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APRIL 12, 1830.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[H. OF R.

has taken place, I have watched the movements of the The appropriations were the necessary result of our pechairman of the Committee on Internal Improvements, culiar situation in reference to the coast of the Union. and verily believe, if ever a man was actuated by pure and Without these fortifications one link would have been disinterested motives, having the welfare of the Union in wanting in the grand chain of defences of our seaboard; view, and that alone, in reference to any measure, the without fortifying Newport, neither New York nor the venerable head of our committee has been so influenced, Chesapeake could be defended. From the communicaguided, and directed. In addition to the recommendations tions which were made by the Executive at the commenceof this route from the several committees referred to, it is ment of the session, it appears that his eyes, the attention recommended by the officers of the engineer corps, who, of the Secretary of the Navy, and the Board of Navy it will not be pretended, could have had any personal in- Commissioners, have been directed to the waters of Narterest in the recommendation. An examination of their ragansett Bay, in Rhode Island, as a place for one of the report will acquaint us with the reasons and grounds of grand naval establishments of the country. And why? their preference. Among other reasons by which all Because that State had any claim for large appropriations should be influenced, we are told that, if hereafter it for her benefit? Not at all; but, owing to our location, it should be thought advisable to Macadamize the road, the has been found that our waters, our noble and capacious expense of Macadamizing the western route would not be harbors, presented a better place for a naval depot than so great as either of the other routes, by twelve hundred was elsewhere to be found. I am still, therefore, warthousand dollars. So far, then, as expense is concerned, ranted in saying, that, in regard to any improvement of the and judging from the information which comes before me, resources of the country, nothing, or next to nothing, together with the recommendation of the present and for- has been done or projected for the State from which I come. mer committee, I am led to conclude that the western is Yet I am not, because the Government has been less liberal the preferable route for us to adopt. Let it be remem-in its grants than many in the State that I represent could bered, that, in settling this question, we are not to be go- wish, or perhaps all desire, to be influenced by sectional verned exclusively by a state of things which may now considerations or sectional designs. Is this any reason why exist, but should look forward to the future; and although I should withhold, my support from any object which is the population on a particular route may be sparse at pre-national in its character? I trust not. A gentleman from sent, we must look to the resources of the country as they will exist when fully developed by the facilities which such an avenue and communication as this road will open to them. We are not to legislate in this matter for to-day, but for years and centuries to come. For myself, I am, perhaps, less encumbered in giving a vote, than some gentlemen may be. I have no constitutional scruples to impede me, nor have I any difference from a former course to embarrass me. I shall vote now as I have voted heretofore, for my course has, on questions of this description, been uniform-the same yesterday, to day, and, with my present convictions, will be forever. As to local feelings, thank God, there are none to divert me. I have none to lead me to prefer the upper to the lower route; my great desire has been to ascertain which would be best for the country at large; and, if I have been so fortunate as to make this discovery, I am satisfied.

