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MAY 4, 1830.)

The Tariff.

[H. OF R.

that it is a matter of utter indifference with him how the Leaving, then, the first branch of the subject, I come to avails are expended? Can any thing be more appa- this doctrine of bounties. The gentleman saya, io subrent than that the manufacturers of woollers or silks, if stance, tbat the good will of a majority of the American the avails should be expended in these articles, would in people is secured by the disbursement of forty-five per no respect be benefited by this réservation of forty-five cent. of the whole fruits of the labor of the South among per cent in the pocket of the purchaser of the cotton ? them; and how are these disbursements made ! Not in Can any thing be more evident than if such a deduction money. No one pretends that any money is distributed, were made and reserved by the purchaser, it would be for the money arising from imposts comes into the treasuclear gain to bim, without aiding in any manner to pay the ry, and is used to defray the exigencies of the Governduties on such merébandise as the owner of the cotton ment. I take it for granted that the gentleman means no might see fit to take in return !f the manufacturer of more by a disbursement of bounties, than I bave already cotton paid in cotton goods, be might afford them cheap- intimated-be means, tbat the price of goods is raised in er; but he cannot compel others to sell their goods cheap- the market by the duties on foreigo mercbandise ; and, in er, because he has reserved to bimself forty-five per cent. consequence of that, our maufacturers realize more for out of the cargo.

their goods. If this be all that is meant by exports payI will not weary patience by pursuing this matter furing the duties on imports, it is nothing but the old docther; for, if I do not greatly mistake, I have shown enough trive under a new pame-it comes to nothing more than to prove the unsoundness of the doctrine, that exports pay what has always been familiar to us in all discussions the duty on imports that the planters of the South pay upon this subject—it is what every opposer of the protectwo-thirds of the revenue, because they export two-thirds tion of home industry bas contended for, pamely, that the of the amount of produce which goes out of the country. consumer is burdened with the duty, unless the gentleman

I have felt much solicitude to understand the gentle means to assert that there is a loss somewhere, between man from South Carolina (Mr. McDUFFIE] correctly, for the sale of raw produce and the sale of goods, to the conI thought he put forth a new doctrine, such as I have sumer. If there be such a loss, or any logs which goods, been commenting upon. He has risen twice to explain, on being sold, do not indemnify, I will show that it does and by his explanation has placed the question on ground not fall on the planter. somewhat different from my understanding of the gene. I have thus far thrown aside the machinery of trade, ral tenor of his argument. As I am about passing from and considered the planter as transacting the business, for this part of the subject to another, I will state bow I now the purpose of disencumbering the subject; but it becomes understand him, and hope he will correct me if I am wrong. necessary now to look at business as it is. The planter I understand him now to say that the price of cotton is does not usually ship his produce, but sells it to the not affected in the foreign market by the tariff, but still American mercbant, who pays him for it all it is worth the planters are burdened with the payment of two-thirds in the English market, saving freight and charges, and of the revenue, under the operation of the tariff in some pays him in money. If, therefore, any loss ensues after other way. I have already intimated that, if his argument wards, by taking merchandise in exchange for it, this loss could not be maintained by showing the planter suffered falls on the merchant, and not upon the planter. That no a loss in the sale of his produce, the only disputable such intermediate loss occurs, is rendered sufficiently cerground left was upon the question whether he suffers to tain by the fact that merchants always bave, and still conthe amount alleged as a consumer of foreigo merchandise. tinue to carry on trade. It would seem very obvious, The gentleman, after laboriog at great leogth to prove therefore, that the merchant gets indemnified for all his that the duties fell on the growers of cotton, rice, and to- costs and charges, whether they arise from duties or mer. bacco, said the evil did not stop here: if it did, the coun-chandise, or any other cause; and it seems to be equally try would not bear a system so unjust and ruinous iu its apparent that foreiga goods come charged with all exoperation a moment. But [said he] forty-five per cent. of penses into our market, and, if any one is burdeved, it is our labor is arrested at the custom-house, and disbursed the consumer. as a bounty among the manufacturers of the United States. I have been thus particular on this point, that there If the doctrine be true, which was thrown out in the ar- might be no misapprehension about it, for I am aware that gument of the gentleman, tbat the manufacturer of Eng. the worthy gentleman from South Carolina has been conland reduces the price of raw cotton, because he cannot sidered as putting forth a new doctrine, is giving a new raise the price of goods, and thus takes the duty out of explavation of the effect of the revenue system upou the the planter, it would destroy this argument respecting South ; but I believe, as the matter now stands, it is but a boun ties; for if the tariff does not raise the price of Eng- new name for an old acquaintance. lish merchandise here, but leaves it where it was before He, however, persists in the opinion tlint the South the passage of the law, it is difficult to see bow it affords bears the burden of the Government, avd pays two-thirds a bounty to the manufacturers of this country, indeed, we of the revenue. He insists that, out of sixty millions of have the declaration of the gentleman bimself

