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H. or R.]

Judge Peck.

[APRIL 23, 1830.

of favoritism has also been shown towards the District of bers of them are necessary to accomplish the same obColumbia, which is entitled to equal, though not to greater, jects; that it requires a longer time than they usually serve, rights than other parts of the Union. And yet it appears, to render them perfectly acquainted with their duties; and from the document which I have just referred to, that ap that the mere change in their diet and habits occasions pointments of cadets from that District have been as follows: sickness among them, and consigus one-half of them to In 1829, four cadets; in each of the years, 1828, 1827, the hospitals. If these are the consequences, personal 1826, and 1825, three; in 1815, nine; and in 1814, eight. and national, resulting from the substitution of militia for This disproportionate number of appointments, as com- regulars, why, should they be substituted? Because, say pared with the population of the District, is partial, and, gentlemen, a standing army is dangerous to our liberties. therefore, unjust. It is not probable that either of these It is scarcely possible to conceive that an argument like departures from the principles which ought to be observed this can be seriously relied upon. To the maintenance of in the administration of this institution will be repeated. a large regular army, when we are not at war, I am as Should Congress deem it necessary, they may guard against decidedly opposed as any individual upon this floor; but, a repetition of them by passing a law for the purpose. with a population of twelve millions of inhabitants, with I did not expect to hear it asserted by any one, however a militia brave and expert in the use of firearms, amountstrong might be his prejudices against the academy at ing to fourteen or fifteen hundred thousand, can our liberWest Point, that the instruction there communicated to the ties be affected by a standing army of six thousand men ? cadets did not qualify them for their profession. Let me Sir, when the day shall arrive that the liberty of this nastate to the House in what that instruction consists. It tion can be endangered by six thousand, or by ten times comprehends the theory and the practice of the art of war, six thousand men, it could not be secured by any human in all its branches. To the acquisition of the sciences re-means. Before such a force could accomplish the destrucquisite to constitute the accomplished officer, from nine tion of our liberty, we must ourselves have become utterly to ten hours are laboriously devoted for six days in the regardless of its preservation. week, during ten months in every year. The practical military instructions, which I quote from page 376 of "The General Regulations of the Army," are as follows: "First year, school of the soldier-guard and police du- The House then went into Committee of the Whole, ties of privates. Second year, school of the company- Mr. WILDE in the chair, on the case of Judge Peck. duties of corporals. Third year, school of the battalion- Mr. PETTIS having addressed the committee in defence duties of sergeants-exercise and manoeuvres of artillery of the Judge, and against the proposed impeachment, pieces. Fourth year, evolutions of the line-duties of Mr. EVERETT made a few observations. He could orderly sergeants and commissioned officers, (including not bring his mind to the conclusion that Judge Peck ought those of the battalion staff,) and of officers of the day- to be impeached; and, therefore, he could not vote for the remainder of the instruction in artillery-the sword exercise-practical military instruction throughout the year. Field exercises only will be limited between 1st April and 1st November following. There will be an encampment of the cadets annually, commencing on the 1st of July, and ending on the 31st of August ensuing, during which the instruction will be exclusively military." In order to ascertain the improvement and proficiency of the cadets, they are carefully examined, semi-annually, by the Academic Board; and once a year they undergo a strict examination in public, before the Professors, and a Board of Visiters, selected by the War Department, from various sections of the Union.

[Here the debate closed for this day.]
JUDGE PECK.

