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officer, after a careful examination of the law, was of opi- and to which reference had been made by the gentleman,

nion that it permitted the location of the land in tracts of had nothing to do with the present bill. The land had

a smaller size than an entire township, and they made their locations accordingly. But still within some of the sections, there were settlements which had indeed been abandoned, but whose owners, not having removed from the territory, were entitled to pre-emption. Finding such to be the case, the trustees were under the necessity of

applying to Congress; and, in 1827, a law was passed pro

viding “ that the incorporated Deaf and Dumb Asylum of Kentucky shall have the power, under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury, of locating so much of the township of land granted to the said institution, as has been taken by the claims of those who are entitled to the right of pre-emption in the Territory of Florida, under the provisions of the act aforesaid, which shall be located in sections upon any unappropriated and unreserved lands in either of the Territories of Florida or Arkansas.” Leave to re-locate being thus obtained, they located once more; but the true position of the boundary line between Florida and Alabama not being then accurately known, it happened, as he was informed, that a considerable part of the land had unintentionally been located within the State of Alabama. The mistake being discovered, a new location had to be made. In the mean time, to add yet further to the impediments and difficulties they had to contend with, their agent died; by which several months' furthe delay was occasioned. At length, however, the entire amount of the land granted was located in such a manner, he believed, as not to interfere with any improvements of the settlers. Sales were effected as before remarked, until all that portion of the land, or nearly so, which lay within the limits of the settlement, was disposed of; but, for the residue lying without the settlement, there was at present no demand. Mr. K. said that the trustees had no wish to impose on the people of Florida, nor did they ask to retard the settlement of the territory; but, on the other hand, they were unwilling to be forced into the hands of speculators. The question for the House uow to determine was, whether these unfortunate deaf and dutmb children, to whom the Government had extended the hand of beneficence, should be defrauded of the boon by a sacrifice of the land intended for their benefit. The institution was of a highly interesting character, and had a strong claim on the humanity of all who could pity the destitute. It was at present in a prosperous condition, supplied with instructors of the first abilitief, and in circumstances to receive and educate perhaps all the deaf and dumb children in the western States. He trusted the House would intepose its aid, and shield the children of its own benefactor from so great an injury, by rejecting the motion for postponement, and putting the bill in a train for its final passage, by ordering it to its third reading. Mr. VINTON having made a few remarks in support of the bill. Mr. SPEIGHT, of North Carolina, moved to lay it upon the table. Mr. LETCHER begged the gentleman to withdraw that motion, as it was highly o: to the prosperity of the institution that no further delay should occur. He hoped it was not the wish of any gentleman to do it an irreparable injury. The bill must pass now or never, . It would oceupy the time of the House but a very few minutes. Mr. SPEIGHT withdrew his motion. Mr. LETCHER then said that he regretted to see his friend from Florida making such strenuous opposition to this small bill; and he was persuaded that the source of that gentleman's hostility was to be attributed to feeling and to over-anxiety, lest some injury might happen to his territory, rather than to any solid reasons. The difficulties which had occurred heretofore in the location and sale of the land granted by Congress to the Kentucky institution,

