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Maysville Road Bill.

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of the State, and thence seeks a land transportation to the | establishment. Sir, as your population presses onward and interior. A vast quantity of the produce and manufac- onward, the same wise policy which first induced the intures of the interior is brought to this place, to be shipped stitution of this department, will require its extension. for New Orleans; and when the Ohio canal shall be com- You must keep up that intercourse among all parts of our pleted, the quantity will be much greater, as much pro- vast country, especially in the new; because, in a social, duce will be sent to the North through that canal and the commercial, and political point of view, it is essential to lakes. All the groceries used above Louisville are landed at 1795, we had seventy-five post offices, and eighteen hunour existence. Much has been done in this respect. In that city and Maysville, and from those places seek a con- dred miles of post road. Now we have eight thousand veyance to the interior along this route; and the produce four hundred post offices, and one hundred and fifteen thouand manufactures of a very rich country are shipped at sand miles of post road. An immense improvement in the Louisville for this lower market. In truth, sir, the quan- system! Yet, more may be done with ease and advantage. tity of produce and goods transported upon this road, and We can yet aid the Postmaster General to render his dethe travelling thereon, equal those on any road in the west-partment still more useful, by improving the condition of ern States; I might say in the United States. I furnished our great mail routes; thereby expediting its progress, and my colleague [Mr. LETCHER] on the Committee on Roads diminishing the cost of its transportation. These, of course, and Canals, an accurate estimate of the travelling on this leave more time and means to supply those parts of our road, near Maysville, for thirty days, several of which common country which are now totally without, or if supwere unfavorable, in consequence of inclemency of the plied at all, to a very partial extent. I feel authorized to weather. This table shows that, in that period of time, say that the saving on the transportation of the mail bethe number of persons that passed was nine thousand four tween Lexington and Maysville would approximate very hundred; of horses, twelve thousand eight hundred; and nearly the interest on the sum now asked, independent of wagons and carts, one thousand five hundred and seventy the increased celerity, and all its consequences. And it making an average per day of three hundred and seven- should be recollected that the chief advantage which the teen persons, four hundred and twenty-seven horses, and Government proposes to derive from the post-office estafifty-two wagons, besides stock, carriages, &c. I refer gen-blishment, is not the saving in dollars and cents, but such tlemen to the report of the United States' engineers, (Long advantages as would have induced its adoption, if it had and Trimble,) made during the session of 1827-28; in been a dead expense to us to the extent of its income, which they say that the road from Maysville to Lexington which, I believe, is adequate to defray its vast expenses; is more travelled than any other of the same extent in the advantages which, like our health and our freedom, we are State of Kentucky. These facts are evidences that the not apt duly to appreciate, until we are deprived of them. stock of this company must be good. From the best in- Let this country be deprived of this great engine of interformation which I have been able to obtain, it must yield communion, and we shall, by the contrast, be able to place six or eight per cent. clear of all contingent and current a proper estimate upon its value, and the high national imexpenses for repair. It will be borne in mind that the portance of its utmost extension. In relation to this report of Mr. Williams, which I have laid on some of ticular road, let me say to you, that for several months in your tables, as well as that of the United States' engineers, the year it is impassable. Your stages are obliged to leave shows that the abundance, convenience, and durability of it, and seek a passage through farms, and along unfrematerials for constructing a road, justify the idea that the quented ways; thereby subjected to innumerable delays, work can be effected at comparatively little cost, and that, difficulties, and dangers. Convinced of this marked inwhen constructed, it will require but a trifling expense to convenience, the Legislature of Kentucky, aiming at a rekeep it in repair for many years. If these facts do not in-moval of the evil, has subscribed for stock in this company. contestibly evince the commercial importance of this road, I acknowledge my disability to comprehend what is entitled to these appellations; and they show that these advantages may be obtained at a very inconsiderable comparative expense. If Congress have not the power to create for this nation such commercial facilities as are contemplated by the bill, then am I at a loss to know what rights were designed to be given, under the power to regulate commerce among the States.