resolution. At the same time, he could not admit that Judge Peck's conduct had been free from blame. He, therefore, wished the resolution to be so amended as that he could vote for it. He referred to an opinion which be had hastily made while the Clerk was reading the defence of Judge Peck, that the Judge would have done better, had he rested his case with the report of the Judiciary Committee. He now, after a perusal of the defence, revoked that opinion. He thought the Judge had done well; and that the House, on a careful perusal of the defence, would admit that he had done well. He considered the defence as one of the most able papers laid before Congress for years. He said, he had looked in vain in the eviWith a knowledge of the facts which I have detailed, dence for proof of evil intent. On the contrary, there relating to the instruction and discipline at West Point, no was proof of the general good intentions and mildness of one can doubt the competence of the graduates to dis- the Judge. He could not, therefore, punish with severity charge all the duties of a soldier. Without a knowledge his first offence. He is already punished sufficiently by these of facts, no one ought to hazard criticism or censure. proceedings. He moved to amend the resolution by striking Having submitted the grounds and reasons upon which I out all after the word " Resolved," and inserting as follows: rely, in opposition to the arguments principally insisted That though, on the evidence now before it, this House upon by those who advocate the disbanding or reduction of our army, the diminution of the number of its officers, and the abolition of the Military Academy, I will take up the time of the House no longer than to notice, briefly, one or two observations introduced into this discussion, which I have not hitherto commented upon. It has been asked, why should we rely upon a standing army in time of peace, to garrison our forts, and to protect our frontiers Mr. STORRS, of New York, said he could not vote for from Indian depredations, in preference to the militia of this resolution, because it contemplated a final action on the country? Have gentlemen, making this inquiry, re- the case by this House. He deprecated such a course, flected upon the hardship which would be imposed upon as affording a mischievous precedent. He expressed his our citizens, accustomed to the ease and comforts of civil regret that the gentleman from Massachusetts had made life, by withdrawing them for periods of three or six an appeal to the sympathy of the House, in a case where months from their ordinary occupations, and subjecting sympathy should be kept out of sight. He was opposed them to the strictness of discipline, the restraints of mar- to any thing which would compound this matter. He retial law, and all the privations which the soldier encoun- ferred to the feelings with which he had himself entered ters? Would they not feel these hardships and privations on the examination of this case, and the strong disinclinato be oppressive and intolerable? The experience of two tion which he felt to produce an impeachment. But he wars has taught us that the employment of militia is more had gone into it, and he had a high and solemn duty to expensive than that of regular troops; that larger num-perform, which precluded sympathy. As to the oppor

does not approve of the conduct of James H. Peck, judge of the district court of the United States for the district of Missouri, in his proceeding by attachment against Luke E. Lawless, for alleged contempt of the said court; yet there is not sufficient evidence of evil intent, to authorize the House to impeach the said judge of high misdemeanors in office.

APRIL 24, 1830.]

Organization of the Army.

[H. OF R.

tunity given by the Judge to Mr. Lawless to purge him- its consideration to the Secretary of War, and asking of self of the contempt, he [Mr. S.] considered that it was him the best mode of effecting this object, if it could be insulting, after a violation of the personal rights of Mr. done without injury to the public service: acting upon the Lawless, and the usurpation of a jurisdiction which the belief that so much of the present session had elapsed, as Judge did not possess. He admitted that to have stricken to preclude the possibility of acting finally upon a question the attorney from the rolls of his court, might not have of so much importance to the nation at this time, and that subjected the Judge to censure; but it was the violation such additional information might be given to this House of that personal liberty, secured by the constitution, the im-as would enable them to act more efficiently, and with prisonment of Mr. Lawless in the felon's room, which jus- less danger to the service of the country, at some future tified impeachment. period.

Mr. BURGES moved to amend the amendment, by prefixing to it a modification in substance, stating, that although the House might not, if called on, altogether approve the conduct of Judge Peck, yet that, perceiving no evidence of ill intent, &c. the House would not sauction an impeachment.

Mr. EVERETT (Mr. BURGES having withdrawn his amendment) modified his resolution so as to meet the views of the gentleman, slightly, changing the phraseology.

Mr. BURGES moved that the committee now rise, which was negatived; yeas, 70-nays, 76.

Mr. ELLSWORTH then occupied the attention of the committee in support of the resolution. He, as a member of the Judiciary Committee, had given the subject full examination, and had come to the opinion that this impeachment should take place. He saw nothing in the publication of Mr. Lawless which ought to have drawn down the punishment inflicted by this Judge. It was an arbitrary proceeding, and be considered it to be the duty of the House to impeach the Judge.

Mr. HUNTINGTON then made some remarks in favor of the Judge. Before he had concluded,

Mr. VANCE moved that the committee rise: yeas, 64— nays, 77.

Mr. HUNTINGTON then continued his remarks. Mr. BURGES commenced some remarks against the impeachment.

Mr. MILLER moved that the committee rise, it being between six and seven o'clock; yeas, 63-nays, 61. The committee then rose, and reported progress.

SATURDAY, APRIL 24, 1830.

ORGANIZATION OF THE ARMY. The House then resumed the consideration of the resolution calling on the Secretary of War to report a new organization of the army, embracing a reduction of the officers.

