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H. OF R.)

The Tariff

MAY 8, 1830.


means, imparted a new spring to the industry and enter-mand for dative raw materials, and consequently furnish a prise of her subjects. They are enabled, upon more ad- better market to those who raise them. vantageous terms, to enter into competition with all parts Fourtbly. That the consumers of manufactures have no of the world. Their imports and exports have enormously right to complain, because the high duties have not inaugmented. They send their cottons to India, and their creased their

prices. silks are smuggled into France, though they are under the Fifthly. That, as foreigners impose restrictions upon us, necessity of importing from abroad the raw materials for we ought to retaliate pon them, and particularly upon both of these manufactures.

Great Britaio, as she takes almost nothing from us. It has frequently been asserted by the restrictionists, 1st. That, by adequate protection, manufactures would that they follow the example, not the precepts, of Great be permanently established, &c. &c. Britain, whose statesmen, they insist, inculcate the doc The ability to sell cheap depends upon the price of the trines of free trade, merely to delude other nations. The raw material, the wages of labor, and the profits of stock. fact that there exists a party in the United States, wbich To place the argument of the restrictionists in the most enforces the growth of manufactures by high duties, is not favorable light, I will suppose that the raw material costs more certain, than that the practices of British statesmen less in America than it does in England, as is the case with were correspondent with their professions. What I have cotton. With this advantage, and the aid of protective already said, would be sufficient to confute the assertions duties, from twenty-five to one hundred and twenty-five of the restrictionists ; but if additional proofs were requi- per cent., in consequence of both wages and the profits site, I would refer to the principle which is understood to of stock being about one hundred per cent. bigher in this bave been adopted by the Government, that no duty, in-country than they are in England, we annually import tended for protection, shall exceed thirty per cent.--to the from her cotton manufactures, which we should not do writings in Blackwood's Magazine, and other publications uuless they were cheaper than our own. Our importation of a similar character—to the debates in the Parliament, of cotton from England, in the year ending the soth Sep: and particularly to a discussion in the House of Lords, in tember, 1828, amounted to vine million four hundred and February last, in which the avowed friends of prohibition eighty-eight thousand four hundred and thirty-one dollars. attribute the distresses of the country “to the pestilent If England, then, undersells us in an article, the raw maheresy of free trade." That all the ancient monopolies terial of which we have cheaper than she bas, can we rival and restrictions have not been relinquished in Great ber in other manufactures, the raw materials of which she Britain, is true. It would be impolitic, and mischievous purchases as cheap or cheaper than we do? When cottons in the extreme, to introduce innovations otherwise than are produced cheaper in England than they are in the cautiously and gradually, where immense investments of United States, is it pot folly to suppose that we can madu. capital bave been made, in numerous branches of industry, facture wool and iron cheaper than, or as cheap as the upon the faith of long established laws avd usages. That English manufacturer, who buys his iron and his wool at io. innovations have been made, and that their effects have comparatively lower rates than they can be obtained by our been to liberalize the commercial system of Great Britain, mavufacturers! Is it not evident that, until population is must be made manifest to any one who will compare its as dense, capital as large, and wages and profits as low present situation with that which prevailed not more than in the United States as they are in Great Britain, she fifteen years ago.

must continue to manufacture cheaper than we can! Is it I am not aware that the extension of our manufactures, not equally evident that, when we can manufacture as and the profits of the manufacturers, during non-inter- cheaply as England, do protective duties will be necessary course, embargo, and war, are relied upon as an argument to secure to our manufacturers the monopoly of the doin favor of restriction, If, during these periods, manufac mestic market? tures bad been cheap, there would have been strength in 2dly. That, by purchasing domestic manufactures, we this argument, but such was not the case. The prosperity encourage, &c. &c. of the manufacturers was not participated in by the peo It is undeniable that, by the domestic exchange, the ar ple. It was founded upon the general calamity. The ticle purchased, and the product of the labor which pays prices wbicb they obtained, and which they always will for it, remain in the country, but it should be borne in obtain where free competition is excluded, were so erro- mind, that, by the foreign exchange, we introduce valuaneous, that, although they were enriched, the consumers ble commodities which we had not before, and that we dewere impoverished. And, notwithstanding these golden cessarily pay for them with the proceeds of American harvests, when peace restored our intercourse with Eng- labor; consequently, if the buyer can procure them land, our manufactures were involved in embarrassments cheaper, he can, with the same quantity of labor, or the and distresses, from which they have never recovered, same amount of money, purchase more of the foreigo though aided by duties which were granted especially for than of the domestic manufacture. If be buys dearer in their protection.

