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H. OF R.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[APRIL 12, 1830.

have full confidence; and although thick clouds may seem and they will reflect-they will consider, and they will deto gather over us at this time-although there may seem termine in this grand question. With that determination to be a spirit abroad in the land, unfriendly to the perma- future Congresses would be content; and, acquiescing in nent existence of our free institutions-although, on some that determination, nothing more would be said or done great national interests, honest politicians may honestly about expending the property of all for the benefit of the few. differ in opinion, yet the republic will safely ride out the It is of no importance to determine whether more or less storm. Our country, our whole country, is a sentiment of the revenue is collected in one or in another section of which cannot fail to influence the public conduct of every the country. Although frequent allusions have been made upright legislator. The people may think differently to the amount paid into your public treasury by particular put in jeopardy their liberties, and they will act together. States, yet, is it not to be inferred from that circumstance If the majority of the tax payers of this republic are fa- that the inhabitants of those particular States are in that vorably disposed to the subject of internal improvements-proportion the actual contributors to your revenue? No! to this road-making project-the system will continue; if At ports of entry your revenue is collected, but the peootherwise, it cannot progress. And I do, therefore, en- ple-the consumers are the payers; and, although, in the treat gentlemen who profess to be the ardent supporters region of country where I happen to live, the people may of this system, not to halt, but to go forward, and put the not be known at the treasury, yet the wares and merchansubject home to every man in the community. Let the dise by them consumed draw heavily upon their purses, people not be deceived-let them see-let them feel the to supply the common fund; and whether the goods are effect of this policy at once. I presume that no member entered at Providence, or Boston, or Portsmouth, they are of this committee will pretend that he can, constitutional- nevertheless part of the consumers of the country, and ly, take a given portion of the common fund, and appro- pay their full and just share for the support of the Govpriate it for purposes of local internal improvements, unless ernment. he could impose a direct tax to the same amount upon the people for the same object. No, even in this day of strange things no such absurdity would be pretended. I would, therefore, for the purpose of ascertaining the true state of the public mind on this subject, which is in all probability hereafter to claim much of the time and attention of Congress, recommend to the warm friends of this measure to let the treasury alone, to keep their hands clean, and impose a direct tax upon the people; for the amount wanted. Raise a sum of five millions of dollars (for a less sum will not suffice) by direct taxation. Send your tax gatherers to every hamlet-to every man in your country; tell him you want his money for the purpose of constructing a national road from Buffalo to New Orleans, or, should the amendment of the gentleman from Massachusetts be adopted, from Boston, by the northern and western lakes, to the city of Washington, and from thence to New Orleans; and the return of these officers will tell you a tale that cannot be misunderstood. They will give you the honest state of public opinion; and I greatly miscalculate the signs of the times, if the present friends of this system would not then be found among its enemies. I greatly misjudge if the sovereigns of this country would not speak in such a manner as to make the throne itself tremble. At any event, in this way the honest, unbiassed sentiment of the public mind would be made known in relation to the important subjects of making local internal improvements, at the cost and under the direction of this Government. This would be the fair course. This would be the honest course. But the course now pursued, first filling your treasury by indirect taxation, and then taking therefrom what is wanted to answer particular purposes, is the most deceptive to the people at large.

The good citizens of my own State are not, and never have been, behind the citizens of the other States, in eontributing their full portion of physical and pecuniary means for the common defence of the republic, and for the advancement of its general welfare. But I hold it to be unequal and unjust that they should be taxed for the benefit of particular sections of the Union. Such a course strikes my mind as anti-republican-as against the spirit of our free institutions-as at war with the first principles of our federative Government. And entertaining such sentiments, we will not aid in such projects; as much as we love our sister States, and rejoice in their prosperity, we cannot but regard this measure as an attempt to appropriate a portion of the common fund for local objects, by mere numerical force, without the consent and against the will of some of the old members of the confederacy, who were partners to the original contract. And believing that I know the sentiments of New Hampshire on this subject, I should be unfaithful to my constituents should I withhold my vote against this project; should I suffer it to pass without raising my voice against it. I must oppose the measure as fraught with the grossest injustice.