To this reference I did not expect an objection would have been made, after the avowal made by the chairman of the Military Committee, that the adoption of the resolution would not be considered as the expression of an opinion by the House, that any reduction could be made, with propriety, of the number of officers now in the public service, and least of all did I expect an objection from the chairman himself, who reported, and then advocated, and now avows his determination to vote for the resolution; and it seems to me somewhat strange that the gentleman from South Carolina should have thought it necessary to occupy so much of the time of the House, four successive mornings, in attempting to prove that there was no necessity for the reduction of the number of officers or men at present in the service of the United States, and to convince this House that the resolution reported by the gentleman himself, as the chairman of the Military Committee, and for which he intends to vote, ought not to be supported by any other member of this House. If it be true, sir, that this disproportion does not exist, it certainly follows that the consideration or adoption of the present resolution is wholly useless.

There is a great difference between the chairman of the Military Committee and my colleague in the calculations presented by them to the House as to the actual number of officers in the army, or those who ought to be so estimated. The one estimates alone the commissioned officers, or gentlemen who wear the sword and are in actual command, and only makes one officer for every twenty or twenty five men; the other estimates, also, the non-commissioned officers and staff officers connected with the peace establishment, and thus makes one officer for every seven or eight men. Each is probably correct, according to the respective dates assumed by them, and each falls short of the actual disproportion existing between the common soldiers and other individuals connected with the army, who are, I presume, esteemed above the grade of the common soldiers. I take, sir, a different view of this Mr. CAVE JOHNSON said, it is to be regretted that subject from either of the gentlemen, and which will prothe gentlemen who are opposed to the adoption of the re-bably show the true disproportion existing in our army besolution now under consideration, have thought it neces- tween the common soldiers and the officers, and which will sary to indulge in such a latitude of debate, and urge upon account for the increased expenditures for the last few the consideration of the House questions of great import- years, to some extent, in this branch of the Government. ance to the country, upon a mere resolution of inquiry. I look at every individual as connected with the peace esThese things would have been more properly the subject tablishment, who is in the pay of the Government, whether of debate upon some future occasion, when some specific a commissioned or non-commissioned officer, or private, proposition should be submitted to the House for the re- or clerks, or messengers. I care not by what name he duction of the army. I am sure it was not anticipated, may be called; and when viewed in this light, the statement either by my colleague, [Mr. DESHA] who introduced the which I now hold in my hand, and which has been preparoriginal resolution to the House, or by the Military Com-ed from the documents furnished during the present sesmittee, who reported the one now under discussion; but if gentlemen will press upon the House a premature discussion of these important questions, it becomes the friends of the resolution to meet and answer them in the best way they cau.

The object of the resolution was to direct the attention of the House to the disproportion existing in the present organization of the military peace establishment between the number of officers and the privates retained in the service of the United States, and the consequent increased expenditure of the public money. This was referred to the Military Committee, who reported to the House the resolution now on your table, merely referring

sion, and which specifies each individual, and the part of the army to which he is attached, but which I will not now trouble the House by reading, will satisfy the House that there is retained in the pay of the Government, for the control and management of the soldiers of the line, which my colleague now informs me numbers five thousand five hundred men, near one thousand individuals, making one individual connected with the command of the army, for about every five soldiers of the line.

The question then is, whether the services of any of these individuals may be dispensed with at this time without injury to the public service. I am not sufficiently acquainted with the details of an army to speak with certainty.

H. OF R.]

Organization of the Army.

[APRIL 24, 1830. as to the exact proportion that ought to exist between for or against the position assumed by the chairman of the the number of officers and soldiers of the line; but, accord- Military Committee.