the home market, be loses the difference between the I have thus, I trust, satisfactorily shown that our manu- foreign and the home price; and though, by the domestic facturers were prosperous and increasing under an upre- barter, the manufacturer may be a gainer, yet

, as bis gain stricted, and that they have always been depressed under is precisely equal to the buyer's loss, the national wealth is a restricted system, excepting when they flourished, in Do more increased than if the exchange had never beeg consequence of the calamitous condition of the country. made. But if a million of pounds of raw cotton could be I will now proceed to the examination of the arguments exchanged in England for as great a quantity of cotton or and assertions which are principally relied upon by the woollen manufactures as would in the United States readvocates of the restrictive policy. They are as follows:, quire a million and a half of pounds of raw cotton, then

First. That, by adequate protection, manufactures would would the wealth of the United States be augmented in be permanently established; that competition among the the same ratio, by the substitution of the domestic for the manufacturers would thus reduce prices to the minimum foreign exchange. cost of production, when their domestic fabric, being ex 3dly. That domestic manufactures increase the demand empt from the expenses of importation, would be cheaper &c. &c. than the foreign.

Admitting that the increase of manufactures, by withSecondly. That, by purchasing domestic manufactures, drawing a portion of labor from the cultivation of the soil, we encourage domestic instead of foreign industry, and might, to a certain extent, be of advantage to the agriculthus augment the national wealth.

turist, it is yet problematical whether this advantage would Thirdly. That domestio manufactures increase the de- | not be more than counterbalanced, by the increased es

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May 8, 1830.]
The Tariff

[H. OF R. 6

pense which he would be subjected to in the price of the minimum, by the competition between American and Briimplements of bis labor, and of the woollens, cottons, and tish labor, be overlooked the very important fact which other articles which he consumes.

rendered his argument inapplicable—that the consumers But the domestic manufactures of cotton, it is said by the were deprived of the benefit of this competition, by the restrictionists, must create an additional market for the raw high duties which are laid upon the manufactures which cotton of the southern planter. This cannot be the case be purchases. unless they increase its consumption. Even if there were 6thly. That, as foreigners impose restrictions upon us, no manufactories of cotton in the United States, the quan- &c. &c. tity which they at present furnish, would be manufactured It is conceded by the restrictionists, that trade ought to in Europe, where, but for the protective system, as much be free, but they contend that, as other nations impose of the fabric could be purchased by the grower of cotton burdens upon our commerce, we ought to retaliate upon

for one thousand pounds of bis raw material, as he can theirs. ], by subjecting the productions of foreigners to I purchase in the domestic market for fifteen hundred or two operous duties, we could induce them to withdraw those thousand pounds.

restrictions which we complain of, it might, then, be adThe gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Davis) esti- visable to resort to such an expedient; but, as we entertain mates the pumber of persons engaged in manufactures in no hopes of thus effecting this object, it surely would be the United States at about five hundred thousand, and he better not to aggravate our own burdens by our own acts. tells us that if they should abandon their business, the quan- If we cannot secure all the advantages of free trade, why tity of manufactures would be diminished, by which the not do so to the extent which is in our power i Great demand for the raw material would be lessened as there Britain levies customs upon our imports, and an excise are no unemployed laborers in England. From these pre upon internal consumption, for the sake of revenue, not of mises, he concludes that the present low price of manufac obstructing our commerce. We impose beavy duties upon tures, particularly of woollens and cottons, is owing to the imports

, not for revenue, but to exclude cheaper foreign competition between the American and the English capi- productions. Were our duties imposed bona fide, for revetalists. The gentleman bas forgotten the millions of pau. Due, which we required, however the impolicy of the meapers in England and Ireland, who are idle, not because sure might be censured, because it diminished instead of they are unable or unwilling to work, but because they increasing the receipts at the custom-house, we yet should cannot get work. The pressure under which Eogland not condemn it as partial and unconstitutional

. But, supsuffers, is the want of a market for her products, not of posing the argument of the restrictionists, abstractly laborers to produce them.