, that the imports, his three millions of inhabitante consume forty manufacturers are right when they say the price of goods millions. I bave anticipated nearly all that need be said has not increased much. I will pot, however, press this in answer to this argument. I shall, however, make a argurnent, as it seems not to be admitted that the duties few additional observations. There are no exact data by are not taken out of the raw produce, but will dismiss it which this point in controversy can be settled, but I will with one remark: if the duties are paid on the raw pro- appeal to the judgment of all persotis acquainted with the duce, they are not paid also by the consumer; it is there- population of the South to settle the question by their fore necessary, either to abandon the ground that the own observation. Slaves constitute a considerable porEnglish manufacturer controls the market, and reduces tion of this population, and do one, I tbiuk, will contend the price, because he cannot raise the price of his goods, or that they consume much foreiga merchandise, nor is there to give up the position that the manufacturers bere receive any reason for believing that the white population cona bounty, as a bounty, as it is called, rests entirely on the sume more largely than the population of any other resupposition that foreign merchandise is made dearer in our gion. The gentleman bimself assures us they are too poor, market by the duties, and that the consumer pays the dif too deeply involved, to spend diffusely. The climate of ference. Ope argument proves that the planter, as pro- the northern and middle regions is more severe, and calls ducer, pays the duties, the other that the consumer pays for more clothing and greater expenditures to make life them-thus they are twice paid, if both arguments are comfortable ; and, if the truth could be reached on this well founded.

question, there is little doubt that the inbabitants of the


H. OF R.)

The Tariff

(MAY 4, 1830

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northern and middle regions would prove to be the greatest with asserting, and on all occasions reiterating the assertion consumers on an arerage. The gentleman, however, as that duties are taxes, grierous, burdensome taxes, grinding sigus about three millious of persons to the cotton, rice, down and oppressing the poor, and robbing the rich. and tobacco region, and about nine millious to the residue There is good reason for this, as no such proof can be of the country. He assigus to the three millions forty mil. adduced. We have experience in this matter, which will lions of imported merchandise, and to the nine millions afford much useful instruction, if we but listen to it. I twenty millions of like merchandise. The bare statement will go no further back than 1824, when the complaints

, of the case, I am sure, must convince every one that the which have reached to this day, began. The tariff of premises assumed cannot be maintained. But there is duties was then increased, and it was then insisted, with another consideration which demonstrates the fallacy of the propbetic confidence, that goods would rise, and the la argument. We have been told by the gentleman and bis bear upou the public with grievous weight; but time proved colleague [Mr. BLAIR) that the West drives a large trade that the prophets were not inspired, for goods declined

, with the South in agricultural products, to the amount of notwithstanding the duties, until they were sold at prices several millions of dollars, and that the North and East ruinously low. also participate in this trade, and yet the whole amount of Then came the much abused law of 1828, wbich I do not their labor, being in cotton, tobacco, and rice, is consumed approve of in all respects, and the same des popding tope in foreign merchandise, for the gentleman says the market was again heard--the same misery and ruio from taxes were of this country is the most miserable in the world, afford- again depicted in strong colors; but bistory again rubs @UDing them nothing worth vaming. The inference is readily ter to prophecy, for goods fell, justead of rising, and were made, wbere do they, upon this view of the matter, find never knowo so low in the market, as during the last year. the means of taking these large supplies, if they consume These are strong and very conclusive facts. If they fail foreign products equal to the amount of their whole labor ! of producing conviction, as I bare no doubt they will