ing to my recollection, in the late war with Great Britain, It is again urged that the present peace establishment is less than half the number of officers belonging to our not greater, in proportion to the population and wealth of peace establishment were deemed sufficient for the com- the United States, than it was during the administration of mand of even a greater number of men, and that, too, Jefferson. I cannot, sir, perceive any good reason why whilst engaged in actual service; and there can be no pro- the prosperity of the country should be considered a reapriety in retaining in the pay of the Government, in son for the increase of our army, or the expenditures for it. time of peace, twice as many officers as the Government That the finances of the country will justify us in mainwould require for the command of the same number of taining twice the present number of troops, or even more, men in war. My limited experience on such subjects will is not disputed by any. But, sir, what use have we for not justify me in attempting to point out the supernume- them? Our military posts are to be guarded, our frontiers rary officers now retained in public service, and submit- to be protected. In the early periods of our Government, ting to the House a plan of my own for its reorganization; we were surrounded by numerous and warlike tribes of but I may be permitted, by way of example, and to show Indians, always disposed for war, and stimulated by Britthe necessity of the passage of the present resolution, to ish traders to make attacks upon our frontier settlements, turn the attention of the House to a branch of the army which were at that time separated from the interior of the that seems to me to have a greater excess of officers, in country by mountains almost impassable. Then three thouproportion to the duties to be performed, than, perhaps, sand men were deemed sufficient for our standing army; any other. For the purpose of paying the army, now but now, when we have the almost entire control of their consisting of upwards of six thousand men, there is retained trade, their numbers greatly diminished, their spirits humin the public service one paymaster general, whose salary bled by the repeated disasters to which they have been is two thousand five hundred dollars, and three clerks, subjected in their wars with us; when their power has whose salaries amount to three thousand nine hundred left them, and when our resources have increased in a dollars, and one messenger, with a salary of six hundred greater proportion than theirs have diminished, and when dollars, and fourteen paymasters, each with a salary of our frontiers are surrounded by new and flourishing States, about eight hundred and ninety dollars, (making the sum of sufficiently near them to render any assistance that may nineteen thousand four hundred and sixty dollars,) whose be necessary, is our standing army to be doubled? Certainprincipal if not only duty is to pay off the small number of ly not, sir. As the population and wealth of our country men now retained in public service. I cannot believe, sir, advance, we are better able to protect ourselves, and that this number of officers should be retained, and that there is less necessity for regular troops to be employed amount of money expended for the purpose of paying the for that purpose. number of men belonging to the army; it seems to me that an additional clerk or two in the Treasury Department might discharge all these duties without the slightest inconvenience being felt by the public.

I should have been gratified, sir, if the gentleman from South Carolina, whilst comparing the number of troops now in service, and our resources, with those of the adIministration of Jefferson, had also compared the expenThe chairman of the Military Committee next urges the ditures of the same period for the same purpose with propriety of our Government retaining in the military peace those of the present time. He would then have perceived establishment a greater proportion of officers than in time that the present expenditures of the army more than douof war, the skeleton of an army, I think he calls it, that ble those of that period in proportion to the numbers. the nation may be prepared, upon any sudden emergency, For these reasons, I am inclined to think that there might with skilful and experienced officers, to take the command be not only a diminution of the number of the officers of of, and discipline the troops, and attributes our disasters the army, but also of the number of men, without the at the commencement of the late war to the want of mili slightest injury to the public service, and that the whole tary skill and science in the officers appointed to command. peace establishment should be reduced to the number of I cannot think any emergency likely to arise in our coun-officers and men actually necessary to take charge of the try, that will not give us ample time to convert our militia fortifications, and to secure the public property. I would into skilful and disciplined troops, prepared to meet any dan- not, sir, have one man in the employment of the Governgers they may have to encounter. We are not, like other ment, either in the civil or military departments, whose nations of the world, surrounded by neighbors, each with services were not demanded by the interest of the coun. a standing army, that may make sudden incursions upon try. our territories, and assail and destroy us. The militia of The Military Academy at West Point has been adverted the country have always been, and always will be, compe- to by the friends of the present resolution, as one of the tent to resist any attacks from the savage tribes that reside abuses existing in the present peace establishment, and it upon our borders. Canada is too feeble to be any just has been eulogized by the chairman of the Military Comcause of alarm. Nor can I admit that the disasters which mittee, and represented as one of the most useful instituoccurred at the commencement of the late war are pro- tions in our country. I have ever thought, sir, that it was perly attributable to the causes which have been assigned. founded upon principles wholly inconsistent with the true I should rather think that most of them originated in a mis- policy of our country, and at war with the best interests taken confidence reposed by our Government in the offi- of the people; it destroys that equality of rights and privicers attached to our former peace establishment, under leges which should be extended to every citizen of the the belief that their experience and skill, acquired in time country; it is a system of patronage, by which the military of peace, better qualified them for the command of our offices of the country will be confined to the sons of the armies, than other citizens of the country; or perhaps more wealthy and influential, and only sought through the favor properly to the want of that vigor of intellect and acti- of the Executive, or the members of this House; its convity of body, which too often accompany too much lei- tinuance a few years, I fear, will be the destruction of sure or indulgence in every pursuit in life. I should like all honorable emulation among the citizens of the counto know, sir, what essential services had been rendered to try for them. The military appointments made by the the country in the late war by the officers of the old army. Government, more particularly than any other, should With but few exceptions, so far as I recollect, they were be made accessible to the humblest individual in the esteemed inefficient and wholly useless. These unfortu- community, and should be the reward of qualification nate incidents in our history, from whatever cause they and merit alone. If the Government chooses to indulge may have originated, seem to me to prove but little, either in the education of any portion of the citizens of the