considered, to be correct, let us see upon what foundation The southern grower of cotton is injured, in a variety of their assertion stands, that Great Britain takes almost ways, by the American system. First. Io common with the nothing from 18. To show the amount of our imports. agriculturists, his expenses are increased by his being com- from, and of our exports to, Great Britain and her depen. pelled to purchase dearer bis implements of husbandry, dencies, I will refer to the statements of the commerce and and whatever be uses or consumes. Secondly. Although navigation of the United States, with which we are annuhe sells his cotton at the same price to the American and ally furnished by the Secretary of the Treasury. to the foreign manufacturer, be pays to the former a higher Total value of imports by the United price for his fabric Thirdly. If foreign manufactures of States from Great Britain and her depen cotton could be imported into the United States, upon the dencies, in the year ending 30th Septempayment of a moderate duty, their cheapness would cause ber, 1825,

$42,394,812 a greater quantity of them to be purchased, by which the Total value of exports from the United demand for the raw material of the planter would be large- States to Great Britain and her dependen. ly increased.

cies, during the same period,

44,217,525 I will here notice an argument of another gentleman Of these exports, those of from Massachusetts. [Mr. EVERETT) which appeared to me the growth, produce &c. of to be an extraordinary one. That gentleman stated that the United States, amountthe protection given to sugar greatly increased the income ed to

$40,372,987 of the sugar planter, and afforded him much more than a And those of foreign arcompensation for the duties which he paid upon imposts. ticles, to

3,844,638 Instead of this being an advantage to the southern States Total value of imports by generally, it is strictly the reverse. The grower of cotton the United States from in South Carolina feels the tax upon sugar as sensibly as Great Britain and her dependoes the farmer in Maine or Massachusetts, and complains dencies in the year ending of it as one of the heaviest taxations of the tariff, by which Soth September, 1826,

32,212,356 contributions are forced from millions, to swell the coffers Total value of exports of two or three hundred sugar planters.

from the United States to 4thly. That the consumers of manufactures have no right Great Britain and her deto complain, &c. &c.

pendencies, during the same If the duties upon manufactures did not increase their period,

28,980,019 price, the manufacturers would consent to a repeal of the Of these exports, those of tariff now in force. Their sole object in raising the duties, the growth, produce, &c. of is to add them to the price of the article ; and though from the United States, amountthe appreciation of money, the fall in the cost of raw ma-ed to

25,842,299 terials, the improvement in machinery, and other causes, And those of foreign armanufacturers may sell as low or lower than they did when ticles, to

3,137,720 the duties were less, yet, as we continue to ing port magu Total value of imports by w

factures, and to pay the duties upon them, and as we give the United States from the same price for the domestic as for the foreign commo- Great Britain and her dependity, no proposition can be more incontrovertible, than if dencies, in the year ending the duties were repealed, the price to the consumer would | 30th September, 1827,

33,056,374 be diminished by the amount of those duties.

Total value of exports When the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Davis] from the United States to argued that the price of manufactures was reduced to its | Great Britain and her de

H. OF R.)

The Tariff

(MAY 8, 1830.

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pendencies, during the same

ed, the reverse would be the case with the manufacturer, period,

$ 32,870,465 Congress would then be called upon for large protective Of these exports, those of

duties, on account of the free admission of our wbeat into the growth, produce, &c. of

England, compelling the manufacturer to give higher wages the United States, amount

to his workmen, whilst, from the same cause, the wages of ed to $ 30,041,545

the British operatives being diminished, the British madu. And those of foreign arti

facturer could undersell ours in a greater ratio than be can cles, to


at present. Upon a principle strictly analogous to this, Total value of imports by

when the duties upon wool in England were reduced from the United States from Great

six pence and three pepce to a penny and a balf-penby the Britain and her dependen

pound, our manufacturers petitioned for, and obtained, an cies, in the year ending 30th

additional duty upon woollen manufactures. September, 1828,

35,591,484 Is it pot evident that ope restriction leads to another, Total value of exports by

until, at length, the whole labor of the nation is taken from the United States from Great

the judgment and enterprise of individuals, and transferred Britain and her dependen

to the arbitrary will of Congress ? In France and England, cies, during the same pe

and other European kingdoms, where trade is more or less riod,

27,020,209 trammelled, protection is not limited to one class—it is exOf these exports, those of

tended to all, so that each branch of industry enjoys some the growth, produce, &c. of

compensation for the burdens which it bears. Whereas, in the United States, amount

our republic, although it is notorious that the agricultural ed to


and the commercial interests are depressed, at least, in as And those of foreign ar

great a degree as the manufacturing, the undivided aid of ticles, to


the Government is granted to the manufacturer. If this be But it is peculiarly impressed upon us, that Great Bri- policy or justice, then have these terms lost the meanings tain excludes from her ports one great product, flour. which have been, hitherto, adnexed to them. What is the fact ?