been granted them under condition that it should be sold within five years. For reasons which had been very ". explained, the trustees would not be able to comply wit this condition. The gentleman had contended that a further delay would be injurious to the territory; and had affirmed, that, at the end of another five years, the land, instead of being worth five dollars, as at present, would probably be worth twenty. Now, if Congress, in its benevolence, had seen fit to grant a tract of land to the most unfortunate of the human race, would any gentleman on that floor say that the guardians of these deaf and dumb children should be compelled to sell their land for five dollars, when they might get twenty Surely not. The fact, if it was as the gentleman supposed, was the very best reason, not against, but in favor of the bill. It would not take long, however, to prove that, if compelled to sell now, they could not get five dollars an acre, or any thing like it. What individual, sir, ever received an adequate price for his property, if compelled to sell within a limited period Is he not forced to sacrifice it himself, or allow the officer of the law to do it? My observation through life points out at this moment no exception. The specyllator, always heartless and vigilant, is waiting with impatience for one thus embarrassed and pressed. He listens to no argument addressed to his sympathy or his justiceno appeal that necessity compels the sale, and therefore he ought to give a fair consideration. No, sir, that is the very kind of case he has been anxiously looking for; and, prompted by his cupidity, he will ruin the seller for the sake of his own gain. And would not this be the fact in reference to the lands given to the Kentucky Deaf and Dumb Asylum, if forced into the market? Would they not be sacrificed Could any gentleman seriously suppose, that, if it was known to all the buyers, that the land must be sold or forfeited within a given time, they would offer five dollars an acre for it? One would underbid, and another would underbid, and finally the object of the benevolence of the Government would be completely defeated. The institution is going on prosperously; it sustained a high character, and promised very extensive utility. All it asked, was for a little time. Its property was rising, and would soon command a respectable price. If the sale were compelled at present, the land must necessarily fall into the hands of speculators; and how would the Territory of Florida be benefited by the change? The speculators would not be compelled to settle the land, and would be sure to keep it up for higher prices. Florida would not be settled any sooner in the one case than in the other. If, however, gentlemen were desirous of defeating their own benevolence, all they had to do, was to vote for the motion of postponement, and then the greedy speculator would carry away the patrimony of these poor deaf and dumb children. Why should the House refuse to extend the time for sale { . If ten years instead of five, had been asked in the first instance, the one period would have been as readily granted as the other. The trustees had proved their willingness to sell—for they had actually sold twothirds of the land, Why not allow them the requisite time to dispose of the residue Mr. L. said, he had no personal motive in supporting the bill; the institution was not within his district; but he was acquainted with its condition, he knew it to be well conducted, and to enjoy a high reputation. It was filled with interesting youth, whose unfortunate privation bespoke for them the compassion of every benevolent heart. The gentleman from Florida, however, was unwilling to pass this bill, because there were other bills on the table containing grants of a similar character. But if that were the case, when those bills should come up, the o could oppose them if he felt it to be his duty, but ought not to urge his expectation of other bills as an argument

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against this one. A more reasonable and unexceptionable request than that of the trustees of this institution could not be made, and he felt perfectly confident it would be unhesitatingly granted by the House. Mr. VINTON said that he hoped the bill would pass. He could not think with the gentleman from Florida, that there was reason to apprehend the institution to which the land in question belongs would attempt to hold up its land from sale, so as to avail itself of an enhanced price by that meaus. It must be recollected, this was a charitable institution, and, like all such institutions in this country, presumed to be in want money. The land was in a state of nature, and situated in advance of the settlements; it is, therefore, quite apparent that the institution can never clear up and cultivate this land, so as to make it productive of revenue. As long the land remained unsold, it must be dead and unproductive property. It will, therefore, always be the interest of i. institution to sell this land, when and as fast as it can be disposed of at its fair value, and for less than that it ought not to be compelled to part with its P.I. It can never be the interest of the institution to hold up the land, and pay the taxes that would be assessed upon it; as I understand the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. KINCAID) the grant will be forfeited, unless the residue on hand is disposed of within a twelvemonth from now; and that about eight thousand acres remain unsold. Now, sir, every day, and every hour, diminishes the value of this land to its present owners. There are millions of acres of land, both public and private, beyond any present demand for settlement, in market, in Florida of every part of the western and southwestern sections of the United States. Many gentlemen on this floor, from those sections, who are proprietors of uncultivated lands, very well know that an individual who was obliged to dispose of eight thousand acres of wild land in the short ...? of a year, would necessarily be com: elled to sacrifice nearly the full value of his property. his institution can do no more than an individual, to effect sales on fair terms. It is therefore obvious, that, unless we grant the time proposed by the bill, which he thought quite little enough, the property of this charitable and humane institution would fall a prey to speculators, who would buy on their own terms, perhaps for one or two dollars per acre, laud which, from the remarks of the gentleman from Florida, there is reason to think may be worth tel, or twenty times that amount. Mr. WHITE briefly replied to Mr. LETCHER and Mr. WINTON. Mr. ISACKS was in favor of the bill, but thought the time asked was longer than necessary; and moved to reduce the proposed extension to three, instead of five years. Mr. DANIEL opposed the amendment, and supported the bill. The question was put successively on the amendment and the indefinite postponement, and both motions were negatived by large majorities. Mr. WHITE then moved an amendment, to provide that the lands should beliable to taxation as private lands; which motion was also negatived; and The bill was ordered to a third reading, by a large maiority. J o, House again went into Committee of the Whole; Mr. HAYNEs in the chair, on the

BUFFALO AND NEW ORLEANS ROAD BILL.

