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APRIL 6, 1830.] Military Pensions.—Steamboat Accidents.-Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union; let them be printed, and let all the members have an opportunity to examine them. If the House should then decide that articles of impeachment should be drawn up, all would have been done that the accused could rightfully ask.

MILITARY PENSIONS.

The House resumed the consideration of the following resolution, reported by Mr. BATES, from the Committee on Military Pensions, on the 8th of January last:

66

[H. or R.

Mr. W. said, he offered this resolution, because he believed the House possessed the power, and might, by a proper enactment, greatly diminish, if not altogether prevent, the recurrence of the distressing accidents which now so often take place on board of steamboats. Whoever [he said] had read the account of the late dreadful calamity on board the Helen Macgregor, must be satisfied that Mr. W. wished to be understood, that the committee would it was owing to the negligence of some officer of that boat. be glad to receive suggestions from any person, or from any quarter, which would assist it in framing an efficient bill on the subject. As exemplifying his object, [said Mr. W.] he would mention one idea: it was to require, that should be raised. whenever a boat stops for any purpose, the safety valve At present it was the practice, for the

Resolved, That the Committee on Military Pensions be instructed, agreeably to the President's recommendation, in his message of the 6th December last, to review the pension law, for the purpose of extending its benefits to every soldier who aided in establishing our liberties, and who is unable to maintain himself in comfort, and to re-purpose of saving fuel, to refrain from letting off the steam, port to the House a bill for that purpose; and, also, that regardless of human life. said committee be further instructed, agreeably to said recommendation, to report a bill for the relief of all those who were, during the last war, disabled from supporting themselves by manual labor."

Mr. WILLIAMS moved to amend the resolution by striking out the latter clause, expressing his willingness to provide for those who served in the revolution, but not for those of the late war.

such accidents on the Ohio originated as Mr. WICKLIFFE had suggested, and he approved of the object of the resolution.

Mr. WHITTLESEY had no doubt that all the cases of

The resolution was agreed to, nem. con.

BUFFALO AND NEW ORLEANS ROAD. The House then again resolved itself into a Committee Mr. J. W. TAYLOR expressed his sentiments in favored the consideration of the Buffalo and New Orleans road of the Whole, Mr. HAYNES in the chair, and resumof the motion to amend, and gave an estimate of the number of soldiers of the late war already on the pension list, together with some reasons which induced him to feel an indisposition to extend the provisions of this resolution in relation to that class.

less than nine months."

Mr. BURGES stated that it was his object to make the bill definite and practicable.

M WILLIAMS made some remarks in reply to Mr. BURGES, and in opposition to the motion to amend; and asked for the yeas and nays on the question, which were ordered.

Mr. DE WITT moved the following modification of the amendment, which was accepted by the mover:

bill.

mittee in opposition to the bill. He was by no means surMr. ARCHER, of Virginia, rose, and addressed the comprised at the manifestation on the part of the committee, on The question was then taken on Mr. WILLIAMS's a former day, of indisposition to bear with further debate. amendment, and decided in the affirmative, as follows: He believed he might truly say that there was no gentleman on that floor, who, having been so long a member of yeas, 145-nays, 29. Mr. BURGES then moved to amend the resolution by than himself. Old a member as he was, his voice had the House, had been found more abstemious in debate adding the following proviso: "Provided that any aid thereby intended shall compre-matters connected with the committee to which he bescarcely been heard during the present session, save in hend only such part of the militia as served in the revolutionary war, and were engaged in some distinguished longed. He felt, at all times, indisposition to address body of volunteers, or were draughted to fill up the conti- There were occasions, however, on which a public man even willing ears, much more such as were unwilling. nental army and served therein, and that in either for not ought not to be restrained, by minor considerations, from expressing his views of important public questions. He considered the present as an occasion of this description. It was his sincere belief that there lay at the root of the present discussion considerations which ought to be stat ed-to be stated freely-more, to be stated boldly. His capacities for public services in any mode, he estimated as humbly as any man could do; but, as regarded its responsibilities in these, whilst taking a part in this service, he could permit no man to go before him. He should feel as if he did so. That, State had been accustomed to claim a representing unworthily the State from which he came, place behind no other, in the necessary assertion of truth here. He feared that, on the present occasion, however, the palm must be yielded to another State-to New York. He had been both struck and gratided by the tone exhibited by several gentlemen from that State, [Mr. MONELL, Mr. ANGEL, and Mr. STORRS] on the last day of the discussion. New York had only to exhibit, on all occasions, a similar spirit of uncompromising disinterestedness, in reference to the legislation of this Government, and she would indeed deserve the appellation of great, which it was becoming fashionable to bestow on her: for a State, like an individual, could be truly great but by one mode the practice of a real public spirit. More than one gentleman from that State had given, on the occasion alluded to, what he [Mr. A.] feared was a just view of the question. The committee had been told truly, that the question was not of the construction of a road, but of the erection of a great policy, of which the bill was designed as the foundation. Of this policy, the road had been called the pioneer; and the appropriation demanded for it, the