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APRIL 24, 1830.]

Organization of the Army.

[H. of R.

The resolution which is now the subject of discussion, contemplates much more than a bare reduction of the excess of officers now retained in our peace establishment; it strikes at a branch of that system of excessive expenditure which has been too much indulged in by our Government for the last few years; it contemplates a diminution of the annual expenses incurred in maintaining and supporting our present peace establishment, which ought to be done, as I shall presently show, whether the army can be reduced or not.

country, why confine it to the military department? Why | annually, to bestow, its liberality had better be extended not extend it, likewise, to the officers of the navy; and to to the officers and soldiers who served in the militia during your civil as well as military or naval officers? In my opi- the revolutionary war, and who now need its assistance, nion, sir, it would be much more useful to extend these be- than to that class of young gentleman who are enabled to nefits to the officers employed in the civil departments of the procure appointments at the academy through the wealth Government. The interest of the Government and the dear- and influence of their family and friends. When these est rights of the people are every day subjected to their things come to be considered and weighed by the Americontrol, whilst we may not need, in a lifetime, the assistance can people, rely upon it, sir, that this institution, which has of one of your military educated gentlemen; and if we did, been so much lauded, and puffed into importance and we might, in all probability, look for it in vain. We have popularity, will be put down-it is a species of aristocraconstant employment for the exercise of the best talents and cy, inconsistent with the liberality and freedom of our ininformation of the officers engaged in the civil departments stitutions, and more expensive than any other institution of the Government, and may never need the military know-in our country, and which I cannot but think would long ledge given to the cadets; but if it be the will of the nation since have been destroyed, had not the power of appointto support institutions of this character, and pay professors ment been transferred from the Executive branch of this for superintending the same, and select and support young Government to the members of this House. But if the gentlemen for education, can there be any propriety in House should not concur with me in opinion that this inpaying the favorite few to join the institution, and re- stitution ought to be destroyed, still the number of cadets ceive from the Government an education equal to any ought to be regulated so as to correspond with the wants that can be acquired elsewhere in our country? If the of the army; and the expenditures of the institution ought Government establishes the institution, prepares quarters to be diminished within reasonable bounds; and these confor the accommodation of the students, and pays profes- siderations alone would justify us in the adoption of the sore to superintend the same, and would but make it ac- resolution. cessible to every individual who would go, thousands would gladly flock to the institution, alone for the education that would be there acquired, without asking of the Government any compensation, and without the privilege of being placed in the line of promotion to the military offices of the country, to the exclusion of other citizens. But now, sir, the Government not only prepares, at a great expense, the necessary buildings for the accommodation of the students, and pays enormous prices to the instructors, but actually pays the cadets for receiving the blessings of an excellent education, about one dollar for each day that The gentleman from New York [Mr. TAYLOR] has rethey remain in the institution, amounting to the aggregate minded us that, when this subject was before Congress in sum, for the pay of the officers of the institution and the 1821, and when the army was reduced from ten thousand cadets, of about ninety thousand dollars annually. It will to six thousand men, he was an advocate for that reducnot do to say that they are paid as officers of the army. tion, and for which he and those who acted with him were defor if they were so, their pay ought not to commence whilst nounced as radicals; but he is now of opinion that no furthey are receiving, free of expense, the best education ther reduction can be made without injury to the public the country can afford, and that, too, at a period of life service. I am sure, if the gentleman from New York had when their time would be probably occupied in such pur- turned his attention, for a moment, to the expenditures in suits, if they were not officers of the army. But, sir, they this branch of the Government for the last few years, and ought not to be considered officers of the army; they are compared them with the expenditures for the same destudents, engaged in a course of studies that qualifies them partment for a few year prior to the reduction of the arfor any other pursuit in life, as much as that of the army; my in 1821, he would have still seen the necessity of either and the document furnished us proves that there has been reducing the number of officers, or men, or both, or in some as yet but one out of six who receives admission into the way curtailing the necessary expenditures. In this branch institution that continues in the service of the Government. of the Government, but little has been gained in the cause There have been admitted into this institution two thousand of economy by the reduction that took place in 1821. The and fifty-three students, of which five hundred and ninety-expenditures of the last few years actually exceed those one graduated, and three hundred and sixty-one now re- for a few years prior to that time, when the army was ten main in the service of the country. These facts prove to thousand strong; which will be seen by a reference to the my mind, clearly, that this institution is resorted to, more documents in the War Department, which show that, for for the purposes of general education, than with a view of the year becoming officers of the army. But why is it, that, after 1819. "Pay of the army, and subsistence having expended such sums of money in their education, of the officers," we should give them the preference over the other citizens "Subsistence," of the country, in the command of the armies? Other citizens of the country may, aud do frequently, receive military education, at their own expense, and are as well qualified and meritorious as the young gentlemen educated at West Point; but, if they apply for office, their claims must be postponed in favor of those educated at this bantling of the Government, without even an inquiry made as to their merits or qualifications. But, sir, if this institution, limited as it must necessarily be in its operation, must still be kept up, ought the selection of the cadets to be confin- 1828. "Pay of the army, and subsistence