Mr. MERCER rose, and spoke two hours in continua.tion and conclusion of the speech which he commenced in support of the bill when it was last under consideration.

Mr. HUBBARD said, it must have occurred to every individual who had observed the course of proceedings in the Congress of the United States since the adoption of our constitution, that a most important and somewhat extraordinary change had taken place in the character of its legis

lation within the last fifteen years of our history. Instead of now being confined to an equitable adjustment of our exterior relations—instead of now being confined to the transaction of our public business, and to the liquidation of private claims against the Government—instead of be. ing limited exclusively to measures designed for the com: mon defence, or for the advancement of the general wel. fare—instead of having the legislative action of Co confined to objects of this character—instead of giving heed to those things which shall, in effect, advance the great interests of the republic—of this whole republicinstead of providing ways and means to extinguish out national debt, and to secure a revenue, for the further purpose of defraying the necessary expenditures of the Government—it would seem that, within the period named, the legislation of Congress has, to an alarming, extent, been directed to local and limited objects. It would seem that the course of our modern legislation has been for the protection of the few, to the injury of the many; and from the numerous and multifarious applications which have flooded in upon us since the commencement of the ho sent session, to appropriate portions of the common fund to objects of local and internal improvement, it would seem to be the order of the day, that we should sit here, as session justices—receive petitions for new highways —hear the reasons for and against—pass judgment there on; and should the contemplated improvement begin in one, and end in another State, we are at once to give it the name of national—send forth our brigade of engineers, to mark and survey, and to return to us a profile of the improvement. Such proceedings are not unfrequent in my own region of country: they in truth, constitute almost exclusively the jurisdiction of “the session courts in New England." But, in my judgment, they illy comport with the dignity, or accord with the legitimate action of Congress. The little excitement which was manifested the other morning while this bill was under discussion, when it was proposed by one gentleman to change the route so as to pass the other side of the mountain; by another, to confine the course to the metropolitan route; and, when it was suggested by a third that he could not, as much as he loved his constitu. ents, through whose territory the road was intended to pass, “go for the whole hog,” that he must stop at Memphis—it could not fail to bring to mind the events which ordinarily happen whenever applications are made for the laying out of new roads, especially when such contemplated improvements would, in effect, divert the pub: lic travel from the doors of our early settlers; on this subject, more than on any other, the people are peculiar! sensitive; and the scramble over the way satisfied my mind, most conclusively, of this fact, that each of the parties litr gant conscientiously believed that this great national road to give it a more perfect national character, should pass directly through his own national district. The gentle men were not prepared to go quite so far as a very honest but zealous yankee did on a certain occasion, when an application had been presented to the proper authority for a new road, and which if established, would divert the travel from his own door: he declared its impolicy in the most emphatic manner, by alleging that, starting from the given point, and travelling either north or south, east or woot, you must pass his own habitation. No, the gentlemen who were engaged in asserting the claims of their favorite routes, were not quite so extravagant as my own countryman. But, from what was then heard, from what was then seen, from what is invariably heard and seen on similar occasions, we are forced to say, “O, judgment, thou art fled.” The various plans of the parties concern could not fail to impress our minds, that, starting from Buffalo, going east, southeast, southwest, or south, or, according to the mighty project of my friend |Mr. Rich