, it is How do they pay for stock and provisions from the West, in vain for me to attempt the hopeless task of doing it, for and for the produce from the North? Can any evidence there will be unbelievers. show more clearly that the avails of labor are applied to Taxes are a popular theme; the very term itself excites this purpose, and that they are not all spent upon foreign jealousy, and often resentment, for great efforts are made merchandise! Can any proof show more satisfactorily to establish a conviction in the public miod, that the people that the South does not take dutiable articles in pay for are laboring under beavy burdens where pone exist

, and their exported products to the extent represented, and they are often called upon to war against their best interests that they do not consume such articles to the exteut repre- under the delusive hope of bettering their condition. This sented On the whole, without eolarging upon this topic, may account for much of the complaiot we hear, though I it seems to be manifest that the South is no more bur- entertain no doubt of the sincerity of gentlemen from the dened, as consumers, than all other portions of the coun- South, who oppose the tariff on this floor. try, and has as little occasion to complain as any other As they charge us with false reasoning, when we assert region.

the competition of our manufacturers with foreign produeHaving pointed out what I consider some of the leading tions reduces the price, instead of burdeving the consumer errors in the opinious and reasoning of the member from with a tax, I shall

proceed to show that such is but the datuSouth Carolina, 1 now come to a very interesting and im- ral operation of the protecting system, and that those who portant portion of the matter in debate. I have bitherto assume that duties are necessarily taxes, are in deep error, met his arguments, and examined them, as if it were a Labor lies at the bottom of most human affairs. All question on which the burden of taxation is devolved by property, no matter by wbom possessed, nor to what use the impost laws; and having, as I believe, established the applied, is the fruit of labor. "The rich are made so by fact, that

, so far as duties operate as taxes, the South does amassing together the earnings of those who toil from day not participate beyond its just proportion, I shall pow pro to day. It is now a period of general peace and plenty ceed to point out what appears to me to be the operation provisions and merchandise are abundant and cheap beyond and effect of the revenue system.

former example, and yet there is much distress and embar The great cause of complaint has beeu, that these laws, rassment; we hear, by every arrival, of the inoney pressure by imposing duties on imported goods, raise the price, and in Europe, and we have felt it here. Many are perplexed subject the consumers to a tax, because it is said that a to understand this state of things ; but if we go back, and duty is a tax; and if it has the effect imputed to it, I agree trace the history of events, we shall find there is no mysthat the assertion is well founded. As complaint has iden- tery in it. From the commencement of the French revo tified itself mostly with cotton and woollen fabrics, I shall lution forward for twenty-five years, Europe was involved confine my remarks principally to them.

in a succession of disastrous wars. She had armies and We inanufacture these articles; and the argument is, navies, numerous beyond all former example, fed and susthat not only foreign fabrics, but our own, are increased tained at the public' expense, wbile they devastated the in price equal to the amount of duties. But nothing can be country, and destroyed the property of individuals. more evident than the falsity of this reasoning, in its ge The peace of 1815, which restored general repose, dis neral application ; for cotton cloths are daily sold in the banded by far the larger portion of these troops, put a stop market for from six to eight cents a yard, which, if im- to demands for new levies, and those who had been fed ported, would be subject to a duty of thirty-five cents the and sustained by the labor of others began to work for square yard. It would be difficult to persuade a man that their own support

. In this way the laboriog population he pays a tax of thirty-five cents the yard, when the arti- was greatly increased, and the annual products of labor cle costs but six cents. This remark is applicable to a were greatly multiplied. The natural effect upon the mar large portion of our manufactures, and shows how inatten- kets of the world is precisely what we bave vitaessed. tive to matters of fact gentlemen are, who declaim against The increase of production in all branches of industry has duties as onerous tates.