Unless I labor under an egregious error, I think it will The total number of barrels of flour ex

be apparent, from what I have submitted to the consider ported from the United States to all parts

ation of the committee, that we are prematurely rushing of Europe, Asia, and Africa, excepting to

into a contest with Great Britain, in which we cannot but Great Britain and her dependencies,

be sufferers. So long as she retains her immense capital, * amounted, in the year, 1827, to 21,365 barrels. her abundant machinery, her overflowing population, and The number exported from the United

her consummate skill-90 long as the cost of production, States to Great Britain and her dependen

from these and other causes, is so much lower there than it cies, during the same period, amounted to 252,766 barrels. is with us, ber manufactures must be cheaper than ours. The total number of barrels of flour ex.

When the United States shall be in the condition in which ported from the United States to all parts

Great Britain now is, they may contend with her manuof Europe, Asia, and Africa, excepting to

facturers. Great Britain and her dependencies,

This must be the result of the moral and physical influamounted, in the year 1828, to

21,573 barrels.ences of time. By artificial means, we may create domesThe number exported from the United

tic manufactures adequate to our demands; but this ean States to Great Britain and her dependen

ouly be accomplished by partiality to the few, at the ex cies, during the same period, amounted

pense of the general welfare. Those manufactures which to

161,070 barrels. Are adapted to our soil, our situation, and our wants, will And yet it is alleged that Great Britain excludes our flour be profitably pursued, provided the Government does not though we exported to her dominione, in 1827 and 1828, attempt to control them. Directed by the skill and econofour bundred and thirteen thousand eight bundred and my of individuals, and the powerful incentives of intethirty-six barrels, and to the whole of Europe, Asia, and rest and free competition, their progress would keep pace Africa, excepting Great Britain and her dependencies, only with the increase of our numbers and our wealth; but forty-two thousand nine hundred and thirty-eight barrels. manufactures forced into precocious exertions by legisla The complaint of exclusion ought rather to be made against tive bounties will either perish from upnatural stimulation, any European power than Great Britain.

or flourish amidst the execrations of an oppressed, impoWere our flour freely admitted into Great Britain, we verished, and indignant people. greatly overrate the advantages wbich would result from it. Mr. DENNY next addressed the conimittee, and obIn the year 1818, Great Britain permitted the unrestrained served, that, after a long and arduous struggle, the proimportation of wheat. The quantity which she imported tecting system bad been fairly adopted, and the country in that year was one million six hundred and ninety-four had settled down in the belief that it had become the estathousand two hundred and sixty-one quarters, exceeding blished policy of the Government, and that all might rely what it had ever been before, or has ever been since; and upon it with safety. This belief, sir, bas induced thousands its average price per quarter was four pounds three sbil- of individuals, possessing skill, experience, and capital, to lings and eight pence sterling. Of the quantity imported, embark their all in manufactures, trusting to the good faith Great Britain received

of the Government, that the protection afforded by the From Russia,

· 242,628 quarters. laws would not be withdrawn." The result to the country Germany,


at large has been a beneficial one; the friends of the sysPrussia,


tem have not been disappointed; their views bave been The United States, not more than 181,561

sustained in every instance wherein its operation has been [See Appendix to Statistical Illustrations of the British fairly tried, and time afforded for it to be fully unfolded. Empire, page 26.)

And the revenue of the country is derived under the same If large quantities of our wheat were exported to Great laws which are intended to provide protection for its domesBritain upon the payment of a moderate duty, its price tic industry. With these two great and prominent objects, would be higher in the United States. Its comparative revenue and protection, before us, what, I would ask, are we dearness would raise the wages of the American work- called upon to do, by the amendment now under consider man; and thus, although the agriculturist might be benefit-lation, proposed by the gentleman from South Carolina !

| MAY 8, 1830.)