ARDson] from Massachusetts, going northeast to the waters

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of Champlain, still we should be conducted on the great national road from the northern and the western lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, from Buffalo to New Orleans. Yes, it does seein, from what has transpired, that we are here. after to be constituted as the great road court of the country; ond whenever a new highway shall be wanted in any oue of the States of this Union, which may, by chance, accommodate an itinerant citizen from another State, it is at 9nce to receive the baptismal name of national, and thus be Presented to our consideration; and with such an imPoing character, (judging from what has taken place,) it will not fail to receive the deliberate and successful atten. tion of Congress. I should not have submitted any remarks to the committee on this subject, did I not feel constrained by a sense of duty, a duty which I owe to my tonstituents, to state, most distinctly, the reasons which have induced ine, and I presume my colleagues, to vote against the bill which has already passed, making appro. priations for the Cumberland road; and which will induce one to vote against the bill now under consideration. Before proceed to state my objections to this bill, I must ask the indulgence of the committee for a few minutes. while I advert to some of the reasons which were urged by my worthy friend from Massachusetts [Mr. Richardson] in favor of the measure. If I rightly understood that gentleman, this project had his support; that his feelings were warmly enlisted in its favor, not on account of its own intrinsic merits, but for the reason that it might and would lead to other improvements nearer and of more in: terest to him and his constituents, and which could not fail to secure New England influence in favor of this system of internal improvements. And the gentleman, with great sagacity, and with his usual force, for the purpose of getting up a New England excitement favorable to this project, and for the purpose of securing the votes of her delegation in favor of this measure, proposes to connect with the project now under consideration, a plan for extending the road from Buffalo to the waters of Champlain, and from thence to the great market town in New England. And the gentleman has gravely told us that a road of such extensive dimensions, passing from New Orleans, by the way of Buffalo and Champlain, to the city of Boston, through not less than twelve States of this Union, would be so national in its character, so grand in its object, of such vast importance in a commercial and in a military point of view to the country, that it would be so conducive to the countmon defence and the general welfare of the republic, that he should feel constrained with all his heart, strength and mind, to give to such a mighty measure his

most unqualified support. If the gentleman had been a little more comprehensive in his extended plan, he might possibly have hushed, in every part of New England, the silent murmur of discontent. If, after winding through Vermont, he had passed down the banks of the Connecticut, by Hartford, to Saybrook, and from thence had continued a metropolitan route by Newport and Providence to Boston; if the gentleman had enlarged his plan by establishing one other branch, passing from the lake to the Connecticut, thence through the White Hills to Portland, and from thence on a metrolitan route through Portsmouth to Boston, he would i. added three more States of the Union to his number, and the plan would have been so national in its character and in its object, would so much increase the facilities for commercial intercourse, would so essentially aid the military operations of the country, would so directly contribute to expediting the conveyance of the public mail, that, if the gentleman is not mistaken in his doctrine. every Yankee voice in New England would be loud and clamorous in favor of this mighty scheme. But, if the gentleman has erected his superstructure on a sandy foundation, it will ultimately fall. If reason and if fact stand opposed to theim .* contemplated by the gentleman

OL. VI.-96.

from Massachusetts, he can never expect the co-operation

of the intelligent yeomanry of New England. They will

not be deceived. They can never yield their assent to a measure of so great and so gross injustice as the one now under consideration. They never will voluntarily agree to such an inequitable distribution of the common fund, as is provided by the present bill, or even as would be provided by the bill with the gentleman's amendment. Let us examine with some minuteness the plan of the gentleman from Massachusetts, and see whether New England should give her aid for the road from Buffalo to New Orleans, with the belief that this contemplated addition would be of the least practical advantage to a single State within her borders. Whether, in truth, if the whole F. of the gentleman could be perfected, it would not ereafter operate to our detriment, at some future period of our history, when our surplus revenue shall be divided among the several States upon principles of justice and equity—will it not then be said, * the national road of the gentleman from Massachusetts has swallowed up the portion of New England Believing, as I do, that for no national purpose whatever can a new and independent way be wanted from Buffalo to Boston—believing, as I do, that the construction of such a road would not add to the existing facilities of communication in any point of view— I cannot consent to tax my constituents with such an unnecessary expenditure of the public treasure, even within the territorial limits of New England. It would be a mea: sure of great inexpediency, and to New England herself the height of impolicy. Her doctrine now is, ever has been, and ever will be—waste not the common fund, but mete out to her and to every section of the Union the measure of equal justice. She asks no more at your hands; with less she ought not to be, and never wilf be, willingly satisfied... I could not have supposed it possible that any individual, with a knowledge of the existing facilities of communication between the interior and the market of New England, could have conceived the idea of constructing a new national road at the cost and charge of the United States, from Boston to Lake Champlain, and from Champlain to Buffalo. It looks to me like one of the most extravagant fantasies that ever entered the head of the most extravagant enthusiast. The present exigency of the country for any national purposes does not call for such a road. If such a road was at this moment well constructed and made, it could not, in the nature of things, tend to increase the commercial intercourse, or to augment the facilities of communication between those two points. There is but little difference between the latitudes of Buffalo, and Boston. And establish railroads, or any other facilities of communication, from Lake Erie to Bostou; give them, if you please, the imposing name of national ways, and you could not then induce the farmer, destined to market with the produce of his farm, to cross the Hudson. No; when he arrives there, he well knows that, in twelve hours, he can be conveyed to the largest and to the best market in our country, by the safest, most direct, and most expeditious way and mode. And as soon would you find fire in ice, as find the farmer of Buffalo travelling on the gentleman's national road, with his pigs and his poultry, to the market of New England. Men never will voluntarily act against their own interest. The Erie and the Champlain canals, and the waters of the Hudson, have brought the market of New York near to the farmers of the northern and the western lakes; and it would not happen, that such an intelligent and sagacious body of people as compose the farming interests in those regions of country, would ever transport their produce from the Hudson, two hundred miles, either over railroads or national roads, to the market of New England. But this is not all. The gentleman must, j to his scheme, leave the western canals—the great highway of the western country—and wind his way through the inte