"Whether such service was performed during one uninterrupted series of nine months, or at different periods of the war, amounting in the aggregate to nine months." Mr. BURGES then made some observations, which were cut short by the lapse of the hour.

TUESDAY, APRIL 6, 1830.

The House having resumed the consideration of the resolution respecting military pensions,

Mr. BURGES rose, and withdrew his amendment, not wishing [he said] to appear opposed to giving any thing to the militia of the revolution, though, for the reasons he had already assigned, he thought the plan impracticable. The question was then taken on the original resolution, as modified by Mr. WILLIAMS, and decided in the affirmative by yeas and nays—110 to 39.

STEAMBOAT ACCIDENTS.

Mr. WICKLIFFE submitted a resolution, instructing a committee to inquire into and report some regulation by which accidents on board of steamboats, from the explosion of the boilers, may be prevented,

H. OF R.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[APRIL 6, 1830.

Where was the necessity? If a road made to the frontier of one State met another passing to the frontier of the State adjoining, there was no need of State compacts; yet it was upon this supposed necessity that the argument alluded to rested for its support.

earnest-money of a wide extending plan of wasteful and selfish dilapidation of the public treasury. Into the justice of these representations, he meant presently to inquire. He must be indulged, in the mean time, in a word of exhortation to the gentlemen from New York, to whom he had allusion; and that was to remain of good heart, It was the use of a road which constituted the test of its even though their apprehensions should be verified. A nationality. What were the uses supposed to be of this predatory and privateering legislation might unfurl the character? Three were claimed-war, the mail, and comflag of this system of internal improvement, and all would merce between the States. The conduct of war, the transstill be well, if their great state would ride by the side of port of the mail, and the regulation of commerce between the South in the battle, and partake cordially in the war, the States, were uncontested national functions. Subserfor the preservation of the resources and purity of the vience to either of these, therefore, constituted a national Government. use of a road. The question now, it was to be rememberThe question, then, was on the foundation of an ex-ed, was, not on the authority to construct roads for these tensive system of the construction of roads by this Go- uses-that, as belonging to the constitutional inquiry, was verument. Not on the system in its fullest extent, how- a point passed by; it was on the policy, the advantage of ever. It was admitted to be confined by a character of instituting a general system of roads, or of the construction nationality in the works to be adopted. Mr. A. had no of this particular road in the bill. Did either of the na intention of going into the constitutional question brought tional uses mentioned, or all of them, demand either the to view by this remark. He hoped he had too just a taste general system or this road? These were the points to be to allude to any subject out of place; and it would be out considered. And, first, of war. This was a national use. of place to allude to the constitutional question in this The nation might make roads for war, if, and so far as, place. Till some force of eloquence, like the fabled their exigency demanded. And what was the character power of music in ancient times, could be found to awaken of this exigency? Its extent! The exigency was to meathe stones around, and bring the dead from the regions of sure the policy, to determine the propriety, of the parti darkness to light, let no chord of that discussion be struck. cular road. Did this exigency demand a wide spread sysTill that time, let it lie by the wall. The General Go- tem of roads-(not in time of peace only-even in time vernment was empowered to make roads of a national of war. The particular road would-be noticed presently.) character. This was the ground assumed. This requisite The exigencies of war, in this respect, were not only exof nationality, it was impossible, in speculative reasoning: tremely limited as to space, but occasional only, and of unto deny. How far the condition had been heretofore, or certain and temporary duration. Could such exigencies was likely to be observed in practice, every man was aware, found an extended system of roads-sustain a general poLet it be supposed there were no constitution in this Golicy in this respect? The exigencies of war, in particular vernment, and yet the complete system of State Go- circumstances, demanded the condemnation of private vernments subsisting with it. Would its jurisdiction even then extend to a concurrence in every function of the State Governments? Who could be so absurd as to suppose it? Who did not perceive that the States were, at the same time, separate jurisdictions, and parts of a general jurisdiction; and that there must be functions appropriate to each, and exclusive respectively of either, or why the superfluity of a double establishment of authorities, and, worse than the superfluity, the mischief, as they must be perpetually in conflict with no line of demarca tion? It would be the inevitable conclusion, therefore, that there was an appropriate province of jurisdiction for the nation, as for the States; and when any function was presented for exercise, or act to be performed, the proper inquiry would be, to which of these must it be assigned? By what test was this to be decided? Obviously by the purpose and use of the act or function. If the results and use were to be national, then the function belonged to the authority of the nation, and not otherwise. The use, then, was the test. The application of this test neutralized the entire force of the argument of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. HEMPHILL] by whom the bill bad been introduced. That gentleman had contended that the extension of a road into more States than one, of itself, conferred on the road the character of nationality. But if it was the use which gave its nationality, then the mere extent of the road was entirely immaterial. A road of half a mile from a fort might have this character. A road passing through every State in the Union might want it. The truth of this remark was apparent. If the mere extension of a road made it national, as no road passed to the frontier of a State without the certainty of finding another there to meet it, every road to a frontier must be national; the principle, from which this conclusion was fair, proved too much, and must therefore be rejected. It was equally a mistake to maintain, as the same gentleman had done, that, in order to the construction of an extensive line of road by the States, it was necessary there should be compacts between the States engaged in the construction.