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This road is the great national mail route from the East to Kentucky, and all the States west and northwest of us. But, sir, what is your mail? Is it a national or a State concern or is it of any consequence to either? I may differ repeatedly heard that the public lands were pledged to pay Let me present another view of this subject. We have with gentlemen on this subject, when I suppose the mail the public debt, and that the debt was burdensome. I establishment appertains to the General Government, and infer from that fact, that the lands are relied on as a source that it is the most valuable department of the Government. of revenue. It is not necessary for my purpose to discuss It cannot be denied that whatever contributes largely to the propriety of throwing them more rapidly into market, diffuse information among the people, on the interesting reserving them, or pursuing the present system. Suffice subject of manufactures, arts, literature, commerce, ag- it for me to know that the Government is converting them riculture, and our political relations, is richly worth the into money as fast as practicable, to extinguish the national attention of this House, wise as it may be, or be supposed debt, and to aid in defraying our current expenditures. It to be. In a country where the Government depends upon must be important, with this object in view, that the value the will of the people for its efficiency, and their intelli- of our lands should be augmented in the increase of the gence for its beneficial influences, is it not a consideration price, or in the inducement to a prompt and ready sale. of deep magnitude, to liberalize that will, and enlarge that They are now a dead capital on our hands, since the milintelligence, to the greatest extent of which they are sus-lions of acres which are unsold yield nothing to the Goceptible? In my humble conception, nothing can so largely con-diately sold, not only could your national debt be paid off vernment, and are free from taxes. If they were immeduce to the accomplishment of these ends, as the constant, promptly, but a sum would be left in your treasury, which, I may say daily, intercourse which takes places among all if properly funded, would accomplish very desirable objects. parts of the United States, through the agency of our mail Can any plan be devised to effect this more certainly

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Maysville Road Bill.

[APRIL 28, 1830. than to remove the obstacles in reaching those lands? Make dance and contentment. But the master spirit which stiit easy, convenient, and cheap, to visit your new countries, mulates to this, as to most other pursuits, is profit. Certo remove families to them, and you present new and tainly it is, of all other employinents, most favorable to virpowerful inducements to purchasers. Recollect that many tue, independence, and to freedom; therefore should comof our fellow-citizens are poor, and in the North and East mand a favorable consideration. If the prices of produce earn a precarious livelihood by daily labor. Such men do not justify cultivation to a greater extent than will sufwill become purchasers of your lands-domiciliated citi- fice for the wants and necessaries of life, no more will be zens beyond the mountains, independent cultivators of the produced; and farming, as an occupation, must decline. soil, if you will make it practicable to get to those lands. If, however, the prices promise to pay a rich reward for his But, in the present condition of the roads which lead in labor, the farmer will not be content to grow merely what that direction, the expense of removing a family is so may supply the necessaries of life. He has an incentive great that it forbids emigration to the poor. to extraordinary exertion, and, in obedience to it, calls all his energies into action. The first consequence is increased industry, which is followed by increased productions and a bountiful augmentation of profits.