1820. "Pay of the army, and subsistence
of the officers,"
"Subsistence,"

of the officers,"

ed to that class of the community who have not otherwise
the means of receiving an education? Ought it not, sir,"Subsistence,"
to be limited to the pennyless orphans of the brave men
who have perished in the service of the country?

If, sir, the Government has such large sums of money,
VOL. VI.-103.

$1,002,829 10 989,213 00 $1,992,040 10

636,784 00

622,048 00

$1,258,832 00

$1,028,121 24 245,217 96

$1,273,339 20

H. OF R.]

1829. "Pay of the army, and subsistence
of the officers,"
"Subsistence,"

Judge Peck.

$1,184,295 11
299,200 92

$1,433,496 03

From which it appears that the "pay of the army and | subsistence of the officers," for the years 1828 and 1829, when the army was about six thousand strong, exceed that for the years 1819 and 1820, when the army was ten thousand strong, by the sum of five hundred and twenty-two thousand eight hundred and five dollars and twenty-five cents; and that, by the act of 1821, reducing the army to six thousand, we have gained the dismissal of four thousand men from the public service, without any correspondent diminution of the expenses of the army.

[APRIL 24, 1830.

the public debt; sustain, unimpaired, the public credit; I would husband the resources of the country, by leaving the money of the people in its proper place their own pockets; these, in my estimation, are the true preparations of a republic for war; I would leave standing armies and the sword for the monarch and despot. The militia, sir, so often the subject of ridicule and abuse, is the only army upon which we can rely for the protection of our country; the citizens of the country must, and ever will, protect themselves whilst their liberties are worth preserving; they are the supporters of our Government in peace, and must be its defenders in war; our Government is based upon this principle; we trusted them in the revo lution, and were not deceived by them; we confided in them in the late war, and were not disappointed. I will not now detain the House by pointing them to instances of courage, patriotism, and valor, in the militia of our country, that would equal, if not surpass, any of the numerous instances to which our attention has been directed by the gentleman from South Carolina; they are familiar to each member of the House, and are unparalleled in the history of any country.

I would not have it understood, sir, that in making and presenting these estimates to the House, I impute any blame whatever to the officer now presiding at the head of the War Department, or the one who discharged the duties of it during the late administration. If the expenditures are, or have been, excessive or improper, which I by no means assert, blame is properly attributable to this I have briefly adverted to the reasons which will induce House; if appropriations are made for specific objects by me to vote for the resolution of my colleague, and flatter us, it becomes the duty of the Executive to see them ap-myself that we will derive such information from the War plied; if any abuse exist, the Congress of the United Department, should it pass, as will enable us to reorganize States is responsible for it to the nation, and from us the the army on some more economical plan, better adapted people expect its correction. These estimates are pre- to the situation of the country, and without injury to the sented solely for the purpose of showing the propriety of public service. the passage of the present resolution, or some one of a similar character, under the hope that the attention of the Secretary of War may be directed to it, and that his experience in the department will enable him to report to us some system for the reduction of the expenditures of the army, that will enable us to act efficiently, and without injury to the public service.

