand


Woollen goods at cost - - - $4,000
Feight and insurance - - - 600
Amount of duty paid - - - 2,400
Total amount receivable in return - - $7,000

Total amount of loss - - - $6,000

Such is the course of the cotton trade, according to the doetrines of South Carolina. Will this speculation ever be repeated Was ever such a speculation made It seems incredible that men of sane minds should avow such absurdities. I have nevertheless heard the avowal. Thousands, both here and elsewhere, have heard the same. Thousands of honest men are made to believe it. South Carolina planters have been told that from every hundred bales of cotton, sent abroad to market, sixty are taken by the collector, as a tax on the planter. Aye, sir, from this word, tax, the table orator of South Carolina has drawn large discourse, as the bees of Trebisond draw from certain flowers a honey that drives men mad. Since the duty on foreign wine is reduced, it may be hoped that the tariff toasts of the South will now be drank in a more generous vintage. Nothing but bad wine could have inspired such anti-American sentiments; for we are told by high authority, that “in good wine there is truth.”

I hasten to the second proof of unequal payment of imposts, as it is alleged by the South Carolina doctrine. Their import and their consumption must be equal to one another, and each must be equal to their export; but they pay duty on all their consumption, and, therefore, the duty paid by them is in exact proportion to their export. The whole of this argument goes on the ground that every duty added to imported commodities does, in fact, raise the price of such commodities, by a sum equal to such duty. This is sometimes true, but not always, so; and it often happens that added duty does not increase the cost to the consumer. The customers attending at any market, must, if they buy, pay the cost of all commodities which they buy. Men will cease to bring such commodities to market, when they cannot be reimbursed the expense of bringing them there. The consumption of all the world must pay the cost of the production of all the world. When manufactured fabrics are placed in the market, their cost cannot be less than the cost of the raw material, the wages of labor, and the use of capital employed by that labor in fabricating from such raw material their products, and placing them in the market. When the manufacturer has paid for the raw material and for labor, all which remains is for the use of capital. This balance is sometimes more, and sometimes less; but can never be, for any length of time, less than what is sufficient to keep his capital in good and efficient repair. . If it be less, his capital must continually deteriorate, and finally be consum He can continue to work without profits, but he cannot continue to work at a loss. When his balance is more than enough to pay for raw material, labor, and use of capital, this surplus constitutes the profits of the manufacturer. These profits are, therefore, a part of the market price of all fabrics, when sold in the country where they are produced. When such fabrics are exported from the country where they are produced, and imported into another country, to be sold and consumed there, if a duty be imposed on their importation, this duty must either be paid by the consumer, or deducted from the profits of the producer, or it may be divided and borne partly by each of them. When the manufacturers of the importing country produce fabrics of the same kind and quality, competition for the market often compels the foreign manufacturer to deduct a part or the whole duty from his profits. These principles are illustrated by the history of the molasses trade between the United States and Cuba. When the tariff of 1828 added five cents a gallon to the duty on imported molasses, the manufacturers of that product in Cuba took that amount from each gallon, and it came to the consumption of the United States without any additional price, in consequence of the additional impost duty. The planters of Quba made this deduction from their profits, rather than hazard the loss of our market in a competition with the planters of Louisiana. This will