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rior of New York; and, if he designs to find the waters

If a portion is to be dealt out to my own State, New

of Champlain at Plattsburg, he would carry usin a north- Hampshire should direct and control its expenditure. It

eastern direction, into the northeast county, and almost to the northeast corner of that State. In such an excursive range, he would assuredly lose his point of compass; he

is not in her heart to desire any unnecessary, any useless

expenditure of the common property, even if that expenditure should be made within her own territory. No such

would find himself two degrees, at least, north of his line. sentiment, no such feeling exists among the people of that

But the gentleman, probably, goes on this principle, that the more circuitous the route, the more national the object. From Plattsburg the gentleman would undoubtedly trans. port us across the lake, on floating bridges, to Burlington; from thence, on his national road, by Onion river, to Montpelier; from thence, by White river, to Hartford, in Vermont; and from thence, by Concord, in New Hampshire, to Boston. This looks well on paper, it sounds well in story; it may have entered the imaginations of some of the most zealous friends of internal improvement within the limits of New England. It may, for aught I know, be among the numerous plans in contemplation, upon which the surplus revenue, the property of all, the common fund of the nation, is hereafter to be expended. But, mark, my word: the warmest supporters of these measures will never live to see a road constructed and supported by this Government from Buffalo to Boston. Some New England gentlemen may honestly believe that it may take place; some gentlemen may sincerely wish it. But for one I am incre: dulous. The influence of New England never has, and never can be successfully exerted in obtaining appropriations from the common fund for the purpose of accomplishing local objects of internal improvement within her own limits. If considerations of interest should control my vote on this question, as one of the delegation from New England, as one disposed to look to her interest, I should j. to oppose, in every shape, the appropriation of the public money for local purposes. But other consid: erations in connexion, which I shall take the liberty soon to suggest, have produced on my mind the conviction that I have no right to put my hand into the public treasury, and draw from thence, for particular and local objects, any portion of the public fund, the property of all, without the consent of all. I have said that the expectations, the hopes of the gentleman from Massachusetts would never be realized. And why? For this plain, this forcible reason: there does not exist any necessity for this great and contemplated improvement. The condition of the highways from the lakes to the ocean forbids the idea that millions of the public treasure will be expended in effecting improvements not absolutely required by the exigencies of the country. No, if we can, and if we will, go on in appropriating money, or parts of the public domain, for local and particular objects, the West ofthe Southwest will be ready, with open arms and with irresistible claims, for years yet to come, to receive all that can be spared from your public treasury. It will be said, and be said with effect, when the proposed amendment of my friend from Massachusetts shall be under consideration, that Vermont, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts have already anticipated the Government, that their roads are already well made. You do not, as might be imagined from the character of the proposition, and from the remarks of the gentleman from Massachusetts, after crossing the waters of the northern lake, pass into a trackless wilderness. No; but you find a highly cultivated country; a rich, a prosperous, and an enterprising people; men who know the value of your institutions; men who have fought for your liberties; men who are patriots, not in word but in deed; men who have, by their own pecuniary and physical means, constructed as fine “national" roads from the lake to the ocean, as honest hearts could desire, as faithful hands have ever wrought. And, unless I greatly misjudge, the good people of my own State would not wish to have the common fund appropriated in the furtherance of such a project, its