It is not my purpose, at this time, to present an argument on the constitutional powers of Congress to construct roads-that subject has been often and ably discussed; but I have been, and I shall be obliged, in the further prosecution of this subject, to submit some incidental remarks in relation to the legitimate exercise of the power granted to Congress by the express provisions of the constitution, in relation to the subject of making local improvements at the expense of this Government.

I have said that I must oppose this particular bill now under consideration; and the principal reasons which have The consumers, who are the tax payers of this country, induced this opposition, independent of constitutional obannually contribute to the filling of the public treasury, jections, I will succinctly state.

I do believe that all these facilities of communication between one section and another section of our country should be provided at the expense of the several States, within whose limits such improvements are required.

without seeming to care in what way the money is expend- I do not believe that this road would be of such national ed. They know that a large public debt is outstanding-importance of such indispensable necessity, as to justify they know that the Government must be sustained-they Congress in constructing and perfecting it at the expense know that fortifications must be erected, and must be arm- of the Government. ed-they know that our navy must be supported, and that our army will not be deserted. They know these things; and they know that the resources of the nation may be legitimately applied to these objects. And they believe that their public servants will not appropriate from the I do believe that all appropriations made for such purcommon fund for anything not connected with the com- poscs, at the cost and expense of the General Government, mon defence or promotive of the general welfare. On must of necessity be unequal and unjust; bearing lightly this point a great portion of the American people have not on some sections of the Union, and heavily on otherssufficiently reflected, because their attention has not been bestowing your munificence on some sections of the Union drawn to it by any regard to their interest-but directly withholding it from others and on this account, such to them-put home upon them-let them feel, let them projects should not receive the favorable consideration of know that their money is wanted, and for what purpose, Congress.

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I do not believe that national expenditures for purposes of internal improvement, tend to a dangerous increase and influence of Executive patronage

I do believe that a sense of justice, which should invariably control the operations of our Government, requires, upou some fixed and established principle, a just distribution of the surplus revenue among the several States, provided that fund must continue to be drawn from the pockets of the people, for the purpose of being expended in the construction of roads and canals. I say that a sense of justice, in such a case, demands that an equitable division should be made among all the members of the confederacy. Any thing short of this would savor of injustice and oppression.

[H. OF R.

the munitions of war. That this nation would have this for a great military road, I am equally incredulous on this point as on the one which I have just noticed. It cannot be wanted for this plain reason that such are the facilities of communication which now exist between the different sections of this republic, that even should this country be visited with the calamity of another war, in that event, this road between Buffalo and New Orleans would be but little used as a military road. Better ways are now in existence or in progress for carrying heavy ordnance and all munitions of war from Buffalo and the region of the lakes, by our canals and our rivers, even to New Orleans. And such is the nature of these facilities for internal communications, that our munitions of war can, at all times, be conveyed with much less expense and loss than would be unavoidable in the use of this national road for any such purposes. I cannot regard this measure, notwithstanding all that has And such transportations can, at all times, be made with been urged, as necessary either for commercial or military the most perfect safety to the country, free from the danpurposes, or for the more safe or more expeditious trans-ger of attack from any enemy whatever. portation of the public mail. The inexpediency of this particular project, on these several points, has been most fully and satisfactorily shown, by the able argument of the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. BARBOUR] who first and dressed the committee; and at this late hour of the debate, I do not purpose to trespass on their patience by any minute examination of these topics, but shall merely give some very general views in relation to them.

These are among the reasons why I shall vote against this bill.

It is further urged that this road is intended for the transportation of the public mail, and in that view should be regarded as of sufficient national importance to warrant the expense of constructing and completing this contemplated improvement. I am free to admit that it should be among the leading objects of those who have the administration of the legislation of the country committed to their hands, to provide for the safe and expeditious trausportation and conveyance of the public mail. It is due to our citizens, it is due to the people that their representatives should do all that can with propriety be done, to give them the means of receiving information of the passing events of the times, with safety and with all possible expedition. Nevertheless, in the establishment of a post road, or in the construction of any way over which the public mail is to be conveyed, every unnecessary or imprudent expenditure of the common treasure should be avoided. Some sacrifices must be made for the public