Here another view of this subject, distinct in its importance, yet intimately connected with the sale of our public lands, suggests itself to my mind. It is the encouragement of western population. Warm has been the contest But your most fertile soil is remote from your sea coasts whether the North or the South, by general legislation. and from your navigable streams. High prices cannot opehas contributed most to the population and prosperity of rate as a stimulant upon the cultivator of the interior. the western States. If western population ever was a The cost of land transportation to market, or to a navigasubject of national importance, I presume it has never lost ble water, consumes his profits. He cannot come in it, and that it still is a subject of general legislation. competition with those more favorably situated for market; Every writer on political economy-every politician, theo- and he abandons the idea of cultivation for market, and retical or practical, has treated the increase of population not unfrequently altogether. In this way, your very best as a matter of primary magnitude. It will not do at this lands lie uncultivated and neglected. If you progress in advanced period to resort to argument to prove that the the system of which this bill is a part, an important part to population of a country is its wealth; its population, en- the western States of the Union, you will diminish the lightened, liberal, brave, and intelligent, its chief defence, cost of transportation, and, to that extent, increase the its greatest honor. These are political axioms, which do profits of the agriculturist, and bestow a bounty to the not require either argument or illustration to force them pursuits of husbandry. You will extend to the interior upon the mind. They are taken as self-evident, and used regions some of the advantages enjoyed by those who to elucidate other positions; and allow me to use them for reside near the sea coast and navigable streams; you will that purpose on this occasion. I take for granted that this develop the productive energies of all portions of the Government does not look with an eye of indifference on United States; you will increase the amount of your exwestern population; but that whatever will promote it, portations, and distribute with the hand of equality_the will be considered natural in its aspect. What inquiry is benefits of diffused wealth to every portion of your fellowleft None which involves the power of the Government citizens; and, as a consequence of the whole, you elevate to act; but simply one of expediency. I trust that our the character of that class of the community in national friends from the North and the South will embrace this estimation, upon whom, in part, the country depends for favored opportunity to evince the sincerity of their attach- the permanency of its political institutions. Here I am ment, and the earnestness of their professions of kindness. led, by a very natural association, to pay a passing notice The whole West is looking to this measure, small as it may to a work of internal improvement, the most brilliant of seem to some gentlemen, with intense interest, because it the age. I cannot be particular; but if I were called upon will be the spring to a new era there. Our object is to to select the work which is most useful to the United encourage population, and to dispose of our public lands; and the question is, how shall these be accomplished? I have endeavored to show that the most efficient plan will be to afford facilities in the progress to your fertile and productive lands in the West; in other words, improve the great highways which lead in that direction. I shall have done with this part of my subject, when I present one I have no doubt, and I judge from what mine own eyes illustration of its constitutionality and policy. We have a have seen, that this work is to be accomplished, and that right to set apart every twentieth section of our public its realities are to be entirely equal to all the anticipations lands for opening and improving roads to and through of its most sanguine friends and patrons. In this event, them, for the convenience of the settlers. Because that the productions of the valley of the Ohio are to be brought amount, expended in this way, enhances the value of the into successful competition with those of Frederick, Prince residue, of course, operates as a bounty upon the put- George's, and Anne Arundel, immediately around the chaser, and increases our population and wealth. This flourishing and enterprising city of Baltimore. Not only would be an authorized exercise of power, and no doubt will the cost of transportation be surprisingly diminished, can exist as to the wisdom of such a measure. Let us then suppose that the twentieth sections are sold-the proceeds in the treasury, having the same objects in view-population and sales of public land-will it not be equally authorized, and equally wise, to appropriate the proceeds of the sales to the same purposes?

States, now in execution, I would select the Baltimore and Ohio railroad. Its utility, in two respects, is very striking to my mind. First, as a means of transportation between the ocean and the western waters, with all its commercial advantages, and then, sir, as a bond of union between the East and the West.

but, what is very important to the cultivator, the time of sending his produce to market may be selected to suit bis convenience, and the particular demand of the article he may produce for sale. Whilst the main object I have in view is to induce a subscription of stock in the Maysville road, peculiarly as a western improvement, I cannot omit From the consideration of lands, I pass to their produc- (as this may be the only opportunity I may have) to express tions. Important as are our manufacturing and commer- a sincere hope that the Baltimore road may receive that cial interests, they must yield to the agricultural interest attention here, which a great republic ought to bestow of this country. I assume this position, not having time to upon a public work, whose magnificence is equalled only illustrate and demonstrate its correctness; and propose to by its utility. deduce from it some evidences favorable to a system of internal improvements west of the mountains. The inducements to an agricultural life are manifold-ease and independence, freedom from turmoil and excitement, abun

Before I resume my seat, allow me to take another view of this subject. I have been educated to place a high estimate upon the union of our States, and to desire its perpetuation. The impressions of this my early instruc

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Maysville Road Bill.

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tion, proceeding from a source which, in every way, American flag insulted, they stopped not to quibble about I loved to regard, have grown into fixed and unalterable the nationality of the injury or of the insult, but dropped principles. My judgment confirms them, and my expe- their peaceful implements of husbandry; and though no rience and observation here have taught me that our ablest hostile foot trampled their then blooming fields, they seized and best statesmen may be well employed in devising means their swords and rifles, quit their happy homes, and rushed to ward off all indirect attempts to weaken the bonds which to scenes of strife, and blood, and death. None fought unite us together. If I mistake not, this government will more boldly, none bled more freely, none died more find it prudent to encourage and appropriate funds to pro- nobly, than the generous sons of Kentucky, in defence of mote a more easy and expeditious intercourse between the national rights and of national honor. But I need not dwell capital of the United States and the capitals and commer- upon this theme, so gratifying to a native of that patriotic cial depots of the several States; and, further, to encourage State. The part my countrymen have borne, is well known a similar system among the several States, to connect more to the nation. It will be admired, if not appreciated, in intimately their capitals and commercial cities; all, sir, this assembly. with a view to the perpetuity of the Union. By increasing the facilities of intercourse, you bring about a contiguity which cannot otherwise exist. This contiguity and constant intercourse are followed up by a community of feeling, and, what is equally powerful over the human mind, a community of interests, accompanied by a conviction of mutual dependence, and an absolute necessity to promote mutual and reciprocal prosperity. This system of advancing internal intercourse, with consequences so happy and important to the Union, will not be deserted, because experience will never teach us that the people of the United States will be more free, more secure, or more happy, under any other form of government than under this, established by the wisdom of patriots hitherto unequalled, and consecrated by some of the best blood of the revolution.