granite State. The general welfare is her text and her commentary. It is perfectly true that the country cannot boast of better roads, roads wrought with her own hands, than are now to be found in the very route and over the very ground hereinbefore described; and which route must have entered the imagination of the gentleman, when he conceived his grand national project. If I am mistaken in the contemplated plan of my friend from Massachusetts—if it is his purpose to strike the waters of Champlain at Whitehall, and wind his way through Vermont to the banks of Connecticut, near my own native village, and from thence to the market of New England, I would merely suggest that all that I have said in relation to the inexpediency and impolicy of the measure, on the northern route, will apply with equal force to the course last alluded to. It is well known that, from the Connecticut river, through this section of New Hampshire and Massachusetts, every facility is already furnished, at the exclusive charge of those States, for the transportation of the farmel's produce, for the accommodation and comfort of the traveller, as far as the construction and completion of good roads can furnish such facilities. The present exigencies of the country do not call for this improvement through those sections of New England. And her influence should not be enlisted in favor of the bill before us, from the idea that the contemplated amendment of the gentleman from Massachusetts will be adopted. The true policy of those in New England who are the devoted friends of a system of internal improvements, most clearly is, a just and o distribution of the common fund, upon the principle of representation, to be expended under the direction of the States. This would give to her equal rights. Without this, New England never can, and never will, have meted out to her a full measure of justice. The existing state of her roads, and the existing facilities for internal communication, forbid the idea; and her delegation, looking solely to her interests, would do well, in my judgment, to oppose every appropriation for improvements in any one State, without an equitable appropriation, upon the Pop! just stated, to the other members of the Union. In New Hampshire, not a dollar of the common fund has ever been expended in the construction of her public roads. The people of that State have, by their own voluntary contributions, established and made every road within her limits. I have said that these roads are wrought by the voluntary contribution of the people. The remark needs explanation. The members of the town corporations in New Hampshire—the purest democracies in the known world—assemble at stated periods, with equal rights and equal privileges. The man who has attained the age of twenty-one years, whether he be or not the owner of property, has the same political power as the richest of his neighbors. And, at these primary meetings, composed of the people, who are most emphatically the true sovereigns of this part of our country, money is voluntarily voted, for the purpose of making and repairing public highways, and for the further and worthy object of instructing and educating the rising generation. For these and for all other purposes necessary for the well being of society, the people freely vote to tax themselves. In this way, not less than two hundred thousand dollars is annually raised in New Hampshire, for the making and repairing of their public roads. In this way, but little less than a like amount is annually raised for the support of her free schools. And the money is not only raised, but it is most faithfully applied and expended; and, “year following year,” the people reap their

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reward, in the improved condition of their public ways and in the improved state of those who shall come after them. In New Hampshire, the cultivators are generally the owners of the soil. Her practical husbandmen are the yeomanry of her State. Her citizens are not less distinguished for their habits of industry than for the purity of their patriotism. In the manner I have stated, by the application of our own means, have all the improvements in the roads and canals in New Hampshire been made; and it cannot be supposed that I would be silent, with a knowledge of these facts, and see drawn, indirectly from the pockets of my fellow-eitizens, annually, the enormous tax of two hundred thousand dollars, (which I will attempt soon to explain,) for the purpose of constructing new roads in Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Carolina, three of the oldest sisters in the confederacy. No, I feel myself called upon most solemnly to protest against a measure of so gross injustice. True it is, that Virginia has been first and foremost in opposing this encroachment on constitutional right. True it is, that a majority of her delegation will stand forth now in opposition to the measure before us. But it is no less true, that the bill contemplates the construction of this national road through a portion of her territory. Whether with or with: out her consent, I know not. But my argument is, if this road is wanted for any public purpose—if it is necessary— let Virginia follow the example of New Hampshire. Let this road, within her limits, be made by her own pecunia and physical means. And whenever such a necessity shall exist—whenever the exigencies of the country shall require a new and eontinuous national road from the seat of Government to New Orleans—there can be no doubt, from the course which Virginia has heretofore taken, that she will construct this road, within her own limits, unaided by the General Government. The gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. ARCHER) who addressed the committee a few days since, remarked, that if any appropriations were to be made for purposes of internal improvement, they should be given to the West. I do not stand here to make any sectional distinctions; I do not intend to controvert that point with the gentleman from Virginia; it is enough for me to know, that on this question we shall act in unisou ; but I would wish to put the gentleman right. As far as it respects the State which I, in part, represent, the remark is unjust. I have hereinbefore stated, what is strictly true, that not a dollar of the publie money has ever been expended in the construction of her roads. No such remark can with truth be applied to the western States. True, in New Hampshire, a light-house has been built near the outlet of the harbor, at Portsmouth; a measure which was of all importance to the safety of our public as well as of our private ships. True, a navy-yard has been established within her limits, and wisely and judiciously established; and if it were neeessary to show this, I think I should find little difficulty in satisfying this committee, that, notwithstanding the bewildering fogs which at times hover over our sea coast, the navy-yard at Portsmouth, considering its perfect security, and the entire safety of that harbor, should be sustained. Yet, sir, this pittance, if reports and rumors, are to be relied upon, is soon to be denied us. These works are exclusively national; they do not materially affect the State in which they are located; works which were established with a proper view to the general welfare. And, while the western States have been permitted to carve liberally from the public domain, for their benefit, the State of New Hampshire has, unaided, managed her own affairs in her own way. While appropriations, exceeding in amount seven millions of dollars, have been made for the exclusive advantage of the western States, New England has done her part in paying; but, with the exception of a few thousands to Maine, she has not received a dollar for local ob