The Tarif

[H. OF R.

| [Mr. McDUFFIE.) We are called upon, sir, to reverse the stances, cotton should experience a decline in price! If, | whole system of protection without duly considering the then, increased production and competition caused this reI probable effects upon the revenue, and totally regardless sult, which is the basis of all the complaints in the South, I 1 of the injury to the community, and the ruinous conse beg gentlemen not to impute them to the tariff. Would ! quences to all those who have confidently relied upon the a repeat of the tariff raise the price of cotton? Would it | legislation of this Government.

diminish the quantity iu market, restrain competition, and 1 What reasons are urged for the important change pro- render the land less productive! By no means. How, i posed to be effected in the policy of the Government by then, does it affect the price? Why, the gentleman from | this amendment ? Are they of a constitutional character ? South Carolina [Mr. McDUFFIE) has affirmed that the

I believe few gentlemen will now seriously contend that to adoption of this measure by the Government has destroyed protect our own manufacturers and mechanics, the domes- their commerce. This is an effect which I am wholly un

tic industry of the country is unconstitutional. I think the able to discover. Surely, sir, Government has imposed i question is settled, and well settled. We are told, sir, that do restrictions upon this commerce. It is unshackled,

the oppressed condition and sufferings of some of the south- and as free as the winds which waft it across the ocean. i ern States demand this change. It is strongly alleged that No duty is laid upon their exports, and no impediment is

these sufferings have been produced by this system, and laid in their way. But the gentleman (Mr. McDUFFIE) inthat its destruction will bring relief.

sisted that “a duty on imports was, in effect, a duty upon The gentlemen bave depicted to us, truby and faithfully, the exports ;” that “the duty was paid by the producer, I presume, the sufferings of some of the southern States, and not by the consumer.” This argument is entirely new according to their own view. I am willing to take the to me; I have never heard it urged before, it belongs, I picture as it was presented, in all its strong coloring, and think, exclusively to the present Congress

. Our constituwith all the highly finished and masterly touches which it tion declares that “no tax or duty sball be laid on articles has received. But I would ask the gentlemen whether it exported from any State;" and it grants to Congress the be quite certain that all this distress proceeds from the express power to lay imposts or duties on imported articause to which they ascribe it. Are there no other causes cles. Is it not clear, then, that the wise framers of that to be found dearer bome, to wbich the distress and embar-instrument considered exports and imports so entirely disrassment described so feelingly may be justly attributed ? tinct, that the former could not be affected by, or subject If there be, I entreat gentlemen to pause, and not to de- to, duties, restrictions, or regulations, imposed upon the stroy at one blow a system of vital importance to the latter! It is now said that where the exports are owned, country, since such destruction would do little or nothing there the imports, also, belong, and there the duties are to improve the condition of the South, while it would in- paid ; that the southern States are the producers of nearly flict ruin upon thousands in all other portions of the Union. Oue-half the domestic exports, and that they consequently I am fully aware that in the South all are taught to believe pay the greater portion of the revenue of the country'; they, that the evils under which they labor proceed from that being the producers, pay the tax, and not the consumers. mischievous measure called the ** tariff.” If a bankruptcy I sball not detain the committee, by going into a detailed bappened, it was owing to the “ tariff." If a merchant examination of this argument; it has, in my humble opimade a bad speculation, it was the “ tariff” which caused pion, heen so completely refuted by the gentleman from its failure. If a planter became embarrassed, and obliged Massachusetts, that I am almost ready to believe the gento sell a slave to keep up bis expensive establishment, it tleman himself is willing to abandon it. By observation was the “ tariff” pressed him.