I have now said what it was my duty to say on this question, so vitally interesting to Kentucky. I have performed the duty with much pleasure, arising out of the concern I myself feel in its success. More I should have experienced, if I could have believed that I did not trespass on the patience of the House. Conscious of my inability to edify or to instruct, even to a tolerable degree, I feel grateful to those who have kindly heard me through. As the representative of a populous and patriotic district, I appeal to the justice and generosity of Congress-impressed with the belief that both will be extended, if the case made out will justify. I feel convinced that my course is a correct one, else I should not have uttered one word on this occasion. I disclaim any system of legislation which the constitution does not authorize, and which, in my bumble opinion, will not advance the honor and welfare of my country.

A question involving the sovereignty of the States cannot arise or be made to bear upon this measure. The Le- Mr. POLK addressed the House. It is [said he] with gislature of Kentucky, by a solemn act of sovereign pow-some reluctance, that I feel myself constrained, by a sense er, has invited the General Government to unite with them of duty, to call the attention of the House more closely and with individuals in the accomplishment of this work. than it has been done, to this bill, and to the facts conI trust, sir, that this Government will not be so disrespectful to that sovereign State, as to defend her sovereignty against her own encroachments. Having endeavored to show that this subject is worthy the attention of Congress, and to prove that the objects which it is the intention of this bill to accomplish are national in their character and aspect, and that it is due to Kentucky and the whole West that this measure should be promptly adopted, I hasten to conclude.

I come not here to eulogize Kentucky; but I am proud of my native country. She has contributed to fill the treasury of the United States by consuming those articles which bear a duty, and has received none of the public funds. She has been liberal in promoting internal improvements in other quarters of the Union, but has never felt jealous of the prosperity of other States, or complained of a neglect of her condition and her interests. She has not withheld her vote in the appropriation of thousands for the erection of light-houses, the improvement of harbors, and other objects on the seaboard, from Maine to Georgia. And while these immense sums are cheerfully given by Congress to other parts of the country, will it be generous, will it be just, to refuse to the West this pittance, which is to give new life and energy to those States and the people, on this subject vitally interesting to them? The West, sir, is not the least valuable part of our country, nor is it the least extensive. It will sustain an immense population. Sooner or later, it will have it; and then, sir, it will wield in this capitol an influence which the North and the South may be willing to conciliate. Not only in these respects has Kentucky been a faithful sister in the republic; she has, under all circumstances, promptly obeyed the country's call. Her hardy sons have felled the proudest forests in North America. They have converted the land of blood into beautiful and variegated gardena of cultivation. When few, they took a savage wilderness, and have given you, after indescribable privations and sufferings, a rich and productive State, full of citizens and soldiers. When seamen's rights were invaded, and the

nected with the road which it proposes to aid in constructing, and then to submit to the friends of internal improvements themselves, whether even they, according to the principles which they profess, can give it their support. I am not about to detain the House with a speech upon the subject of internal improvements generally. A few days ago, pending the discussion of the Buffalo and New Orleans road bill, I had the honor to present to the House iny views at some length upon this subject. I shall not now repeat what I then said. The friends of this system profess to apply the means of this Government only to objects of national importance. Is this road national in its character? What is the proposition before us? It is that Congress shall subscribe one hundred and fifty thousand dollars in the stock of a private company, to construct a road sixty miles in length, leading from one town to another in Kentucky. Every foot of the road lies within the interior of Kentucky. I put it to the friends of this system to say if it is a national work. If it is, then every road from one court house to another, in Kentucky or in any other State, would be equally national. Since this discussion was commenced this morning, I obtained from a gentleman from Kentucky a copy of an act of the Kentucky Legislature, incorporating the company to construct this road. What do I find? On the 29th of January, 1829, a company was incorporated by that State, to make a road from Maysville to Washington, a distance of five miles, and the capitol stock of the company was twenty thousand dollars. That portion of the road, I understand, is completed, and toll gates erected on it. On the 14th of January, 1830, but little more than three months ago, and since we have been in session, another act was passed by the Legislature of that State, extending the charter of the company, so as to enable them to continue the road from Washington to Lexington, with an increased capital stock of three hundred thousand dollars. That act is brought direct to Washington; and now, sir, in less than four months from its date, we are very modestly asked to pay out of the public treasury one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, being one-half

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Maysville Road Bill.