property-that the suburbs of towns should be burnt. Would this justify a general policy of condemnation of property and burning the suburbs of towns in time of peace, or even in time of war, before a special case of the exigency arose? The argument was the same as to roads for war. The function was limited to the concurrence of the exigency, and measured by its extent.

Then, as to the mail and commerce. Was any man found affirming that roads ought to be made for the mail, merely, supposing this is the only use for them? No one asserted this proposition. Every one would disclaim it. Then there was an end to the suggestion of the mail exclusively furnishing the foundation of a general policy of making roads.

Next, as to commerce. The function claimed for the general authority in this respect, was to regulate commerce. Was not the construction violent, which converted a power to regulate, into a necessity to make roads for commerce! Pass this by, however, as approaching the constitutional question. Subserviency to commerce between the States was a national use. Did it require the construction, in policy, (for that was the question) of roads for this object, where there were none previously to be found; that is to say, were this fact proved, there was no occasion for them? If there were occasion for roads, there would have been roads; or, if there were none in particular directions, no evidence could be better, that they were not demanded by the exigencies of commerce-the discussion now turning, not on the improvement of roads, but the policy of constructing them. The system found them, not a real warrant, but a color and a name only under commerce.

Mr. A. would now advert, [he said] in the way of illustration principally, (the question engaging real interest relating to the general policy,) to the character of the particular road which the bill presented. He should touch this point very briefly, as that which had been most discussed. If, as the opponent of the general policy, he had been called upon to state a case to expose it, he did not