overloaded the market with almost every kind of thing to If duties are taxes, the fact is capable of clear, demon- which human labor applies itself, and the value has fallen, strative proof; for if a duty of a dollar a yard be levied op and fallen upon a principle familiar to every boy that sells cloth, it will immediately be worth a dollar more, and eggs from his basket, or tape from the counter: when an every one who buys will fiod himself paying the tax, pro- article is abundant, it is cheap; when scarce, it is dear. vided such is tbe effect of a duty. Yet, easy as it seems to Let us now bring these facts home, and see in what be to adduce such proof, no gentleman bas ever hazarded manuer they bave borbe upon the affairs of this coutry. the attempt to do it; but all bave contented themselves During this long and destructive war, our country was &


Sledi obstructed by British power, were opened, and business support themselves. A pressure upon them, therefore, by Silthe products of our soil now began to feed themselves, and sion of English labor. They bave no wild lands to flee 32 33 trade which grows out of them.

a series of measures, beginning as far back as 1807, has goods cheap, by reducing the price of labor, and realizing of this bably would: for, while other nations shut out of their ing lines of steamboats and stages. It would scarcely

y can exist if they are all farmers, for labor must be divided six to one dollar, and the business be continued; nor would se ter will soon be convinced that the doctrine wbich is main- and which they must be content to meet under every dis

MAY 4, 1830.)
The Tariff

[H. OF R. neutral power, and the unatural state of Europe threw process has been making its way in England, we bave inMED

into our hands a great and profitable trade, which took off vested a large capital in the woollen trade also, and now our agricultural produce at great prices, and the nation employ probably more than a hundred thousand laborers

advanced in wealth and power beyond example. Our in the manufacture of woollen cloths. Nothing can be STATY workshops were then in England, and we paid her labor- more evident than that the increased labor of England,

ers for most of the manufactured articles we purchased. combined with our own, must greatly augment the amount bat da

We gave her the best market she bad for her surplus pro- of goods thrown annually into the market. What is the ducts

, and paid extravagant prices. The gentleman from effect? The markets are filled to repletion, and prices South Carolina bas told us that England sustained hersell, fall

. And why do prices fall ? Because an increased conin this contest agaiust the world, by disbursing annually a sumption is required to take off the supply; a man has

hundred millions of public money, which gave vigor and ten dollars, which he can spare from his earnings to buy Bt; beram activity to business; but all the advantages derived from this kind of cloth; if it will buy only five yards, he must for great that source must have been far short of the value of her content himself with that; but if it will buy ten yards, it

trade with us. She drew from us a large share of the re-contributes more largely to his comfort and happiness.

sources by which she subsidized Europe, and maintained This illustrates the ordinary operations of business. As se poes herself against the almost undivided front of that conti- prices decline, consumption increases, because the public De depan bent. Her population labored for us, and took from us have ability to buy more. What I have said of woollens cu in the money to pay the heavy taxes imposed upon them. is equally applicable to cottons, leather, hats, glass, and all paul Yes, sir, the United States, by giving employ to the Inbor- the other manufactures, which employ a large portion of

ers of Eoglaud, contributed largely, very largely, to build our population. It is the increased number of laborers,

up the power and wenlth of that enterprising country, and and the increased supply of goods, which forces the value and it may well be doubted whether she could have sustained downward; and the same priociple has been operating Evebe there herself through that arduous conflict without this resource. upon agricultural products, until it bas brought them down

The peace of 1815 constitutes a new era in our affairs. where they are, and the value of land with them. It is