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[APRIL 28, 1830. of the whole capital stock required to build the road. And upon its own merits in a national point of view: there for what purpose shall we do this? Does any man pretend; would not be found in this house twenty individuals who will any man insult our understanding, by telling us that would vote for this bill. I doubt whether any but the imwe are to accomplish any national object by it? What, sir, mediate representatives of the districts through which it a road sixty miles long, in the interior of one of the States, passes would vote for it; and I doubt whether even they a national object, indispensable to enable the Government would. But what do we see here every day? Whenever to carry on its operations in peace, or for defence in war! a proposition for internal improvement comes up, no mat Does any one so contend? Can they so contend? Yes, ter what it be, visionary, extravagant, or ridiculous as you sir, strange as it may seem, it has been so contended by a can conceive, an appeal is immediately made to the friends gentleman from Kentucky, through whose district it is to of the system, as it is called, and they are told, “you must pass. He informed us that it was a national work. because vote for this; for if you do not, the system fails, and you [he said] internal improvements are so many ligaments cannot get an appropriation for some other projects, in which bind the States together in union. Sir, there is no which your section of country is interested." The commore ardent advocate here for the Union, and for its per- bination is complete; and this is what you call a system. petual preservation, than the individual who now addresses Do I speak too strongly? Am I not borne out by the you; but let me tell the gentleman that if we have no facts which have come under the observation of every stronger ties to bind us together, as brethren of the same gentleman here? It is almost useless to say to these gentlefamily, than such schemes as this, then the Union is, in- men, if you are in favor of internal improvements, is that deed, but "a rope of sand." A little road, sixty miles any reason why you should vote for every and all the vilong, in the interior of one of the States, important to sionary schemes that are presented here? Do we not see bind us together in the Union? The idea is really amusing. the friends of the system, in an almost unbroken body But this road must be national and important, it is said, voting for every proposition that comes before us? Why because it is to constitute a middle section or link in a much is this so? Each gentleman here, who has a road or a longer road-one from Zanesville, in Ohio, to Florence, in canal, or expects one, in his section of country, votes for Alabama; a part of a great cross route, of which we heard every other, however useless it may be, for the purpose of so much in the discussion of the Buffalo road bill. Now, keeping up the alliance, so that all others may, in like sir, from Maysville to Zanesville, exceeds one hundred manner, support his favorite project when it comes up. and thirty miles; and from Lexington (the other end of this And this is what you call a system. Can any one deny section) to Florence, exceeds three hundred miles. Now, that this is the practical operation of this thing, as we see what great nationality of character would this great road, it every day? Whenever the combinations of sectional inof which this bill before us constitutes, as it is said, a link, terests of this kind, thus united in action together, shall possess? What important points would it connect for the constitute a majority, can any one fail to see the inevitable purposes of war, for that is the standard argument always consequences? The treasury will be drained of its last urged by the advocates of this system? Does it connect dollar, and every project will be carried by means of a any military posts, or any points of military defence? At settled majority, each individual of that majority acting Maysville you are on the bank of the Ohio river, where upon interested sectional feelings, and all voting for every there is steamboat navigation; and at Florence you are on proposition, whether it be useful or national in its charac the bank of the Tennessee river, where there is likewise ter or not. There is another consideration connected with steamboat navigation: and you propose to run a road on its this particular bill, to which I would call the attention of whole length, parallel, or nearly so, with these rivers. its friends and of the House. Ordinarily, before Congress are called upon to engage in works of this sort, a minute survey and report upon the proposed work is required, to be made by engineers of the United States.