New York [Mr. MONELL] said, a few days ago, that his State had knocked at your door in vain; and because the gentleman's State received nothing, he is now opposed to this bill. He should recollect, more especially as he seems to have some constitutional scruples, that the legislature of his State had none, for the appointment of agents to solicit the aid of Government in constructing their great canal was a recognition of the constitutional power to aid works of this kind. Other reasous might have induced the refusal, beside opposition to the principle of internal improve ments; the party then in power might have been opposed to appropriations for internal improvements; but since a change has taken place in this respect, is their conduct on that occasion a good reason for voting against this bill now? Surely not. The Government of the United States, at the time that application was made, might not have been in a situation, from inability, to grant the aid solicited. But it I might, in that spirit of selfish feeling which has been is not too late for New York to obtain the aid of this Gomanifested by many gentlemen who have addressed the vernment for enlarging her system of internal improvecommittee in relation to this road, inquire, what has been ments, and extending them still farther than at present. done by this Government for Rhode Island? The answer She has, from all that appears, a disposition to do this; two must be, nothing to its internal condition by appropriations bills have been reported at this session, to authorize subfor roads and canals; not a dollar to give us new roads, or scriptions to the stock of two of her canals; inceptive meato improve the condition of our old ones. I am happy in aures have been taken to the improvement of the navigasaying we want no money from the public chest for that tion of the Hudson; an appropriation has been made to purpose; our common roads are better than the best turn- defray the expense of a survey of a canal to be cut through pikes in this part of the country, and our best better than a neck of land near Hurl Gate; we have been notified that all the money in the treasury, or all the surplus fund, something will be hereafter required to improve the naviwhen the national debt is paid, can make some roads here. gation of Black river. Has New York in fact received no In relation to the general distribution, it may be said we aid? Nothing to aid her in constructing a national road, have had our share on other subjects, and, if it has been although a military road has been commenced at Platts a small one, it has been in proportion to the comparative burg, and partly finished, the whole expense of which size of our State. What has it been? I was so fortunate has been borne by the United States; another has been once, and not without a struggle, (and, in effecting what I projected from Albany to Sackett's Harbor. Has she rehad in view, I received more aid from the other branch of ceived no money for internal improvements? What has the legislature than this,) as to procure for the improvement become of the appropriations for Oswego, for Black Rock, of one of the harbors in Rhode Island an appropriation for Buffalo, and other places bordering upon the lakes? Yet of four thousand dollars; this sum, I contend, was not for we are told, because New York once applied and was reour exclusive benefit, any more than the several light- fused, either because the party which then constituted a houses on our points and promontories; it was for the majority in the House was opposed to internal improvebenefit of the navigation and commerce of the whole coun- ments, or the treasury then too much embarrassed to aftry. But it may be retorted, that very important fortifica- ford the grant, now the members from that State are tions have been projected, and actually commenced in bound to refuse to contribute their aid to a design conRhode Island. It is true these works are within our State; nected with the common good of our common country. but I do not consider Rhode Island under any special obligation to the Government, because the erection of these fortifications was not from any special regard to us. VOL. VI.-97.

[Here Mr. STORRS, of New York, interrupted Mr. P., and asked what benefit this road would be to the people he represented.],

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I know [said Mr. P.] this is the argument of the opposition to this bill-an argument which, if it obtains, will destroy not only this, but every bill that may be hereafter reported, to improve the internal condition of the country.

I hoped for better things from that gentleman, when he told us he was in favor of appropriations for internal improvements, and had heretofore voted for them. Not a cent of the amount appropriated will reach my district. This has been rung through all the changes, not only by those who are opposed to the system altogether, and will be opposed, as we are told by them, as long as they have tongues to utter their sentiments, or judgments to direct their conduct, but it seems now to be adopted by the gentleman from New York. Not a cent of the appropriations goes to Oneida county, New York. He would vote for the Delaware breakwater, because that work was national, and the State of New York was interested in it, although not a cent of the appropriation ever reached his district. If I correctly understood the gentleman, when he addressed the committee a few days ago. he labored to persuade us to withhold our support from this bill, because the appropriation required might interfere with other works; works perhaps in which New York might have a more direct

interest.

[APRIL 12, 1830.