always be the course of trade. So long as foreign

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manufacturers can pay for raw materials, wages, and deterioration of capital, they will, rather than lose your market, lower profits, as you raise impost duty, until all their profits are gone. Nay, trade is sometimes continued for years to one market, only to sustain labor and preserve capital, while other markets are looked after for profits; and the hope of a change of times encourages the expectation of a more prosperous condition of trade. With these general remarks, I proceed to a more particular examination of this part of the question. For this purpose, let it be Aio that all impost duties on imported commodities do, to an equal amount, add to their market price. By whom is this additional price paid Is it paid by South Carolina, because she exports seven million one hundred thousand dollars in cotton, and imports, and consumes alike amount in some other product? . This uestion cannot be answered without some examination of i. course of trade. The labor of our country, like that of all other countries, employs capital, either in producing raw material, or manufactured fabrics, or in buying and selling such raw material or manufactured products. The great laboring classes of our country are, accordingly, employed in agrieulture, manufactures, or commerce. If the planters of South Carolina employ their capital in growing cotton, they do not employ it in commerce. The commerce of the country is conducted by merchants. Money is the medium, the great machine by which they conduct all their transactions. Barter is no part of the trade of merchants. It belongs to a condition of society, anterior to a perfect division of employments, and before any circulating medium of exchange has been established. Accordingly, we find the merchants of our country employed in buying up and collecting all surplus products, either of the seas, of the forests, of the soil, or of manufactures. For these they give, in exchange, money, the circulating medium of the country, either gold or silver coin, or paper, which may, at the pleasure of the holder, be exchanged for such coin. That part of these products not wanted for home consumption, merchants export, in pursuit of a market, to foreign countries. These are not bartered, but sold by them, in such markets, for money. This money, or such part of it as may be required, is reinvested in foreign products, such as cloths, hardware, tea, coffee, sugar, aromatics, fruits, wines, spirits, silks, fancy goods, and all such commodities as may be required in the home market, either for consumption or re-exportation. All these commodities are imported, together with the money balance, invested in gold or silver coin, or bullion. This immense importation, amounting, in some years, to one-hundred millions, comes back charged with all the costs of these multifarious transactions; and, when further aug. mented in price by the addition of such duties as by law are imposed on each class of them, they are all placed in the markets of the United States. If there be an efficient demand for these commodities in our country, and they can be sold without a loss, then who. ever buys and consumes them must pay for all their original cost, together with the cost of importation, and the impost duty, in addition to all these various amounts. Men go to this market, not to receive pay for what they had sold to merchants who purchased and exported their products; much less do they go in quest of their share of these comf. modities, as if concerned in the great adventure of sending their products abroad to be exchanged, and brought home in money, or in the products of other countries. Do you find, in this great market, the whaler with the invoice of his oil; the fisherman, with that of his fish; the log-roller, showing the amount of his lumber; the peltrist, with his knotted strings of account for furs; the farmer or manufacturer, each with full statements of either provisions, or bread stuffs, or wrought fabrics? How, then, does the South Carolina planter come to this market? To get pay for his cotton o to the merchant? No: that he received

when he sold his crop. To take his share of the goods as if concerned in the original adventure, and in proportion | | to the amount of his cotton What claim has he to this! He sold his cotton on the wharf, took his money, and is every bale, when shipped, had gone to the bottom, or been consumed by fire, it would have been no concern of his The cotton planter of South Carolina has no more to nexion with the commerce of the United States, than the 1 tea planter of China has with the same commerce. He does not, therefore, come into the home market for foreign i goods, to get his share of those goods; nor is he obliged w take the amount of his cotton crop, or any other amount, in cotton or woolleu cloths, or hardware, or any other em. i modity. His money is in his pocket, and it cannot be drawn out but by his own option. If he must expendi: | * all, he need not expend it all in the market of foreign com | || modities; for he will find, side by side with this, another market, abounding in all the products of the land, labor, and capital of our country. #. he may indulge his po triotism, and satisfy his wants. i. From which of these markets is South Carolina labor, to and the employers of that labor, supplied The answe to this question will determine who pays the duty onio || ported products. Does that labor consume fish? To | * planter buys, them in New England, not only without 5 bounty, but cheaper for the bounty on exported fish. The | bounty on exported fish enables the fisherman to supply the home market at a reduced price; so that the bouno is really divided between him and the South Carolina; a planter. He buys shoes. The leather was made so | * hides, bought in Ohio at one and a half cents a pound the shoes manufactured by labor, fed, with corn at ten and wheat at twenty-five cents a bushel, and with meata: two cents a pound. The planter buys shoes at fifty cent a pair, shirting at six and a quarter, stripes at eight, and satinets at thirty-seven cents a yard. The whole yearly clothing for a man coats less than five dollars. Notou, article is of foreign manufacture. Not one article law with a duty, or made dearer by such a tax. Nay, not * which could, on any day of the year, be purchased cheap” in the English market. What feeds the labor of so