The controlling influence in the trade of the world, which plenty, and not want that oppresses the world; it is the I terapište the chances of war had thrown upon us, perished when want of markets, and not the want of merchandise. Estent repose was restored. Nations, whose affairs had been While English labor is at work with great activity, our's play deranged under the wasting influence of war, and whose is no less industrious. It matters not with what power exte mit a citizens had sought å precarious existence, where it could our labor bears upon theirs, because they work, as the aber be had, returned to the cultivation of the earth, and re- gentleman from South Carolina says, for bread, and must Ezio sumed the arts of peace. The ocean expanded its bosom work on, or starve, if wages run down to a penny a day; created to receive them, and channels of trade, which had been and the less pay they get, the barder they must work to

renewed. The commerce and traffic which we had enjoy- severe competition, diminishes the value of capital and skal ed under an unnatural state of things, was now transferred labor, but does not tend materially to diminish the quan

to its rightful proprietors; and those whom we hnd fed with tity of goods appually made. There can be no pew diviwe were driven back upon our own resources, and the to, as a refuge from starvation; nor can they drop one

branch of manufacturing, and enter into another, to any We have become mapuficturers. I need not detain great extent, for the value of labor has as strong a tende bine the committee to point out all the operating causes which dency to equalize itself, as water has to come to a level; de perill have brought us into that business; but it is well known and the operation of this principle has already filled all

that the policy of this Government has been such, that our employments. They cannot therefore stop, manufacturdestiny in New England could not be avoided, and we ing woolleys or cottons, whatever may be the pressure felt have been forced, I believe I may bay against public sen from our pursuing the business, so long as the employment

timeut, into that employment. The Government, by a will give bread to the laborer; all they can do is to sell de brought us to the position we occupy; and the policy can- less profit on capital. "Their destiny is fixed, and they es not now be abandoned, without producing a shock that must be our competitors. There is no mystery, there

prostrate the coinmunity. If earlier events had fore, in the decline of cotton and woollen goods. The od bent not given rise to manufacturing, the peace of 1815 pro- acting principle is the same that reduces the fare in oppos

narkets the agricultural products of two-thirds of the bave been credited a few years ago, that the fare of a pasUnion, I am not able to comprehend how the population senger from New York to Albany would be reduced from supply mutual wants.

& prophet have gained credence, who, ten years ago, We are manufacturers as well as formers-that is our should have foretold that cottons would now be purchased to present condition; and what is the effect produced by our for six cents, as good as were then selling for twenty-five

labor upon the price of such articles as we fabricate ? cents. Here is the great point in controversy. Those opposed He who can understand that ten men can perform more to us say they are dearer, and complain of the burden; service than five, need not be at a loss for reasons to es we think there is little cause for this complaint, and be plain the decline in the value of cotton and woollen goods. lieve that every one who examines into the subject with It is the competition of labor the increased production of candor, having a single determination to reach the truth, the article

competition which English labor cannot shun, tained, that duties are necessarily taxes, is a radical error. advantage, unless they and our adversaries here can sucI desire that the matter should be seen as it is. We manu- ceed in breaking down our manufacturers. facture woollens, and so do the English. They supplied This is, I hope, a plain and intelligible view of the opeboth their own and our demands until we began to clothe rations of manufacturing in this country; and I loave genourselves. The peace has increased their number of la- tlemen to settle the question for themselves, whether the borers in all branches of industry, as is admitted by the system of revenue is a system of bounties and taxes, grindgentleman from South Carolina, and of course the amount ing down the poor, and robbing the rich, as bas been reof goods annually produced is increased. While this presented.

VOL. VI.-111.


H. OF R.)

The Tariff

(MAY 4, 1830.