APRIL 6, 1830.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[H. OF R

know that he could have selected one more favorable than sented was, that another agent, with its funds, would be the present. A road from the city of Washington to Buf- added to the States. But this benefit would be realized falo, national and necessary! Why? Because the mail to a very partial extent only. Why should the States aphas its centre of emanation at the seat of Government, ply their funds to the object, after it had been settled that does it follow, that munitions of war, and troops, and the the General Government had taken on itself the office? course of commerce, must emanate from the same point? Would not the States, in prudence, wait for the action of Commerce demanding the construction of a road from the General Government, and expect their improvements Washington to Buffalo! What proposition could be stated from its funds? There was but one consideration to premore ludicrous? The course of such a road would be vent-that the General Government was to be limited to transverse to all the commerce intervening between these works national in their character. But that this limitation points. Gentlemen designed to take from us all merit would be nominal merely, we were already instructed by in defeating their system, when they rested it on such pro- | the highest information of experience. The question jects. Where were the terminating points, and of course was, therefore, not so much whether the General Govthe tracts and directions of war and commerce? Along, ernment was to be added, as to whether it was to take the and at every part of the seaboard frontier and the north place of the States in the office. The inquiry. was not of ern! Every road leading to either of these destinations, a gain, but a substitution of an agency for others. And was, or might be, subservient to these uses. Had either which of these functionaries, the General or State Governbranch of the road in discussion a termination in one of ments, was the better fitted for the conduct of operations these frontiers? Both branches had; but both at points of this kind? Why was it admitted universally that an the most remote from the centre whence they were made individual, or body of individuals, were better qualified to emanate, by routes the most indirect; diagonal to the than any Government, or than any corporation even? And tracts which commerce does, or war or commerce may be a corporation better than a Government? All consent to expected to pursue. Desirous to avoid detail, Mr. A. the fact; and why? The proposition is established in rearested on the statement of the general incontrovertible son, as well as experience. The more general and reproposition on this point. If the mere fact of a road ter- mote au authority, the less its qualification for an execuminating on a frontier made it national, all roads with that tive function of complication or detail. It must be so, in termination were of this character. How many points the nature of things. The superiority of the resources were there in the northern frontier, of less importance of the General Government was suggested, however, as than Buffalo? Was Buffalo the chief point in relation to the counterpoise to the admitted force of this objection military operations during the late war? Were there not to its energies in the policy of internal improvement. But points of superior importance higher up, and a large ex- why and whence this superiority? The common fountain tent of frontier lower down the lakes and the St. Law- of resource is the pockets of the people. If the Generence? Why not all the roads on this frontier be compre-ral Government had any superiority of resource, then it hended in the principle set up? Mr. A. insisted that they had only to remit taxation beyond the demand of its pemight. He affirmed the principle in its full extent. The culiar and proper occasions, and the superiority disaponly advantage of Buffalo, in relation to supplies of mili-peared. tary munition or commerce, was, that it constituted the point of termination of the longest of the New York canals, forming the obvious and best channel of communication through the States from the seaboard; and of course superseding the necessity for a road terminating at the same point.

Take the southern section of the road. Having its course through the centre and heart of the interior, it could have relation to war at its extreme point only, New Orleans; to which the proper and most available channel of supply of every kind was found in the never-failing and rapid current of the great stream on which it stood. Where tributary streams did not present themselves, or were deficient in water, the roads of the superior and supplying country determined principally to this natural channel. Were other points of the seaboard threatened, the course of transportation would be across the route of the proposed road, which approached the maritime frontier in a line converging, and not direct. The error of ascribing to either section of the road an important office in regard to war or commerce, proceeded from consider ing Washington as an issuing point of either, as of the mail. This was a fallacy, yet the sustaining principle of both branches of the road. The streams of defence or commerce had Washington for their source, no more than routes transverse to the direct approaches of the northern frontier or seaboard for their tracts, or single points, on these borders for their termination. The supplies of either would have reached their destination, in time to have accomplished their purposes, before the laggard course of this road could be traced.

His purpose to this point had been [said Mr. A.] to strip the system he was combating of unfounded pretensions. The value of internal improvement by roads, it was to be remembered, formed no part of the question. The question was, whether this Government should assume the function of making them. If it did, the benefit repre

An advantage not inferior was claimed for the General Government, as regarded the modes of raising money from its exclusive control over imposts, which were con sidered at once the most prolific and accessible of the sources of revenue. What was the real advantage of this, over the modes of direct taxation? It would be found to consist in the operations being covert, and the contributors not knowing what they paid. That is to say, the recommendation of this mode of raising revenue was its delusion-that it cheated those it fleeced. He would not [said Mr. A.] affirm it to be desirable that the General Government should be divested of this resource. It might be indispensable in war, when all resources were demanded; or in debt of large amount, which war might leave behind it; or occasionally as an arm of defensive, countervailing, commercial regulation. But when demanded by no imperious consideration of one of these classes, he did affirm, as his deliberate opinion, that the suspension of its exercise would be attended with decisive advantages. A federal Government was too remote from the people, and wore to their view too much the aspect of an unrelated Government, to be supervised with the rigor which, more than any other, it demanded. It was of peculiar importance from this cause-that, as regarded its modes of raising money, there should be no disguise; and of application of it, no extraordinary liability to abuse. Duties were a disguised mode of raising money, and internal improvements a mode of application of it, in the highest degree open to abuse. Why this last! Because works of this class demanded large disbursements, continued for long periods, and in complicated forms. Disbursements in these circumstances invited the attempt at abuse, and facilitated success. Because the operations which works of internal improvement required, were of a nature which, from their difficulties, removal from common knowledge, complexity, and the number of persons and extent of agency demanded, did not rea