It is alleged that this road would be of great national importance, in a commercial point of view; that, regarding it as the means of affording great commercial facilities, it ought to be constructed at the expense of the republic. I ask, where is the evidence in support of this fact? Where are the reasons, the considerations, which would warrant this committee in coming to this conclusion? We look in vain for them. They exist merely in the imaginations of gentlemen! They have no real foundation. It is not in the nature of things that our commercial intercourse between Buffalo and New Orleans can be, or would be, in-weal-individuals must submit to some inconveniences for ereased by the construction of this road.

the advancement of the general welfare. Now, this road Any individual, acquainted with the geography of the is not called for, to facilitate or to expedite the public mail country, cannot for a moment suppose that should this from Buffalo to Washington. It is well known that such rond, in course of time, become like the Appian way- a new way for any such object is not required, and would should it become perfected by the location of iron rails-not tend to the promotion either of individual interest or that any of the commerce of the lakes-that any of the of the general good. trade in the proximity of these lakes-that any of the business of Buffalo, or of that region of country, would be diverted from their natural channels. No; make this national road as fine and as perfect as the art, the ingenuity, and the industry of man can make it--still, not a single ton less of the produce of the country would float down the western canal; not a single ton less of merchandise would be transported upon it from the market to the interior.

And how is the fact in relation to the contemplated road between the city of Washington and New Orleans? Whatever reasons may exist for constructing a post road, on a part of the route, for the mere purpose of a more safe and expeditious conveyance of the public mail, I cannot for a moment entertain the idea that, at this period of our history, there exists any necessity for this Government to lend her aid in the construction of any public road, for any purpose whatever, through the territorial The great object of the farmer is to find a market for limits of these parts of the Union. Is it come to this, the produce of the labor of his hands. The great object that the funds of the nation are to be taxed to make a of the cultivators of the soil is to obtain, at the least possi-national road through Virginia, for the pretended purpose ble expense, a market for all they make to sell; and it can- of the necessary transportation of the public mail? No, not seriously be urged that the products of the agricultu- it cannot be; and I was not surprised-I was gratified-to rist or the manufacturers would be transported from hear one of the lineal sons of the ancient dominion, on this the region of Buffalo, over this road, through the State of floor, in so eloquent and so forcible a manner, repudiate Pennsylvania, to the city of Washington, and from thence that idea. to New Orleans. The idea is preposterous. A better The facts, which are within the reach of every member way is already provided-one, not by the funds of this Go- of this House, must satisfactorily prove that this road is not vernment, but by the enterprise and the efforts of a single indispensably necessary, either for the safe transportation, State. A better market is at hand; and our farmers would or for the more expeditious conveyance of the public be a little too attentive to their interests to abandon that mail. I cannot, therefore, feel justified, upon any view way and that market for this great national road, or for all of the subject, in lending any aid in accomplishing this the prospects of gain which Washington or New Orleans improvement at the expense and under the direction of could afford. this Government, on the ground that it is of a national character, and of national importance. And I am unable to discover why this better deserves the name of national road, than any public road which begins and which ends in my own State. It merits not the name; and we, the re

The expense of constructing this road cannot be justified for any commercial purpose. It is further urged that this road would be of great national importance, regarding it as the means of facilitating the transportation of

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presentatives of the people, ought not to appropriate the property of this nation in establishing this road, either for the pretended purpose of facilitating the intercourse between different sections of the Union-for carrying on internal commerce, as it is called-for the purpose of a military road, or for the purpose of a more safe and expeditious conveyance of the public mail. The object to be at tained would not justify the expense; and, as the faithful guardians of the interests of the people, it does strongly impress my mind that we should oppose the measure, at all events as inexpedient and as impolitic.