I will now ask the attention of the committee to another would be dimivished, and the quantity produced be lessened. view of the subject. The doctrine advauced by the gentle- How would it be witb cotton? The causes which would man from South Carolina is very broad and comprehen- diminish goods, would tend to increase the quantity of cotsive. It aims at an entire revolution in trade; for be pro- ton annually produced. Under the change of policy, the poses to appropriate the markets of this country to the use labor of the South would not be diminisbed, wbile that of of the planter, to enable him to sell such merchandise as other portions of the United States, being thrown out of be may receive in pay for cotton, rice, and tobacco. It of business, would seek employ where it could realize most course, aims at the destruction, not of cotton and woollen profit. If sugar should not be cultivated, then that die establishments alone, but of all manufactures, or his ohject | trict of country must grow cottop; all the eotton dow coswill not be attained. The purpose seems to be to drive sumed in our manufactures would, in addition, be sent into home competition out of the market, to give place to fo the markets of Europe. These causes combined would reign goods, and this cannot be accomplished short of the greatly increase the aipount of that article exported annudestruction of manufacturing—for while we continue to ally; and, if the aggregate of cotton is inereased, while make goods, we shall be competitors for the market. the aggregate of goods is diminisbed, the infereace is ob Suppose the object of the gentleman should be accom- vious ; the price of goods would rise, while the price of cofplished, and all the population engaged in the manufac- ton would sink. ture of cotton, woul, hemp, leather, furniture, salt, nails, Suppose, then, I repeat, that the deadly blow which this cutlery, and the numerous other branches which I need policy aims, should fall upon us, our factories should stop, not name, should be turned out of their employments, and and the business of manufacturing, in all its various kinds, forced back upon the soil for subsistence, and all the capi- and with its thousand ramifications, should be brought to a tal employed in these arts should be sacrificed? What perpetual stand, and the vast population which live by it, would be the effect upon the trade and prospects of the and give life and joy to the whole community, should be country? The first effect would be to depopulate the drived, as they must be if you take away the power of North; for when these occupations cease, the farmer will earning food, back into the wilderness, upon savage life, cease to bave any object to cultivate the soil, as he will to sustain a precarious existence—what benefit

, I ask, ean bave no market for the products of his labor. And I can result even to the South by this process of desolation assure the gentleman from South Carolina, that, if the The inquiry is not put with the hope of convincing any one South were to have undisputed possession of our market, of the folly of pursuing such a policy; but there is much in under such circumstances, they would have but a misera- it worthy of attentive consideration, as it touches very ble prospect of thrift in it

, for we should have no means nearly the interests of gentlemen who seek to drive comof paying for their imported merchandise.

petition from our markets, by placing them under the conThe next obvious effect would be to diminish the pum-trol of foreigo industry. I beg of them to examine the ber of persons and the amount of capital engaged in manu- matter with candor, and decide for themselves whether facturing ; for, while we dismiss all our own population they do not mistake their owo interests. from these pursuits, England cannot ivcrease the number Cappot gentlemen find other causes for the depression of her laborers. All who work for a living are obliged to of business besides the tariff? If the value of lands, or labor now, and to the utmost extent of their power, be the value of produce, or of any other property, declines, cause labor is cheap, and bands that work for bread can- it is immediately ascribed to the revenue system. Every not be idle. There would therefore be a clear diminution thing evil, and vothing good, is imputed to the laws. The of laborers, equal to the number of persons engaged in gentleman from South Carolina has gone so far as to assert such employment in this couotry. It follows, that a less that the fall of property is a tax springing from this source. quantity of goods would be produced, and prices would But I cannot learn that property in the South bas declined rise, while our ability to buy would be diminished, because more in value than elsewhere. It has experienced a great our labor would cease to be productive. If the gentleman depression in all trading countries, and the cause is obvifrom South Carolina imagines the South would reap such ously over-production from the great activity of labor. If profits from this state of things as has been represented, goods and produce fall, land and other property must follow. he is mistaken, for another reason. If his policy makes I can find an easy and satisfactory solution of the delabor and capital of no value in one part of the Union, pressed value of cotton, without charging it upon the tariff. while it may be employed to great advantage in another, In 1818, we exported ninety-two millions of pounds to the population he oppresses will, in self-defence, and from foreign countries, and the amount has gone on increasing, pecessity, become competitors for the profits of a good until, 31 1827, we exported two hundred and ninety-two milbusiness. The labor and capital of the North and East lions of pounds. I have no account of the two last years, will be carried into the business of the South, until cotton, and therefore cannot speak of them. While in this period rice, and tobacco are brought as low, by over-production, of nine years the exports bave more than tripled, we have as other agricultural products ; for labor in one branch of greatly increased our own consumption, by multiplying business can never maintain an ascendancy in profit over our_factories. In addition to this, the quantity produced others for any length of time.