Has even that been done in this instance Two or three

accu

It is idle any longer to talk about nationality as applicable to this system. Any thing is national that gentlemen think proper to deem expedient. A road from a neighborhood tavern to a neighborhood mill is just as national, according to the doctrine we hear every day, as any thing years ago, some gentlemen of the engineer corps rode else. The truth is, that any thing, and every thing, ac- through the country from Zanesville to Florence, and cording to the modern doctrines, is national by which the made to us a report of what they call a preliminary expublic money can be profusely expended and extrava-amination. That there may be no mistake about this, I gantly wasted. That seems to be the only object import-beg leave to read from their report a single passage. It ant to be effected. The payment of the public debt is the is as follows: "It cannot be supposed, nor was it intended, last thing that some gentlemen seem to think of, when neither indeed was it necessary, that the details furnished they are making indiscriminate appropriations of the pub- by a preliminary examination, like that in which we have lie funds for improvements. Another gentleman, from been engaged, should be attended with undeviating Kentucky, informs us that this road is very important, and racy; nor were we supplied with the means of attaining national, too; and, to prove it, he reads to us from a letter it, in reference to any of the items contained in the tables from a correspondent, the number of persons who have travelled upon it in a given time. The gentleman did not inform us how often the same person passed and repassed the point at which the enumeration was taken, on his neighborhood business. He did not tell us how many were going to mill, to church, or to the blacksmith shop. Are there not, I would ask the gentleman, twenty roads iu Kentucky, that are much travelled, and equally important, and equally national, too, with this? Are not the roads from Lexington to Louisville, to Frankfort, or to Harrodsburg, much travelled? and, if that constitutes nationality, are they not national, too? And where, sir, will this doctrine In this report, of the preliminary examination, several stop, short of niaking all the roads in the Union out of routes and subdivisions of routes, as many as eight in numthe national treasury? I think I hazard nothing in saying ber, I believe, are presented, all, of course, national. It that if there was no division of opinion in this House, is to have as many ramifications almost as the Buffalo road upon principle, upon subjects like this; if there was an had. As a matter of course, these gentlemen of the enexpress grant of power in the constitution; if all were in- gineer corps, who have done nothing more than ride ternal improvement men, and each project was examined through the country, and take general observations, con

connected with this essay. Nevertheless, the mode of ex hibiting the characteristics of the several routes therein exemplified, is deemed more appropriate, and better calculated to give a clear and satisfactory view of their com parative advantages and disadvantages, than any other that has been suggested. To prevent the possibility of being misunderstood, we add, that the statements contained in the tables are to be regarded as mere approximations to the truth, rather than as facts; as the results of the most careful and attentive observation, rather than of actual surveys and measurements.

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Maysville Road Bill.

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It is true, sir, they have displayed much ingenuity in their opposition, but, perhaps, at the same time, a little inconsistency. Let us see how that matter stands. The New Orleans road was too long. The gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. POLK] said, in most emphatic language, we would find it a long and a lonesome road. What does he say to this? Why, that it is too short. I should [said Mr. L.] really like to know the gentleman's true measure. How long must a road be, to secure his patronage? The New Orleans road was a mud road. What! said the gentleman, after withholding your favors so long, do you intend to insult the West, by proposing to give them a mud road? Well, sir, here is one not too long, not of mud, (we have too much of that already,) but of hard, durable rock, upon the McAdam plan, and still he objects to this.

sider each route as exceedingly national. And when, sir, so much eclat, and self-satisfaction, and glory, in meeting did the engineer corps ever report against the national- and defeating the bill for the New Orleans road, their ity and expediency of any project, that they have ever rage in some degree would have been satiated; but it been sent out to examine? I mean no personal disrespect seems, sir, I was mistaken; they come forth again to the to the gentlemen who compose this corps; but I must say, charge flushed with victory, in pursuit of new honors, and I have no confidence in any report they make. They are armed, if not with new arguments, at least with increased as much to be relied upon, as a body of men, as others: zeal. Sir, they are unceasing and untiring in their efforts but their employment, their very living, depends upon a to prostrate every thing that looks like internal improvei continuance of these surveys. They, perhaps, think it ment. their duty to report favorably upon every project, to the Government which employs them. This fact we know, that they never report unfavorably, at least I remember no instance, to any project, however visionary or ridiculous. They have an admirable facility, too, of ramifying every object they examine into as many routes as possible, always taking special care to leave the advantages and disadvantages of the respective routes as exactly poised as possible, leaving the inhabitants upon every route to hope, and each section to expect, to obtain the work. I cannot, therefore, but say, that however much personal respect I may have for some of them, I have no sort of confidence in any report they make. But in this instance, if confidence were to be reposed in their reports, you are about to dispense even with this form, usually observed. The engineers themselves inform you that their examination has been preliminary; that they have made no actual survey; and they admit it, to be imperfect. The gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. LETCHER] aware of this difficulty, has exhibited before the House, with an air of great apparent confidence, a map of a survey of this section of sixty miles of road, which, he says, was made by a private individual employed by the company. We are asked then, to subscribe stock to a large amount in a road which has never been minutely surveyed by an officer of the United States. You are about to dispense with this pre requisite, usually required by the advocates of the system, in such projects. I mention this to show the extent to which the advocates of this system are disposed to carry these projects.