make such a demand? I know, indeed, there was some correspondence between the comptroller and the canal commissioners; but both the late President and the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States disavowed all intention to enforce such a demand; yet we have had this old, worn out story brought forward on the present occasion, to influence the New York delegation. It may be very good policy-thirty-four votes, this New York regi ment, as the delegation from that State were once called by the predecessor of my friend, now near me, [Mr. IRWIN, of Pennsylvania,] are not to be marched out of sight when an important point is to be gained. The gentleman has supposed the case of a collision between the State authorities and those of the United States, which must be settled by the Supreme Court, while that tribunal, he has graciously told us, would instantly settle in favor of the Government of the United States. Why, sir, this thrust at that court? Can no question be discussed without implicating that institution? That court, it seems, can never show the least regard to a claim, however just, of a State against the General Government. Now, sir, I ask, has there been any thing in the decisions of that court heretofore, to authorize this stab at its reputation I repel the charge, I was going to add, with indignation. I will say, however, In what do arguments of this description originate, ex- the remark is gratuitous and unfounded. The gentleman cept that selfish sectional feeling, the fallacy and unsound- knows as well as I do, that the members of that court, ness of which I have endeavored to combat, and shall fur- whether collectively or individually, have too much selfther expose before I conclude. I should suppose the gen-respect to make any decision that will justify this insinuatleman is more proud of his State, in consequence of the tion. But to return to the road provided for in the bill. construction of the Erie canal. Is he unwilling to look Is it not such as the present circumstances of the country back to that period of time when this great work was pro- will fully warrant? Is it not calculated to improve the conposed, and examine the objections which existed to it? dition of the country? To strengthen the bonds of union, How did they differ from the objections urged against this and brighten the chain of mutual intercourse? Will it not bill? Every county in the State through which it was not confer a benefit on the people at large? Surely the nation to pass, was opposed to it, and opposed for reasons similar is in as good a situation for undertakings of this kind now, to those which are given against this bill. Long Island, as it ever has been heretofore. What, then, is the cause Delaware county, the counties upon the Hudson, the coun- of this bue and cry? Is not our national debt nearly paid? ties east of Albany were all opposed to the work, not only And, when paid, are not apprehensions expressed that the because it would confer no benefits on them, but would surplus revenue will be divided among the several States? make their situation absolutely worse, lessen the price of In that event what is to become of internal improvements, the products of their soil, as it opened a quick and cheap or works of a national character? Gentlemen tell us that conveyance from the interior and extreme parts of the the States must be left to accomplish these works themState to the great market and place of deposit in the city selves; that is, when they can agree among themselves that of New York. Yet, sir, those objections to that work did a certain work is expedient and proper. And who does not prevail, and I trust the similar ones to this bill will not. not see that the will of a single State is sufficient to defeat Another gentleman from the State of New York, [Mr. every undertaking of the kind? As an illustration of this ANGEL] visits this road, not as angel, or minister of grace, truth, gentlemen have only to look at this very road. It to give to it his aid, but to condemn this and all similar passes through seven of the States. Pennsylvania is in favor works: at a proper time he is to alter the title of the bill, of it: so is Tennessee, and so are the States farther south; and call this a road leading from Buffalo, via Washington, but all their contributions are to be rendered void, because to despotism. He does not wish any part of the State of Virginia, perchance, is unwilling to engage in the underNew York contaminated by it, although he is perfectly taking, and because New York will not pay for about one willing Pennsylvania should be. The gentleman, sir, may hundred miles of the road that may pass through her terspeak the sentiments of the people of the district from ritory. So it will happen with respect to every national which he comes, as that district, as I have understood, has design. The tenacity, not to say the obstinacy, of one or two been generally opposed to works of internal improvements States will defeat the whole. The case, therefore, resolves was opposed to the Erie canal; but I am not willing to itself into this question: shall the system of internal imadmit that he is the organ of the State of New York. Let provements continue, or shall it not? If yea, they must be this road be made, and his State will be as pure and un- done by the nation in its collective capacity-the States contaminated as she now is, as pure as Pennsylvania, and will never combine in any such scheme. In still further that will be saying sufficient of that State. One would prosecution of that appeal to sectional views which has suppose that this gentleman belonged as much to Virginia characterized this debate, it has been said by gentlemen as New York, and was a disciple of the new school of Vir- from Tennessee, upper Virginia, and a portion of Pennsylginia politics. A gentleman from Virginia [Mr. ARCHER] vania, that not one cent has yet been granted from the Beems willing to give up the glory of this opposition on treasury for their benefit. This argument is surely not a behalf of Virginia, and transfer it to New York, with a view, good one, and would not be entitled to such consideration if as one would suppose, to work on the feelings and enlist it stood alone; but it is a useful one, as it comes home to the prejudices of the delegation of that State. Another their feelings. Did those gentlemen withhold their aid to gentleman from the State of New York, [Mr. MONELL] works of internal improvement, because they were in whose remarks I have already referred to, has called the other States? No, we are told they did not. Has upper attention of the committee to an attempt made a few years Pennsylvania ever acted on this principle? Is there one ago, as he says, to exact a transit duty from the boats on gentleman from that, or any other part of that State, who the New York canal. But I ask, did this Government ever can withhold his vote from this bill? Did they withhold 47 307

APRIL 12, 1830.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[H. OF R.