[APRIL 12, 1830.

perfectly well understood; the powers granted and the powers reserved by the people were not then matters of speculation. The great struggle, which had terminated in the establishment of our country's independence, was too recent; the people were then too jealous of power, to have accepted any charter of their liberties, containing any provision which might, by possibility, prove danger. ous to their rights as freemen. Never would they have jeopardized their equal privileges, by giving to the ma jority of Congress the power, at any time, to appropriate the common funds as their mere will and pleasure should In the course of my remarks, I have said, and I now direct. If such a power had been supposed to have exrepeat, that if the present tariff of duties should be con- isted under our constitution, it would have been early tinued; if we are determined annually to drain from the exercised; and I presume to state, that we should not at pockets of the people twelve millions of dollars more this time have had to cross over a road so badly made as than can be necessary for the gradual reduction and ulti- we now find between the city of Richmond and the Potomate discharge of the public debt, and to meet the ordi- mac. If such a power had been supposed to have existed, nary expenditures of this Government; if such a surplus the great influence of Virginia in the council of this nashall annually be at the disposal of the Congress of the tion would have been successfully exerted in the conUnited States; if this amount is annually to be distribut-struction of all her public roads, at the expense and under ed, under the direction and control of the National Legis- the direction of this Government. If such a power bad lature; if this sum, or any portion of it, is to be appro- been supposed, in our early history, to have appertained to priated on objects of internal improvement, I ask, how the Congress of the United States, not a road or canal shall it be divided? how shall it be distributed? In one would have been made without the application of the pesection of the Union Forbid it, ye ministers of justice! cuniary means of the republic. But no such sentiment was I answer, as the whole Union contributed to the common then entertained; no such idea was harbored by our polifund, let the whole Union participate in the benefits of the tical fathers. They then believed, and they then practised, distribution. As I have before said, apportion this fund, that Congress only had the power "to lay and collect upon some settled and equitable principles, among the taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, and several States, unless you are disposed to do a still greater provide for the common defence and general welfare of act of justice, by leaving it untouched in the pockets of the the United States." They believed, and practised, that people. they had not the power of laying and collecting imposts for any other purpose.

If the United States should receive no more from imposts than would be required to meet the current expenses of the Government, to provide the ways and means of extinguishing the public debt, would Congress presume to impose a direct tax, for the express purpose of collecting a fund to be appropriated in the construction of roads and canals, or any other objects of internal improvement not clearly warranted by the letter of the constitution? They would not dare to do this. Such an experiment, would, in my judgment, prove fatal to the best hopes of the friends of this system.

How would the proposition have been received, (by the tax paying people of this country,) to have incorporated a provision in the constitution, vesting a power in Congress to establish and regulate imposts, not for the purpose of collecting a revenue for the support of Government; not for the purpose of protecting any particular interests; but for the mere object of collecting a fund to be appropriated, under the direction of Congress, from time to time, on local objects of internal improvement? Sir, such a proposition would have excited a general feeling of hostility, from one to the other extreme of the confederacy. The constitution never would have been accepted by the tax-paying people of this republic, if such a provision had been expressly introduced into it by our political fath ers. They too well understood the character of the American people, to have recommended to them to invest in Congress any such power.

Would New Hampshire have gone forward, and by her vote unqualifiedly accepted the constitution as binding upon herself! Would any of the small States of the Union have done this, if the great States, in the legitimate exercise of their constitutional powers, could appropriate any portion of the revenue for making roads and canals, or for any objects of internal improvement? No, sooner would they have remained in their colonial relation to the mother country, than to have jeopardized their particular rights, by yielding any such general power; and not until the latter period of our history, have any such powers been attempted to be exercised. When the constitution came fresh from the hands of the people, its provisions were

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It was reserved for this day of strange things to give a different construction to the constitutional powers of Congress. In some of the members of this Union, admitted since the establishment of our present Government, a construction seems to be given to the constitution, compatible with an enlarged and liberal exercise of congressional power. And if the sentiments of the States are fairly represented by the opinion and votes of their delegates, there are some of the oldest States who now believe that a power exists in Congress to lay and collect imposts for purposes of internal improvement-such a liberal and enlarged construction to our constitution must have been the growth of modern time.