Sir, I beg the gentleman from Kentucky to be assured that I have no feelings hostile to the interests of that State. It always affords me pleasure to promote her interests by my vote, when I can consistently with my public duty here. And I am persuaded, if the whole people of Kentucky could witness our deliberations, and see the practical operations of this system, and its consequences, that they themselves, being an exporting people, and paying their portion of the taxes, would not approve it. My only object when I rose, was to call the attention of the House to this bill, and to submit to the friends of this system themselves, whether they can vote for it. I have done my duty; other gentlemen will do theirs.

Again: When the other bill was under discussion, said the gentleman, why do you not first attempt to accomplish your end by individual enterprise First put your own shoulder to the wheel, obtain the consent of the States, and thereby avoid all difficulties of a constitutional nature. All that is done, sir, and our shoulder is at the wheel, and we now call upon you to help us. Seventy-five thousand dollars have been subscribed by our citizens; and now the idea of the Government subscribing to aid a company of individuals, in making a road, is scouted, and indeed, sir, severely ridiculed by that honorable gentleman. He appears to think it not only dangerous, but ruinous. The State of Kentucky, sir, did not think so. She has gone as far as her limited resources will allow, by taking stock to the amount of seventy-five thousand dollars, as I have informed the House upon a former occasion. The bill takes particular care to guard against all imposition, by declaring that no money shall be advanced by the United States, until assessments and payments are first made by the State, and the individual stockholders. Where, then, is the danger, and the ruin, or even the possibility of a risk? Sir, the whole scheme has been laid before you; there is nothing concealed. It is fair, and honest, and praiseworthy, in every respect.

The gentleman has been pleased to say, this is a little short road, and that it is not more travelled than many others in the State. Sir, if any confidence is to be reposed Mr. LETCHER, in reply to Mr. POLK, observed, that in the official reports of able engineers, independent of the considering the gentleman was taken unawares, that be statements and the facts which my colleague [Mr. COLEdid not comprehend the subject under discussion very MAN] and myself have had the honor of submitting to the well, and only intended to offer a few suggestions, he had House, this road is not only exceedingly important, but made a pretty long speech. He did not himself know more travelled, perhaps, than any other road of its length, how it happened, yet such was the fact, that the most west of the Alleghany mountains. ingenious, labored, loud, and powerful efforts in that It is very true, as the gentleman has alleged, that the House were usually presented by gentlemen wholly un-report of the engineers of 1827 commences with an apoprepared. They came into the debate suddenly, felt a logy, by professing a want of time and opportunity to be deep regret that duty compelled them to offer a few re- entirely accurate in all its parts; but this is nothing more marks, and by sudden and unexpected bursts of eloquence nor less than the expression of that diffidence and modesty (as in the present instance) directed a most furious blow which usually accompanies true merit. It is the same at some highly meritorious bill. mode the gentleman himself has adopted in the commenceSir, this mode of attack is becoming so very common, ment of his remarks; and, upon the strictest scrutiny and that it creates no sort of surprise, and no alarm. It ought the closest examination it turns out in the end to be a proto be received for what it is worth, and no more. The duction of great ability, evidencing a thorough acquaintbill, I trust, sir, is not to be defeated by this or any other ance with the subject in all its practical bearings, and most mode of attack. Let it be examined coolly and deliber- undeniably must be acknowledged to be in every particuately; let it be understood, and the result is not feared. lar highly satisfactory. Can any gentleman point one Sir, I had indulged in the fond hope, that, after the long aingle instance in which it is deficient? He cannot. What and vehement speeches, by which gentlemen had obtained more is required? Why has not the gentleman long since VOL. VI-105.

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