owing to the greater facilities of communication, and transportation of both the raw material and manufactured goods. the necessary result of the roads, railways, and canals of that country, they can be furnished at a lower price. The manufactures of one nation will always put down those of another where the material is cheaper, and there is a greater facility of transportation. If it is true in England, it is true here; and though there may be members of this House in favor of internal improvements, and of this road, and yet not in favor of the tariff, the argument I have last advanced will have weight with all those who are in favor of the tariff. What are the main objections urged against the bill? It is truly amusing to observe the various specu lations which have been conjured up as arguments against its passage. For the purpose of addressing one peculiar feeling of the House, it has been said that the Executive is wholly hostile to the design. To gain another portion of it, we have been told that he was warmly in its favor, and anxious for its success. One gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. POLK] has read to us, in terrorem, a long extract from his message, in which he is particular to show his friendly feelings to works of internal improvements. Both of the statements made in relation to him cannot be true; but, for my own part, I am not to be influenced by one or the other. From all that I have seen and heard, I am led to believe that the Chief Magistrate will not, by any act of his, impede the progress of this design. I think he cannot but feel some regard for the opinion of the legis lature of his adopted State, which has been expressed in favor of the undertaking. I should think it natural that he should feel some regard for the glories of his own administration. Peace has its glories, as well as war; and what, I ask, can add so bright a halo to the splendor of his reign, as the completion of this road, of the Chesapeake and Obio canal, and the other works of internal improvements which have been projected! The laurels gathered at New Orleans, plenteous as was the harvest, are "trifles light as air," in comparison with the glory of having these great works of national improvement begun or perfected during his Presidency. On retiring from office, he might then say, in the language of one of the Latin poets, without incurring the imputation of egotism, which has been ascribed to that poet:

their votes (the gentlemen from the interior of that State) from the Delaware breakwater? So far from it, that an honorable gentleman through whose district this road will pass, [Mr. RAMSEY] as he now tells me, offered the resolution which first directed the attention of the House to a consideration of that work; then, as the Delaware and Chesapeake canal, when the question of subscription of stock to that canal was under consideration, where is the evidence of the hostile feelings from the sectional interests of Western Pennsylvania, Tennessee, or Kentucky? The gentlemen of those States, superior to the interests of mere sectional interest, did not withhold their votes from the subscription of stock. How many days ago is it since a bill for light-houses, harbor improvements, and surveys, passed this House, making an appropriation of more than half a million of dollars? In the common language of the day-not intending to adopt it as correct for whose benefit Of Kentucky? No, sir. Of western Virginia? No. Of western Pennsylvania? No; not a cent for either of those sections of the country. Louisiana, indeed, received some partial benefit, but a greater proportion of the money went to New York and the eastern States. When that bill was under consideration, it was not opposed by the arguments now used in opposition to this, by gentlemen from the West, or any other quarter. And we are called upon to refuse this road, because the money does not go to those districts! One gentleman said the design was not national, and that it would interfere with harbor improvements, and other works which he called national; but now the harbor bill has passed, and that gentleman represents an interest where there are no navy yards, no harbor improvements; has he, I must again ask him, no pride in the reputation of his State? And is not his support due from that State? O, no. Not a cent has been given to his constituents, not a dollar has been appropriated for fortifications in his district. This argument gives up the Union entirely, and we may as well say so now as at any other time. I again say that when our surplus revenue shall have been divided among the States, no object truly national can be accomplished. Instead of being less, there will be ten times more local feelings than now: the language of one State will be, I am in the interior of the country; the Atlantic States must take care of the seaboard; and they, in reply, will say, let the West and the States upon our northern frontiers protect themselves, develop their own resources, and improve their condition. I do insist that if any thing national is to be done, the General Government is the power that must do it. It must be done by the United States, or not at all. I have once adverted to the operation of local feelings, even among gentlemen coming from the West-the same section of country. Not a session commences that is not opened with a dance about If any one consideration more than another would make the western armory. One gentleman moves Pittsburg, a seat in this House desirable, to me it appears it would be one Beaver river, and another, the Horse Shoe bend; and that which would hereafter authorize us to say that we what is the result? We get rid of the appropriation alto- have, as the representatives of the nation, contributed our gether, with no disposition to withhold it, because they share to the commencement and the completion of these cannot agree where it is to be applied. I view this sub-works. Of all such it may with propriety be hereafter ject of internal improvements as necessarily connected with another important policy of the country-I mean the protection of national industry. They must go hand in hand, mutually aiding and reciprocating their benefits. What are some of the objects to be effected by them Cheaper transportation and cheaper productions. Is it not manifest that the cheaper the raw material can be transported, the cheaper the goods can be sold? The cheaper they can be brought to market, the lower will be the market price!

"Exegi monumentum ære perennius."