I cannot believe, however, such to be the sentiment of New Hampshire; and on this point I do not speak without authority. In 1822, our legislature had their attention drawn expressly to this subject, by our then chief magistrate; and I must ask the indulgence of the committee while I read from his message the following passages :

"The words to provide for the common defence and general welfare,' are merely mentioned as the objects for which the power to raise taxes is given, and the power to lay taxes is the only specific power given by this article of the constitution. Under this erroneous construction, a majority of Congress seem to suppose that they are invested with power to appropriate the national resources to objects of mere internal improvement, such as making canals and roads in the interior of our country, which have no connexion whatever with either the common defence, or the general welfare, other than that which all internal improvements, even the building of bridges or mills, or the improvement of the soil, possesses. It is too obvious to be disputed, that, if this clause of the constitution gives to Congress the authority to make such roads and canals, even a less extended construction of it must include every specific power vested by that instrument, and thus render them wholly impertinent and unmeaning—an inconsistency and absurdity which could not be admitted, except under the most imperative necessity. Were the phrase in question to be regarded even as a delegation of

APRIL 12, 1830.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road:

[H. OF R.

power to provide for the general welfare, yet, on every too heavy to be borne, and we will work out our own salknown and acknowledged principle of interpretation, it vation. We will go on as we have done; appropriate and would be liable to receive a strict construction, and con- work out as we have done, the annual tax of two hundred sequently could authorize only such measures of Con- thousand dollars, in making and repairing our highways, gress as were in their nature general, extending direct and in effecting the desirable objects of internal improvebenefits to every part of the nation, and not such as were ment under our own supervision.

directly beneficial only to a part, and to the remainder But if the present policy must be persevered in, if the merely incidentally, by possibility, or on some remote and people must continue to be indirectly taxed for the purpose uncertain contingency. The consequences which may of filling the public treasury, to be appropriated, under naturally be expected to result from giving so broad and the direction of this Government, in the construction of indefinite a construction to this clause of the constitution, roads and canals, the language of New Hampshire is-be as would authorize Congress to appropriate the national just. She does not solemnly protest against an act of resources to mere objects of internal improvement, ought such flagrant injustice as compels her while she makes her not to be disregarded in a consideration of this question. own roads, at her own cost, to appropriate annually one The national resources, so applied, would generally be hundred thousand dollars (twice the amount of her State directed to great and imposing objects in those parts of tax) to help the great State of Pennsylvania to make the country which were susceptible of them on that ex- hers. tensive and magnificent scale which would gratify those national feelings which always have a powerful influence, whilst those which were less adapted to gratify these feelings, although of equal or even greater importance, and those affecting the interests of the smaller and more remote sections of the country, would be either wholly neglected, or receive less than a proportionate share of the attention of the Government.

This expenditure of the public treasure is attempted to be justified on the ground that it serves to cement more firmly the various parts of the confederacy. It is a most fallacious and deceptive argument. The very circumstance of an equal distribution of the common fund, which must necessarily take place in effecting objects of internal improvement, would create distrust and jealousy among the less favored members of the Union; and if it has any bearing, its tendency must be of a character different from that which the friends of the system have urged.

"Jealousies and discord would inevitably spring from real or supposed partiality in the appropriations for these objects, and endanger that general harmony which is in But the fact is certain, that the State of New Hampshire timately connected with national happiness. It would does not require the exercise of any such power to bind greatly extend that indirect power and influence of the her to the Union. She fully realizes the value of our free Government, derived from its patronage, which ought al- institutions, and she would be the last State in the confedeways to be feared as a principal source of that intrigue racy to give up the ship. She rallies around the constituand corruption which has so generally destroyed or im- tion as the charter of her liberties, the foundation of her paired every thing valuable in human Governments. No hopes, and she needs not that rope of sand to rivet her af motives are discovered that should induce such a wish that fections. There is no disloyalty within her borders. Her the constitution might be found susceptible of a construc- citizens contribute much of her treasure, and have spent tion which should authorize Congress to expend the na- much of her blood, in procuring and maintaining public tional resources in mere objects of internal improvement, freedom. And while the names of her Stark, of her unless accompanied by a belief that these objects would Sullivan, and her Scummel, shall be remembered, so long be more judiciously and economically attained under the as the sacrifices and services of her revolutionary patriots direction of the National than of the State Governments. shall be preserved in mind, the loyal faith of New HampBut no facts or evidence are known to exist, which can be shire will never be questioned. Some solitary individual thought to warrant the expectation. In National Govern- may linger among the wilds of the interior, who has dared ments generally, (it is to be hoped our own may prove an to breathe forth the sentiment of disloyalty. But if, in fact, exception,) waste and profusion, corruption and favoritism, such a sentiment ever had a real existence, it never could connect themselves with every national undertaking and have extended beyond him who conceived and who brought expenditure." it forth.