alone, without argument, we may satisfy ourselves that It would be well for gentlemen to examine this subject the position assumed by the gentleman is not tenable. dispassionately. From the consideration which I bave been Pass through the States of Pennsylvania and Ohio; visit the cuabled to bestow upon it, there appears to my miód to be innumerable towns and villnges which are scattered over apother cause, to which all the evils complained of can be them; you will find them all well supplied with shops and traced, and which is of itself sufficient to produce the ef stores, in which every species of foreigu merchandise is fects which, in the South, are charged upon the tariff. offered for sale. Where and by whom were the duties paid ! This cause exists among themselves, and with themselves Certainly at the port of entry first, and by the importing is the remedy. It is admitted on all sides that the proxi- merchant, who adds the amount to the invoice price of mate cause of the distress alleged to prevail among the the articles; and, finally, the purchasers and consumers southern planters, is the diminished price of the great sta- in Pennsylvania and Obio pay, in the price they give for ple commodity grown by them. This is sufficient to bring the merchandise, the duties, and all other charges, for a pressure upon the cultivators of cotton, which will be transportation, commission, &c. most severely felt by those who may be in debt, and those This bas always been considered as the true state of who cappot diminish the expense of production. Similar the case, and the gentleman [Mr. McDufrir) himself has, effects were experienced in Pennsylvania, among the farm- on this very floor, not long since, advocated this doctrice. ers, when there happened a great diminution in the value He may now have reasons satisfactory to bimself for changof their agricultural produce, either from an abundant ing his opinion ; but as the sentiments of that gentlemen harvest or inconsiderable demand.

have always been received here with great attention and The great cause, then, of the embarrassments in the respect, and carry with them considerable weight, I will South, is to be found in the low price of cotton. And to take the liberty of reading, in part, as a reply to his arguwhat are we to attribute this reduction in value? The de- ment on the present occasion, bis own sentiments, exmand for this article has not diminished; the consumption pressed on. this floor upon another subject, and to which I of it has increased astonishingly within a few years. But ask the attentiou of the committee.. In 1825, a debate when production becomes excessive, when it is not met arose in this House on a bill to provide for the continuaby a corresponding demand, the natural consequence is a tion of the Cumberland road. The gentleman from South reduction in price. Every day's experience proves this. Carolina (Mr. McDUFFIE) addressed the Committee of the And what bas occasioned this excess of production This Whole in opposition to the bill; and, in the course of his is easily accounted for. Within a few years, a fine fertile, remarks, be asks, alluding to Kentucky, a tobacco proand extensive country, embracing millions of acres, bas ducing State,“ how was her portion of the revenue of been converted from a wilderness into cultivated fields, the General Government pow paid ?” He answers the white with cotton. A new and rich soil and innumerable question, “ In the price of the articles of foreign growth competitors have augmented the production enormously. or manufacture which they consume." He was replied to Can we be surprised, tben, that under such circum- | by a distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts, now a

H. OF R.)

The Tariff

(May 8, 1830.


member of the other House, to whom the gentleman from sions in every quarter of the globe, fruitful in all the South Carolina, (Mr. McDUFFLE] in reply, observed : productions which the earth can yield; look at her exten" The gentleman appears to have misconceived my argu- sive commercial, marine, and naval force ; her capital

, ber ment with respect to drawing, revenue from one part of perfection of machinery, and minute division of labor the country, and expending it in another; and, in his reply, reduced to a minimum price, and then tell me, what naBets out with the doctrine that it is the consumer who pays tion could compete with her under a reciprocity system ! the tax Sir, we all know this, I sbould be ashamed, The advocates of free trade remind us that Great Britain indeed, standing, as I do, on this floor, if that doctrine bas recently relaxed from the restrictive system, and tewere new to me. The consumer does pay the tax, but be pealed many of her laws imposing high duties. pays it in the price of the article." I make no comments, True, sir ; but what does it amount to Nothing more and leave it to the gentleman himself to reconcile these than this establishing what are called“ prohibitory dnsentiments with the new doctrine which he now strenuous- ties," in lieu of absolute prohibition. The effect is the ly supports.