What are the monuments of Egypt, or the pyramids erected to perpetuate the folly or idolatry of an age, compared with these works, one of which cost more than all the money which this nation has disbursed, or will soon be required to disburse, on account of works of internal improvement,*

said, in the language of another of the Latin poets, whose sentiments I will endeavor to render in English-" Happy, thrice happy, did you but know, did you but realize, what happiness was yours." The measure of our glory would be full, and we need not aspire to any thing more to render our names illustrious, or cause them to be held in grateful remembrance. Away, then, with these stories

Pyramid of Cheops-Of the pyramids of Egypt, the largest, that of Cheops, is a square of seven hundred and forty-six feet, and its I have been served this session with a copy (and I pre-height four hundred and sixty-one, being twenty-four feet higher sume the other members have) of a communication made than St. Peter's at Rome, and one hundred and seventeen feet higher than St. Paul's. The quantity of stone which it contains is calcuby an English writer, whose object is to show that the lated at six millions of tons, which is three times that employed in French manufactures cannot long sustain themselves, as the breakwater at Plymouth, and has been calculated by a French England can manufacture cheaper, and consequently un-engineer to be sufficient to build & wall round the whole of France, ten feet high and one foot broad. Its area at the base is, as near as dersell them. The main argument used is, that in England, may be, that of Lincoln's Inn fields.

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about the influence of this or of that feeling retarding a great national design.

It is too late now for gentlemen from the tide water of Virginia to spread before us their hair-spun theories. The system had made its way down the side of the mountain; it is making its triumphant way to the South, "conquering and to conquer." The voice raised in South Carolina has reverberated along the highlands of Virginia, and the cry of North Carolina now is, "what shall we do to be saved?" In reference to the western feelings and western claims, such is my opinion of their equity, that even if I had any conscientious scruples with regard to them, I would at least endeavor to divest myself of them. My word for it, if you withhold from the West what she now asks as a favor, you will hear, ere long, the same requirement in the form of a demand. Do gentlemen forget at what ratio the number and influence of the nine States in the valley of the Mississippi are increasing? Why, if I ever had any hostile feelings towards the West-and to all such feelings Rhode Island and New England are strangers-I would endeavor to make my peace quickly, while I was in the way with her. What Bishop of Cloyne said of North America, compared with England, may with equal truth be now said of the South or the East, viewed in reference to their relative future consequence, when compared with the West:

"Westward the star of Empire takes its way.

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[APRIL 12, 1830.

single year to one hundred and thirty thousand dollars, and that if, instead of wasting money on this road, we would consent to take off these duties, Virginia would be richer by that amount, and that one hundred and thirty thousand dollars may then be applied by that State to the construction of roads and canals. He affirmed that seven millions may be dispensed with from the revenue, and that sum can be equally well distributed. Now, I am in favor of repealing the duty on coffee in toto; and as Virginia will then have one hundred and thirty thousand dollars to be applied to internal improvements, taking the gentleman at his word, I think we may call upon that State to appropriate money to that amount. But if she shall be disposed to answer the call, how can she collect the money? If she does it at all, she must do it by direct taxation, the most odious and burdensome of all modes in which contributions of the people can possibly be rendered. How will the collector be met? When he asks for this new duty, he is, I suppose, to tell the people-you ought not to complain, your burdens have been lightened by a repeal of one hundred and thirty thousand dollars of the revenue; and how would he be answered? Mr. Collector, that is nothing to me; that is no relief to me; I have houses and lands, I use no coffee; at any rate, I am not compelled to use it; I will not pay your tax. Such must be the natural effect; an effect in which doubtless the gentleman will rejoice, because its tendency is to foster and strengthen a prejudice against internal improvements. And this brings me back "Time's noblest offspring is his last." to the question whether we are to have any internal imWe may withhold favors from them now, or deny to provements at all. Gentlemen cannot say that they exthem what is justly their due, but, rely upon it, we shall pect by direct taxation to collect a sum such as shall avail hereafter feel their power and the weight of their influence. for the accomplishment of any work of national importAlready the West has given us one President, and unless ance. And how shall we know when either to begin or I am greatly mistaken, she will not be satisfied with giving end, in making our exactions for revenue? We must reus one, but we shall have another, and another, and tain enough to meet contingencies, and defray the exanother. Is it then good policy for us to throw obstacles penses of Government. And suppose you have in the nain the way of their improvements? To the West, I say, tional treasury only one million, an amount that none will we must look for our next President. It is not my pro- say is too large, will there not be just as great a scramble, vince to designate or name the man; he who is now at the and just as many squabbles for that single million, as there head of the nation may be the man; the late distinguished is now for ten times as great a sum. We shall have all the Secretary of State may be the man; the late distinguished difficulties that we have now, while at the same time we Postmaster General may be called upon to exchange the have little or nothing to appropriate for the great objects judicial robe for the Presidential chair; in addition to these of national policy. And here let me drop one word as to illustrious men, I might point to a late distinguished Sena- an argument which is very common in this House, but tor, now a member of this House, a gentleman decked which addresses itself to the worst feelings of human nawith laurels and covered with wounds received in fighting the battles of his country. To me it is morally certain that South Carolina and New York might as well hang their harps upon the willow, for at least the next four years, General Duff Green and Lieutenant James Watson Webb, if they please, to the contrary notwithstanding. During this debate I have listened with great attention, and pleasure, too, to two venerable gentlemen, one from Tennessee, [Mr. STANDIFER] and the other from Pennsylvania, [Mr. RAMSEY]; their powerful appeals, addressed to their respective colleagues, ought not to be disregarded; they have told the House that whatever we may do on this floor, the people will ere long declare for themselves what is their will on this subject. The language of the gentleman from Tennessee was the language of plain, sound, practical common sense. He told us this bill was to result in the benefit of those on whom still rested the primeval curse, and who lived literally by the sweat of their brow. He told us the yeomanry of the country were desirous of an opportunity to convert their toil into money. I confess that appeal from such a quarter had a powerful effect on mean effect which I could not have been able to resist, had my prejudices been enlisted on the opposite side of the pending question.