The legislative assembly of New Hampshire-the imme- I have observed that I do not oppose the improvement diate representatives of the people, did not, on that occa- of your harbors, your ports of entry, for I cannot but resion, withhold the expression of their opinion on this sub-gard such measures as directly connected with the public ject. They responded to the sentiments of the Executive, welfare; and I have, since the commencement of this sesand declared, by their resolutions, which were adopted sion, voted for a just distribution of the avails of your with great unanimity," that the constitution has not vested public lands among the several States. in Congress" the power which is now attempted to be exercised, and that no such power should be vested in Congress. It was believed that the existence of such a power would be dangerous to the rights and privileges of the emall States. Such I believe to be the sentiments of New Hampshire-a sentiment I feel bound, no less from a sense of duty to my constituents, than from the force of individual feeling, to assert and maintain.

I consider, the public domain as the property of the whole Union, ceded for the common benefit, or purchased by the common fund; and I voted for this, because we were told by the President in his message, that we should not want the present amount of revenue, either for the payment of debts, or for ordinary expenses. And when the resolution of the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. CONNER] proposing a reduction of the duty on salt, was We have works of internal improvement's in that State, introduced, it was then immediately strangled-a duty which we should be pleased to have accomplished. But which bears most hardly on my own people. I became sarelieve us from the national debt, and then forbear to levy tisfied that the present tariff must be continued at all events. upon us unnecessary taxation. Free my own constituents Then Iwas for doing for the benefit of my people all that was from an annual tax of not less than fifty thousand dollars, within my power. I should have much preferred to have which they now pay in the oppressive duty on salt: relieve had a judicious adjustment of our tariff of duties. them from a like amount which is now drawn from their should have much preferred to have let the money remain pockets by the present duties on teas; relieve them from in the pockets of the people. I should have much prethe onerous duties on iron and on coffee; all which articles ferred to have had my constituents saved from the annual tax are of general use, and which duties remain in the aggre- on their industry of two hundred thousand dollars at least, gate as an annual tax upon their industry, of not less than in the way of duties on salt, on tea, on coffee, and on iron two hundred thousand dollars; free us from these burdens, articles of prime necessity, and which enter very gene

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H. OF R.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[APRIL 12, 1830. rally into their consumption. But I was convinced that tional scruples, would not have any serious scruples to this this would not be done; and although existing duties on road, if it could pass through their district. At any rate, these articles were not wanted for purposes of manufac- if it must be made, the route through their districts is the turing protection, yet Congress was apparently determined proper route, notwithstanding all the engineers have said to retain them; and the subsequent history of our proceed-upon the subject. The road is assailed by objections the ings will show that I had not formed erroneous conjectures. most various, and frequently of the most opposite kind. Under these circumstances, and with these considerations, For some, it is too far west; for some, not far enough; for I voted for an equal distribution of the avails of the public some, it is too long, and ought to terminate at Memphislands. I shall do it again—not out of any hostility to the looking towards Texas; for others, it is too short, and ought West, but because, in my judgment, their interest would to go to Boston, by the way of Lake Champlain. One thing not be injured, and a benefit would be conferred on my own is certain-it is too long and unmanageable to be laid upon the bed of Procrustes, and shortened and stretched to meet the views or gratify the wishes of every one. If mere local feelings are to influence us in all the proceedings of this House, what can ever be done for the good of the Union? So far as relates to me, I merely ask myself whether the scheme that is proposed is calculated in its nature to confer benefits on the whole country, without reference to any particular section of country.

citizens.

A few words more, and I have done what I have felt it my duty to offer.

This confederacy may, with perfect propriety, be compared to a partnership concern. The several States, as partners, contribute, according to the articles of agreement, their respective proportions, to make up the common fund. They are, under the articles of agreement, interested in this common property. All have contributed -all are alike, upon certain principles, entitled to the beneficial operations of the concern. But it would be no greater act of injustice for one partner, in any other concern, to withdraw not only his own investment, but actually appropriate the half of his associate's to his own exclusive use, against his will, than it would be for this Government to appropriate from the common fund, the property of all, or to use any portion of that fund for the exclusive advantage of any one of the original partners of any one of the States. We should pause and well consider before we thus act.