jects. I know full well that such allusions and comparisons should not be made on this floor; but I could not let the suggestion of the gentleman from Virginia pass unnoticed. I should feel unwilling to have that gentleman suppose that New Hampshire has had any portion of the common fund meted out to her for any purpose of internal improvement. I cannot but regard the improvement of our harbors and navigable rivers, the erection of light-houses and of breakwaters, as so essentially connected with the commerce of the country, from which we derive the greater portion of our revenue, as objects falling clearly within the legitimate action of Congress, under the express power given by the constitution to regulate commerce. I cannot but regard fortifications and military roads as so essentially connected with the common defence, and with the general welfare, as objects properly claiming our consideration. For all such objects, I have felt myself bound, as I would contribute to promote the common defence and advance the general welfare, to give my support. And in favor of every such measure, during the present session, my vote has freely been given. Beyond this I cannot go, consistently with my own views of the constitutional powers of Congress, and consistently with my regard to that sacred principle of strict and impartial justice to each member of the confederacy in the distribution of the common fund. Until I shall believe that general and particular—national and sectional—limited and unlimited—reserved and unreserved, are synonymous terms, I can never yield my assent to a construction of the constitution, by which instrument authority is expressly given to Congress to provide for the general welfare; that this power is legitimately exercised by Congress, in appropriating any portion of the public property for local purposes. I can never yield my assent to the doctrine, that a road from Buffalo to Washington is a national road; that a road from Washington to New Orleans is a national road; or that a continuous road from Boston, by the northern and western lakes, by the seat of Government to New Orleans, is a national road. It cannot deserve such a name, unless it be necessary to the common defence of the country; or unless it be clearly productive of the general welfarethe welfare, not of a part, but of the whole republic. In my judgment, such a description of highways i. merits the name of national roads. Nor can I conceive that any partial expenditure of the common fund, for local objects, can have any tendency to rivet more strongly the various members of the confederacy—to cement more firmly the great boud of national union. No, sir, in my humble judgment, a totally different effect will be the consequence of such partial and limited legislation. It is admitted that the ingenuity of man has never yet produced a better form of government than our own; and that no government could be devised, better calculated to subserve the great interests of the American people. And, sir, it may with great propriety and truth be said, that no people have ever enjoyed more real happiness—more rational liberty, than the people of this republic; and may it not be urged, that this . ment of freedom, in which the American people have hitherto so largely participated, has been the result of confining our legislative operations within the pale of our written con: stitution? that we have had with us our political fathers and friends, who laid the foundation of this republic—to tell us the story of olden time—to remind us what was granted and what was reserved by the people—to warn us of the danger of giving any forced construction to the charter of our liberties, and to remind us to keep within its letter? No doubt, sir, but the seasonable admonition of these early friends of the republic have had a most salutary effect—have induced those who have come after them to rally round the constitution of the country as the grand pillar of their liberties, the only sure foundation of their political peace. In the virtue and intelligence of the American people' I

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