But we were told by one of the gentlemen from Virginia, [Mr. P. P. BARBOUR] that the money asked for this design could be better used. He said that the duties on coffee, paid by Virginia alone, amount in the course of al

ture-the argument is, that other sections needed the benefit as much as that which happens to be presented to the House. Admit it. Must we, therefore, refuse all? Because we cannot do every thing at once, must we, therefore, do nothing! Because we cannot benefit all the districts in the United States pari passu, is this any argument why we should not begin to benefit any? This argument would have prevented all that we have ever done. In the plan submitted to Congress for the fortifications of our seaboard, designed for the Union, were all reported as works to be commenced at once? No; they were reported in classes, and numbered from one to five. Some would require more time to finish them than others. Might not this argument have been used in that case? Might not gentlemen have contended then, as now, that all these objects were needed? that one part of the country had as good a right to be defended as another; and, as we could not go on with all, we ought not to begin either? It comes to the same thing, because we cannot do every thing we must do nothing. Let me now advert more particularly to the constitutional argument.

It is said this road is not needed, either as a military, a commercial, or a mail road-that the interest of the money will cost us one hundred and thirty thousand dollars a year, and that sum will consequently be the expense of transporting the mail from Buffalo to New Orleans. This argument goes manifestly on the ground that the present state of things is to exist forever, and because there is no com

APRIL 12, 1830.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[H. OF R.

merce now immediately on the route contemplated by this | House, might he not, on the other hand, have presented to road, that there will continue to be none after the road is its view another picture, showing how, by her works of made. So, because there is no war at present, therefore internal improvements, and her vast system of domestic the military power of the Government does not authorize us at this time to engage in the undertaking. Gentlemen might just as well say that a man cannot be a soldier unless he is constantly fighting. The nation is not now at war, and of course it has not any munitions of war to carry; but does that prove it never will have! Another gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. COKE] tells us that roads are only needed where there is a dense population; but if a part of the country happens at this moment to be secluded from public view, it must always remain so, and its population must be always sparse, for the very reason it is so secluded. Why, if this country, through which, or near which this road is to run, had already all the benefits it would derive from the road, it is very plain that it would not want the road. But the great purpose of the road is to dispense those very benefits. Must the mail start from Buffalo and go all the way to New Orleans in one route, in order to constitute this a mail road? Surely not. It may be employed as a part of several routes, and the making of it will be warranted by the powers of the Government, in respect to the mail. Another argument of the modern Virginia school is derived from the unequal bearing of appropriations of this kind.

industry, England has been able to sustain the pressure of such a debt, and to remain strong and prosperous, and to march with a bold and firm step, though pressed by such a burden? The Government could not have borrowed unless her citizens were able and willing to lend. So the gentleman's argument goes only to prove that internal industry enabled the people of that little island to lend their Government a million of millions of pounds sterling. England knows where her strength lies, and she has wisely pursued a policy to foster it. By this she has been enabled to monopolize the market for all those resources of strength which grow out of her internal improvements and active industry. By this she has been enabled to subsidize all the Powers of Europe, and to make herself a party to all the battles of the world. Every body will admit that the present dynasty of France has no very particular attachment to the memory of Bonaparte, and yet we see them, from necessity, pursuing the course of his policy, and endeavoring to augment her internal resources. When that blood-stained conqueror was chained to a rock in the midst of the sea, what was it that furnished consolation to his reflections? His thousand victories? his bloody laurels? No! he himself declared that it was the remembrance that he had improved the condition of France, and that his works of internal improvement were of themselves enough to make his name immortal. With these works, and with his code of laws, he could have afforded to dispense with all his victories.