"The evil men do lives after them."

Mr. PEARCE said, he had finally succeeded in placing himself upon this road, not, however, without a struggle. How long he should remain upon it, he could not now say; but it was not his wish to travel it from one end to the other, a distance of thirteen hundred miles, and, as some gentlemen had told us, more than that: lest [said Mr. P.] (pointing to some notes before him) I should faint by the way side, I have taken with me some viands, from which I can receive relief if any should be wanted. I cannot, however, read a speech, for I never was able to write one before I obtained the floor, on any question or subject under discussion, and never able to write one out after I had finished my remarks. In either case, I could employ the gentleman now in my eye, (Mr. Stansbury,) much better than I could employ myself.

Is it not familiar to us all, that, although the western portion of this Union is entitled confessedly to an armory somewhere upon its waters, yet, owing to local disputes, and sectional differences of interest, the site has been a bane of contention for many years? From the time I took my seat as a member of this House, to the present period, there has been among gentlemen from the West a sharp and animated debate on this subject. Some have thought that Pittsburg was the most eligible situation, sonie West Tennessee, some North Carolina; and others, among whom I can name the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. JOHNSON] and his predecessors, that the district of country which he represents is the place which should be selected for that purpose; and, from all I can learn upon the subject, I think, with him and them, that it is-but so far as relates to my present argument, not but that the necessity for an armory somewhere upon the western waters existed, yet, owing to the divisions and differences which have existed, none has been established, and none will be, so long as they shall continue. If they cannot among themselves agree, they have no right, and cannot with propriety arraign the Government for withholding the appropriation of money necessary to commence an establishment of this description. The remarks which I have made relative to the western armory, will apply with equal force in reference to the establishment of a military academy in the western section of our country. More than twelve years ago a bill passed the Committee of the Whole House, estaThe gentleman who has just taken his seat will excuse blishing a military academy in the western section of our me if I do not follow his example. I appear before the country; but it was defeated, because gentlemen from the committee under circumstances somewhat different from West would not agree upon the place where it should be those of many others. It has been said that New England, located. Both the House and the country assented to the New York, and several other States, have no direct interest design. But such was the struggle of local interests, that in this road, and that, therefore, there is no reason why members here could never agree. In reference to this they should contribute their support to the bill, or their bill, and the proposed route of this road, it is sufficient for money to carry it into effect. The opposition has been my purpose and my vote, that it comes to us under favorurged, not merely on grounds of principle, but appeals able auspices, and recommended by those who have no inhave been made to the worst feelings of our nature-to terest in this or that route, which does not belong to them the selfish feelings of individual interest—as if nothing as members of this confederacy. The chairman of the ought to be done by any gentleman on this floor, unless committee who at a former session reported a bill in the it contributes immediately and directly to the interest of words of this, or similar to it, is a gentleman [Mr. MERCER] his individual district, or the State from which he comes, who, we all know, has given as much attention, and devoted I am influenced by no such feelings, and am prepared to as much time to subjects of this kind, as any member of this say, what gentlemen have told me was true, that Rhode House; and no one will deny that on this and similar subIsland has no interest in this road. What then? If the jeets his zeal has been untiring, and his exertions indefatination has an interest, is it right to withhold my vote, gable. The venerable gentleman who at this session reand refuse this measure my support Others can speak ported the bill in favor of this road, [Mr. HEMPHILL] for themselves, but it is sufficient for me if this road will comes from a State that is identified with internal improvecontribute to the benefit of the country at large; that con-ments; and at home, in reference to objects of this de viction is sufficient to command my vote, and, in obeying scription, he is first among his peers. What motive, it, I have no doubt I shall be sustained by those I am proud have a right to ask, has either of those gentlemen to preto represent. I know that designs of this kind present fer one route to the other, independent of the general very different subjects for legislation. We have all seen good? None, I think I am warranted in saying Sir, durthis difficulty, Some gentlemen, with all their constitu-ling the pendency of the bill, and this discussion which

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