Has she established free trade! No, sir; there is The gentleman, in his vehement and emphatic manner, too much wisdom in her councils to commit ad act which declares, "you bave destroyed the value of our cotton; it would ruin her agriculture, and bring distress and embar has fallen from thirty to ten cents per pound.”. And be rassment into every part of the kingdom. What has sbe afterwards says that the price at Liverpool is the go- done! A large amount of nominal duties has been re verning price of the world; we cannot change it.” Here pealed, ar, rather, the rate of duty bas been lowered in is discrepancy, which I cannot reconcile. The price of many instances, but only in those cases where the duty cotton at Charleston is regulated by the price at Liver- yet operates at least as prohibitory, so that her system, pool; and, if we cannot change it, how is it possible for which is by some miscalled free trade, is still restrictive our tariff to have effected the least reduction in the price and protective. We may be led astray by British do of cotton at Charleston or Liverpool, or to have destroyed trines of political economy, but we cannot be deceived by its value ? Our measures cannot control the cotton mar- their practice and example. ket at Liverpool; it is regulated by the market of the Mr. Huskisson, the great father of what some gentleworld, not by the price and consumption of cottop goods men have called, on this floor, the free trade system, er in the United States. This is a small matter, comparative pressly claims that his is a protecting system. He well ly; it is the demand throughout the world which either de knows, that, under this system, the manufactures of Great presses or enhances the value of the cotton manufactures Britain have been brought to perfection; her commerce of Great Britain, and this has a direct influence on the and navigation increased beyond a parnllel; and, if adopted price of the raw material.

and persevered in in our country, will build up our mabuWhen we look at the immense quantity of the raw ma- factures, increase our home tradle, our wealth and power, terial now thrown into market from various parts of the and eventually establish us as the great rivals of the Briworld, that from the United States having increased in tish in every market. What are we to understand by Mr. the last year from one hundred millions of pounds to Huskisson's system of free trade! He tells—I quote bis about three hundred millions, Dearly the whole of which own language: is sent to the Liverpool market; and when we take into " Free trade, not in the sense in which some persons consideration the almost minimum value to which the Bri- understand the term, but free trade from all duties extish cotton manufactures are reduced, can any one hesitate cepting those which are necessary to give the trades of difto believe that the causes are abundantly . sufficient to ferent countries an equal footing in the markets, and to create the distress among the producers, of which the protect them from the exclusive advantages which many gentleman complained ! Competition invariably reduces nations would wish to establish in their own favor." the price, and tends to over-production. What has brought Again, he says: "I do not know why protecting daties the British goods to the low price they now bear, and their should not be granted to a certain degree on the produe" operatives” to the minimum point of subsistence ? Com- tions of this country, or upon whatever may be produced petitiou among the growers of the raw material, in dif- by British skill, or by the application of British capital." ferent parts of the world, depending upon the same market, "The principle is to countervail the advantage that and increased and overstrained competition among the other countries may bave, so that the products of each manufacturers.

may enter the different markets upon equal terms. To The British, in the markets of the world, pow meet establish a uniform tariff for the whole, (foreigo coun with competitors from all, nations. Every pation which tries,) and to reduce that tariff to the lowest degree conbas any regard to its own independence and internal pros- sistent in each particular article with the two legitimate perity, has adopted measures to protect and encourage its objects of all duties, either the collection of the necessary own commerce, pavigation, and domestic industry. This public revenue, or the protection requisite for the maintenpolicy has, in some degree, affected the state of the Bri- ance of our own internal industry; these are the principles tish manufactures. The workshops of the world are no according to which our new book of rates is formed." longer to be confined to Birmingham, to Manchester, to Protection, we find, is the basis of Mr. H.'s system of Leeds, and to Sheffield. The British statesmen are aware free trade. Do we, the advocates of restriction, as we are of the chauge which is in progress, and are fearful of the called, contend for any thing more? All we ask for is consequences. Hence it is now their policy to keep protection of our own internal industry. I go no further things stationary; to endeavor to persuade all other nations than the principles according to which Mr. Huskisson bas "to let things alone." If these endeavors should prevail

, arranged his new book of rates; and when be abandons the British then will maintain the superiority they now them, be abandons the protection of internal industry, and possess, and other nations will make no progreso, but con- with it the best interests of his country. We have expe. tinue dependent.

rienced the benefits of the protecting system in our own This is one object to be accomplished by the free trade country. It has built up our navigation interest, (an inclamor, and reciprocity treaties. And I trust, sir, that portant interest which I hope never to see crippled by the our Government will never be beguiled into the recipro- reciprocity system,) and will push forward our manufaecity system with Great Britain; it would be fatal to our tures until we shall become completely independent best prospects. If we were upon an equality with her in It was ingeniously urged by the gentleman from South power, in wealth, in continental influence, perbaps no Carolina, (Mr. McDuffie) that the two millions of people disadvantage might ensue to us under such a system. in the cotton, rice, and tobacco producing States, paid But, sir, look at ber innumerable maritime posses- about two-thirds of the whole revenue of the

United States.

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