[Here the hour expired, and the debate closed for this day.]

JUDGE PECK.

The House then resolved itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, Mr. WILDE in the chair.

Mr. BURGES spoke at length against the original reso⚫ lution. He occupied the floor for about two hours. Mr. WICKLIFFE spoke in reply, and in defence of the course pursued by the Committee on the Judiciary. The amendment offered by Mr. EVERETT was nega

The committee then rose, and reported the resolution. Mr. BUCHANAN asked for the yeas and nays on con currence in the resolution; which were ordered. Mr. PETTIS then moved a call of the House; which was refused.

The chairman of the Military Committee considers that the present organization of the army ought to be retained as a means of national defence, and has eloquently pointed out the superiority of skilful officers and disciplined troops over the militia, and has illustrated his positions by a recurrence to standing armies of several European natived. tions, and their success over undisciplined troops. I could The resolution offered by the chairman of the commit. not, if I was so inclined, follow him through all his illus-tee was agreed to-yeas, 113. trations, or successfully controvert the position assumed by him. Whether the position assumed by him be true or not, our Government, being based upon different principles from those alluded to by him, must necessarily resort to a different mode of defence. I may be permitted here to remark, that, if the gentleman. from South Caro- The question was then taken on concurring with the comlina had turned one other page in the history of those na-mittee in the resolution, and carried in the affirmative. tions, he would have seen the consequences resulting from YEAS-Messrs. Alexander, Allen, Alston, Anderson, their social systems, Ironhanded despotism and arbitrary Archer, Armstrong, Barnwell, Barringer, Beekman, Blair, misrule; the people deprived of the right of self-govern- of South Carolina, Bockee, Boon, Borst, Bouldin, Brodment; immense public debts; and burdensome and op- head, Brown, Buchanan, Cahoon, Cambreleng, Camppressive systems of taxation; these are the consequences bell, Carson, Chandler, Chilton, Claiborne, Coke, Coleresulting to European nations from their military organi- man, Conner, Cowles, Craig, of New York, Craig, of Vir zation: the surrender of their liberties is the price they ginia, Crawford, Crocheron, Daniel, Davenport, Davis, of pay for protection by skilful officers and disciplined troops. South Carolina, Deberry, Denny, Desha, De Witt, Dod. To my mind, sir, the argument of the gentleman proves dridge, Drayton, Dudley, Earll, Ellsworth, Evans, of the necessity of retaining in the service of this country a Maine, Evans, of Pennsylvania, Findley, Finch; Forward, very large standing army, rather than the propriety of re- Foster, Fry, Gaither, Gilmore, Gordon, Hall, Halsey, Ham taining in our service the present number of officers and mons, Harvey, Haynes, Hinds, Hodges, Howard, Hubbard, men. That we should prepare for war in time of peace, Ihrie, Isacks, Jennings, Johnson, of Kentucky, Johnson, of is undisputed in our country; but how prepare! By edu- Tennessee, Kendall, Kincaid, King, of New York, Lamar, cating one part of the community to command the other? Lea, Lecompte, Letcher, Loyall, Lewis, Lyon, Magee, By setting apart one portion of the citizens for the de- Maxwell, of New York, Maxwell, of Virginia, McCreery, fence of the other, and sustaining and supporting them in McDuffie, McIntire, Mitchell, Monell, Muhlenberg, Nuck peace Instead of thus rendering our armies skilful and olls, Overton, Polk, Potter, Powers, Ramsey, Richardson, brave, I would rely upon the virtue, the intelligence, and Roane, Russel, Scott, Shepperd, Shields, Semmes, Smith, the moral energies of the country; I would arm and dis- Speight, Spencer, of New York, Spencer, of Maryland, cipline the citizens of the country, the militia; I would re- Sprigg, Sterigere, Storrs, of New York, Swift, Taliaferro, move every burden from the finances of the country; pay Test, Thompson, of Georgia, Thompson, of Ohio, Trez

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