in Brazil, Egypt, and other foreign countries, has been Again: if the revenue system is to be overturned, the much augmented, so that in truth the market is glutted effect will probably be as deeply felt by the sugar planter with the article; and it is rather matter of surprise that it A8 any citizen of the United States--for po one feels a maintains itself where it is, than that it has declined. The stronger dependence on a protecting duty. Suppose that raw cotton has, for the last three years, varied very little interest should fall a victim to the policy, would it bring in value, while cloths have fallen from ten to five cents the with it no injurious consequences to the South ? Is it not yard. Can the planter see nothing in all this but the with well known that the production of sugar gives an increased ering influence of the tariff! Can he pot comprehend that value to slaves, because it opens the best and almost the if the supply outruns the demand, the article must sink in only valuable market for that kind of property? Gentle-value, and that the fall is not the work of the tariff, but men can judge better than I can, how much their property his own work?' will suffer; but if I am rightly informed, the overthrow I may as well here notice another statement of the genof the sugar planters would be more deeply felt than any tleman, which I thought rather extravagant. He said that operations of the tariff.

Mississippi paid a tax into the treasury of the United States, I have already expressed a belief that the state of things under the revenue system, of twelve buudred thousend which seems to be so earnestly coveted would probably dollars annually; and, in another part of his argument, be raise the price of goods- because the number of laborers (informed us that she exported to the amount of three mil

MAY 4, 1830.]

The Tariff

[H. OF R.

lions of dollars, aud that slave labor was actually worth but, despots, avaricious, grinding monopolists, as merciless and twelve and a half cents per day.. If he allows one-balf of unrelenting as the cannibal

, who turns a deaf ear to the the whole population of Mississippi to be in the field, it cries of infancy for mercy. Yes, sir, the gentleman has would just about pay the tax, and no more. I make no loaded us with these hard, unkind epithets, and has reitecomment on the statement.

rated them in many forms in the course of his remarks. Sir, what is the revenue system, and what are its objects ? Sir, I declare, in the sincerity of my heart, that I feel It is well known, to every statesman at least, that it is the deep pain and anguish when I hear such language on this leading policy of the great trading States of Europe to floor, because its tendency is to exeite deep feelings of reimpose heavy duties on all the products of industry ma sentment in the injured party, and to promote sectional tured by their own citizens. The object is to secure to bostility. It pains me no less to be obliged to notice it; the working population the means of subsistence. Eng. but, sir, if I could pass by such language in silence if I land, for example, imposes duties on foreign bread stuffs, could sit here without repelling it, I should be unworthy which exclude them from her markets under ordinary cir- of representing the people who sent me here, and uneuinstances, that her own farmers may have the benefit of worthy of the State to which I belong. If gentlemen will feeding the nation. She also imposes a heavy duty on silk, provoke us by attack, for one I shall vot refuse to meet it; that berlaborers may make it; and in this manner she watches if they will assail us with calumpious epithets and compaover the laborer, to provide, as far as she can, for bis neces. risons, let them not finch when the mirror is beld to themsities. Such, also, is the policy of all the great States. How selves. In what I say, however, I bave no personal alluare we to meet it? How can we goods, if they will take sion, for I Dumber many southern gentlemen on this floor none of the products of our labor in return? How can the among my most esteemed acquaintances. Nine millions of farmer of the worth, the west, or the middle States, buy, if despots and monopolists, more cruel than any tyrant that he cannot sell? What is to become of him if the home ever disgraced a throne, because less merciless than candimarket be destroyed, and he be put to depend on these bals! Who is it that bandies such language? Who is it foreign countries for the sale of his products? He cannot that calls the honest tiller of his own land,