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Carolina Is it tea, coffee, sugar Not an ounce. To whole two hundred and fifty-eight thousand laborers * * South Carolina do not consume to the amount of co o cent of any article charged with any amount of duty, they do, what is it? Gracious God! And notwithstoo a ing all this, the owners of these slaves, the capital” . of South Carolina, who, in the language of the member 3. from that State, [Mr. McDuffle) " drive them day an & night, summer and winter, to work harder and make more, these mild and merciful capitalists are, by their agent hero clamorous, outrageous, and abusive against the laborers d New England, because they pay less than their share" imo of tax, on imported commodities. What do New England laborers pay They pay the duty on all they buy and consume. They consume offat a duty of thirty per cent, tea at thirty-five, and sugo as the Southern Review asserts, at fifty-two per cent. A these are consumed by the whole labor of New England The skilled, or manufacturing labor, in addition to theo consume fancy goods. Yes, sir, fancy goods; shawls for ... silks from France, crapes from India, toro shell combs from Canton, and Leghorns from Italy. To may seem a paradox to those who cannot, even in though separate labor from servitude; to whom work is slaves; and exemption from it freedom;" whose high and paluj condition of liberty is rendered more lofty, because mo, nured, and cultured, and contrasted by a toiling, debased and wretched servitude around it. Tell, sir, tell tho high-minded votaries of factitious liberty, that the freedom of the North is felt and enjoyed the more, because it felt and enjoyed by all; and that if southern libertysbook | }

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its growth, northern freedom will grow and flourish, after the sun, in the whole longitude of his course, shall have ceased to shine on the head of a single slave. In the North, labor is not slavery. The persons of whom I speak, are the free descendants of the free and highly respected people of New England. They are the daughters or granddaughters of those wives and mothers who clothed, and armed, and blessed, and hastened their husbands, and sons and brothers, to the fields of Lexington and Bunker Hill, Bennington and Saratoga. They are not mere bodies, though beautiful and blooming; they have minds well instructed; they have read, and thought. You will see them, modestly ornamented by the labor of their own hands, and accompanied by their parents and brothers, attending the anniversaries of our literary institutions, the yearly discourses at the celebration of our national independence, and in the weekly assemblies for the public worship of the great God, and Father of the whole human family. Do you ask how those who labor in the North can af. ford to consume such imported commodities This cannot be done by labor in France and England. Labor is paid, in any country, in proportion to the demand and supply, in the market, for the labor of that country. In this country, the demand for skilled labor is comparatively great, and the supply comparatively small. This labor, therefore, receives a much greater share of the products of labor in this country, than the same kind of labor receives in England and France. This, operating alike on labor in all employments, prevents the manufacturer from raising the price of his products, and compels him to lower the rate of his profits. All the necessaries of life being much lower in this than in most other countries, labor not only receives a larger proportion of the annual production of the country, but can live at a much smaller expense for necessaries; and has, therefore, a much larger amount, either to lay up for future use, or to consume in accommodations and ornaments. This, sir, is the great secret of northern prosperity; a condition not the most propitious to the capitalist, but the most beneficial to labor; and demonstrating that while the labor of South Carolina consumes no imported products, and pays not a cent of imst duty, or tax, the labor of the North, made prosperous y the American system, pays into the treasury a great. er amount of impost duty, of national tax, than even the South Carolina capitalists themselves. For what do these capitalists buy, and consume, from the two great markets of our country : First, what] does the southern plunter buy? Carriages, harness, saddlery, horses, household furniture. These are not imported, but, by the American system, protected, and not made dearer by that protection. They buy fine cottons at o cents a yard, which, imrted in 1815, cost one dollar and twelve cents. They E. prints, carpets, glass, nails, and all quite as cheap, as such commodities can be bought in England. Of woollen cloths, hardware, iron, hemp, sailcloth, cordage, who buys most, the northern or the South Carolina capitalists? If, then, the producer of exports, whether oil, fish, lumber, peltry, provisions, bread stuffs, or cotton, sell for money, and buy for money—and buy, at his option, either foreign or domestic commodities, the amount of duties, the tax paid by him, is governed by his consumption, and his con: sumption is governed by his choice, and not by the amount of his export. If he sells for money, he may keep his money in his pocket, live from the produce of his own plantation, and pay not a cent for any imported commodity. The South Carolina dogma, the tax in proportion to export, is unsupported by fact, and must have been contrived to deceive, to delude, to create popular excitement, and achieve political objects. The third and last reason for this monstrous and maddening doctrine is, that the American system does, in its operations, decrease the demand, and thereby diminish the market price of cotton to the full amount of all the