This argument, if admitted, would strike at once at the root of all the fiscal operations of the Government. It is a manifest impossibility that this Government should distribute its funds with exact mathematical equality, as if the whole surface of the country was a plain, and these distributions were to fall upon it as one vast sheet of water. One of the gentlemen from Virginia [Mr. COKE] repreSuch a state of things is impossible; it is forbidden by lo- sented the mountains of Tennessee as being of such a stucality, and the situation of our country. It cannot be ex- pendous height as to render the road to New Orleans of pected unless you raise all the valleys, and sink all the no practical utility. I do not pretend to an intimate achills. Nor can any one appropriation be made by the Go-quaintance with the geography of that portion of the vernment, the benefits of which shall be equally felt in all Union; but of this I am sure, that piling up Pelion upon parts of the country. All our appropriations are unequal, Ossa, will never raise a valid objection to this design, be and must be so of necessity; and the same inequality would the mountains what they may; the road can never come exist, and does exist, in appropriations made by the State in contact with them. The gentleman has relied mainly on authorities. I would ask these gentlemen from Virginia, Dr. Morse as his authority; (now he could not push that whether the money appropriated for the capitol at Rich-authority very far in Rhode Island, I can tell him ;) and on mond was an equal distribution of the money of the people that authority he tells us of the wide and noble rivers of that State whether the moneys granted for the erec- which penetrate that region, and which he seems to think tion of court-houses in the several counties are not local are themselves an all-sufficient highway for commerce, appropriations? The money for these objects is raised by mail, war, and all other purposes of travel. But what taxation over all Virginia: but what benefit did the people says the gentleman from Tennessee, who lives upon the in the western counties receive from the erection of so cost spot! He tells you, that during three-fourths of the year ly a building at Richmond? It is all idle to talk in this these roads are of no service whatever, their channels bemanner. Inequality is inherent in the nature of all human ing often so dry as to admit walking over them. And as to society. The same argument would prove that one indi- these Alpine mountains, which seem to have towered so vidual must not be appointed to a foreign mission, because much in the gentleman's speech, they are not so high as there are others equally fit for the place, and who have he imagines; and, whatever their height, they are mounequal claims on the Government for the same. It might tains of ore, and contain resources which will furnish comwith equal truth be maintained that the present distin-merce for the road to carry. We have two armories-and guished occupant of the chair should not have been chosen he tells us, if ever we have another, it will not be located Speaker, because there are other members of this House on this road, and the road will be useless. Is the gentlewho would discharge the duties of presiding officer as well as he does. This is the amount of the gentleman's argument. But, in addition to this, we find the old string has been pulled upon the payment of the national debt is to be retarded a bugbear which regularly makes its passage over the stage whenever any useful project is moved here which is to cost a little money. But, sir, that debt is so nearly discharged, and its payment so entirely within our power, that that argument is entitled to but little weight. The gentleman from Virginia carried us back so far as to year 1688, when the public debt of England was but one million, and now it is more than a million of millions. Very true, sir; and what then? That debt, however great, is owed to her own citizens; and, be it great or small, it was not contracted by works of internal improvement. But while the gentleman held up one picture to terrify the

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man sure that there never will be more than two armories in the United States? Is he quite sure that this road will never be employed for the march of an army? What is this argument but to declare that we are not in peace to prepare for war? Will not the same doctrine prove that we are not to increase our navy? that we are not to fortify our coasts?

But it seems that we are to reject this bill for consistency's sake. Because the Jackson party raised a hue and cry about Executive influence, and about the shameful waste of money by employing the engineers to make surveys in various parts of the Union, we must, out of consistency and pride of character, refuse this bill, and even that for the usual annual appropriation for surveys. Why, is it an incredible thing that that hue and cry was raised for mere political effect? Is it too much to suppose that

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