and the laborilive under such disadvantages, and is obliged to look to a ous manufacturer, relentless despots, guilty monopolists ! beneficeut and parental Government for protection. He He who holds dominion over bis thousands of acres and his asks for po bounties for any one-no corn from the public thousands of slaves. He who, not content with a part, arerib, as the gentleman intimated, but merely that this Gto- rogates to himself the whole resources of the country, and vernment may so far interest itself in the fate of the people, stups us with the cry of oppression, because we will not as to countervail the policy of other nations, which in its consent to be ruined by an overpowering monopoly, under operation is designed to bear favorably upon their own the delusive guise of free trade. It is, as the gentleman labor, but injuriously on ours. He asks that the wasting was pleased to say of the manufacturer, the “ lordly" planter. influence of the laws of other States may not reduce the It is he that maintains, as learu from high authority, laborers here to beggary. He asks of a Goverument dis- (speeches of Messrs. Rowan and HAYNE,) that slavery is tinguished above all others, because it is free, and ema- favorable to liberty, because labor degrades the humau pates from the people, that regard for popular interests mind, and so assimilates men to a state of bondage, that which no despotism dares refuse its humblest subject. none but those who bask in the sunshine of luxury and This is the revenue system-the tariff system--the pro-ease can appreciate liberty. tecting system.

The " lordly” English merchant and factor, the trumWhat is the free trade system as it is called, by misnomer, peters of free trade, with their insolent parade of wealth, ! for it has been more appropriately denominated the fetch and their feet, as the gentleman from New York [Mr.

and carry system.". Its aims are high, and its scope is CAMBBELENG] says, upon the necks of their own people, broad, if I have rightly understood the gentleman from come here to join in the cry of aristocracy, monopoly, and South Carolina. He does not complain that the South are despotism! They come here to lift their voices, with the not left at liberty to raise as much cotton, rice, and to-gentleman from New York, [Mr. CAMBRELENG] against the

baceo as they please ; nor does he complain that they are honest laborer, and to tell him, in scorn, that his principles 1

not at liberty to send it where they please, and to sell it to are in his pocket, and his conscience in his purse. Sir, if whom, and when they please. No, sir, the laws of the you would excite loathing and disgust in the minds of the country leave them as free and untrammelled as the air, men who went from the plough, the anvil, and the bench, on all these points--but this is not enough ; and they com- to meet oppression at the very threshold, and who achievplain of wrong and injury, vay, threaten us with resented the independence of the nation, tell them they know ment, because they have not the entire market of the not how to appreciate liberty, because labor degrades their United States to sell the goods in, which are received in understandings. If you would teach their posterity to hate pay for these commodities. They complain of the com- and despise you, compare them with your slaves; tell them petition of American industry, because it supplies a por- their condition approximates to bondage ; rouse their in. tion of our wants with manufactured articles, and takes up dignation with calumnious taunts and unjust reproaches a part of the demand. They would have the whole to and you will accomplish your purpose; for they are men, the onselves. The planters would apply to their own bene- and have the feelings of men. "I will not follow examples fit the entire resources of the country, by, compelling us often set here, by calling them generous, chivalrous, and to buy the goods they would furnish to us, instead of work- pagpanimous; for they want no soft words from me--they ing for ourselves. They give a preference to English labor, know their rights, and bow to maintain them, and this is and would have us work with axes and spades from Eng. the highest commendation language can bestow. This

lish shops. They aim to build up the cotton, tobacco, and people have been kind and generous to me, and I will not, | rice interests, at the expense of the rest of the nation, to cannot, requite it with ingratitude. I lament that any thing ý make dine millions of people bow dowo to three millions, should have occurred to call for these remarks; but I should i to constrain us to give up the market to them, and ruin fail of the duty I owe to my constituents, as well as to my

ourselves, that they may try an idle experiment to see if State, to sit here in silence, and hear them calumniated they cannot obtain a larger price for cotton. God has to hear them called monopolists, because they insist on the given them a monopoly of these 'articles, so far, at least, right of this Government to protect its citizens—to hear as respects us ; but with this they are not content, and in them stigmatized as tyrants, because they refuse to return Bist on a monopoly of the market throughout the United to colonial bondage. The gentleman from South Carolina

States ; and because we resist this grasping disposition, we labors under great misapprehensions, and, when he comes i have been called by the gentleman from South Carolina to be better informed, will abandon the unjust sentiments

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