duty imposed on all the foreign goods purchased by the money for which all the cotton of South Carolina is sold. In other words, if machinery and cotton spinning had been left to England, and never introduced into the United States, or encouraged and protected by that system, the cotton of South Carolina would now have brought in the market not only seven million one hundred thousand dollars, but sixty per cent, or four million two hundred and sixty thousand dollars, in addition to that amount. That State would have received, in 1827, eleven million three hundred and sixty thousand dollars for the exported cotton of that year. Let us examine this paramount absurdity. In 1789, the first Congress enacted the law providing for revenue, for encouragement and for protection of manufactures. South Carolina then planted no cotton. A few years before that time, cotton spinning, by machinery, was brought into Rhode Island by Samuel Slater. 'Food in that year, imported from all the world, and spun about one million five hundred thousand pounds of cotton. A small duty was laid on imported cotton, expressly to encourage its production in the Southern States. A like duty was laid on imported cotton cloths, to encourage cotton spinning in this country. From what material was the clothing of Europe and America then fabricated Almost entirely from sheep's wool, flax, hemp, or silk. What has been the progress of machinery for spinning and weaving cotton, and what have been the effects of that progress A demand for cotton was created and increased by this new and expeditious method of manufacturing it into cloth. By the progress of this trade, hemp for clothing is driven from the market. Flax has nearly followed it; silk is sustained as a luxury only, and sheep's wool would, at this time, were it not for the necessities created by climate, be entirely out of use. . . . How has this been effected ? By a competition between the great manufacturers of England, France and the United States. The inventions of one have been followed by the inventions of others, and a succession of improvements has advanced them on to do." The spindle was followed by the speeder—the single by the double speeder. The flying picker took place of the hand, in cleaning cotton; and the power loom now almost excludes manual weaving. Chemical science, applied to bleaching, performs in a few hours what once required days or weeks, aided by the sun, the winds, and water, for its performance. This rivalry of nations has not only improved, but multiplied machinery. In 1789, the winole number of spindles in the United States did not exceed three hundred. The number increased but slowly for the first fifteen years. The embargo multiplied them; the non-intercourse multiplied them; the war multiplied them; and, above all, the tariff of 1816, introducing the minimum principle of protection, has multiplied them; until, at this time, there cannot be a less number in the United States than one million five hundred thousand. They have, indeed, multiplied like the progeny or the patriarch in the land of their servitude; and, like that progeny, those who were once their patrons, would now throw them into the river. The same competition has pushed forward the production of England, not only in this, but in every other branch of iron and steel manufacture. English hooks fish, every sea, lake, and river: English guns bring down birds of eve clime, and every wing: the Arab, the Tartar, rides wit English pistols in his É. and the Sheffield bhade has won more o greater victories than that of Toledo or Damascus. These are but minor products. The wars of Eutope multiplied her spindles; these are the great instruments of the wealth and power of England. Alexander by the long spear, and the compacted phalanx, pushed his conquests from the Granicus to the Ganges. England, with her spindles and looms, has manufactured a fabric of power, which, like the broad belt of the Zodiac, enwraps

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