H. OF R.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[APRIL 6, 1830.

dily admit economy, and did readily admit infidelity as re- | State authorities could not be compelled to give effect to garded both their execution and management. The Gen- the laws of the United States. They might assume and eral Government derived, therefore, no recommendation for the office of internal improvement from its peculiar control over imposts, more than from the nature of the function to

be exercised.

exercise this office, but it was optional. This option, however, had reference to laws of civil character only. As regarded those of penal character, it was uncontested, that the State courts could not have jurisdiction given to A further recommendation of the prosecution of internal them, though they should be willing to exercise it. It would improvements by the General Government, had been urged, be an anomaly, said the lawyers, for one political authorifrom the supposed tendency of this policy to introduce afty to execute the penal laws of another. But the regufinities of intercourse and interest between quarters not lations required for the protection of roads demanded otherwise intimately related; and, in this manner, to exert penalties. They could consist of little else than the dean influence conducive to the harmony and cement of the nunciation and enforcement of penalties. In proportion Union. There could be no higher recommendation if it to the multiplication of roads, these would have to be augwere well founded, certainly. mented, not in number only, but severity also. The States But was any influence of this auspicious character to be were precluded from the office of their enforcement. What justly ascribed to the operations of the policy? Was not remained? This Government must have a system of road the real influence exactly the reverse? The different quar-police of its own, courts, and officers, and force. Its preters of the Union had very unequal occasions and demands sent paraphernalia in this respect would not suffice. Its for works of internal improvement. Some had accom- courts and officers were too few, at distances too remote plished, or nearly so, their whole occasions of this descrip- from each other, and from the scenes in which they might tion. Would a spirit of concord be diffused in these quar- be called to act. These distinct judicatures and officers ters, by the spectacle of large and continued appropria- must be established for this special purpose, and provision tions in modes in relation to which they had no participa- made for the maintenance of their authority. And all this tion of interest in the objects or in the disbursements complication of arrangement was to be encountered-for Was a patient condition of feeling in these circumstances what? For maintaining this Government in the exercise to be expected? Jealousies and discontent-would not the of a function, to say the least, demanded by no necessity, occurrences of these be inevitable? This was in the sup- as the States could perform it very well, and for which, position of honest administration of the system. But how for the very reason that it is the General Government, it strong were the inducements to administration of an oppo- was wholly unfit. site character? Discontent would have to be appeased or repressed! By what methods? By gratifications to lull, or interested combinations to stifle, their expression. Where, too, was the limit to this evil in degree or time? Such a system prove a source of harmony! A cement to the Union! This was estimating the operation of scrambles of interest very strangely! Not harmony, but excitement, open or concealed distrust; and under outside amity, smothered hostility-these were the fruits. An extensive system of internal improvement in the name of harmony! The cry would indeed be "peace, peace, when there was no peace." No! Such a system would prove, eventually, as fatal to the harmony as the purity of the Government. The Union would not break-that would imply a remaining solidity of consistence-it would dissolve under this influence; for rottenness does not break, but loses its coherence of parts from loss of the principles which cemented them!

But waiving other objections, supposing the policy good and wise, have gentlemen familiarized their minds-he might say, their nerves-to the complication of parts the system will involve? If this Government have roads, it must have supervisors of them. This very road will demand a number. The thousands which will be made to connect with it-the tens of thousands of which the principle which gave this birth, will be prolific, what armies of officers must they call into being? Where is the complication of this system to have its end? "Where the patronage, to call it by no harsher name? Were Congress converted to a board of public works, where would room be found for this new office? The Executive employed in its function of appointment, would not his hands be filled?

But, furthermore, the roads constructed, must have provision for their protection. They cannot be left destitute in this respect, as the history of all roads of expensive construction proved. But the office of protection, it could not be confided to State regulation. This might be inadequate, or in its exercise remiss. A State might have no interest opposed to a road being placed in a condition to demand repair, or even a direct interest of reverse character. It might be jealous, moreover, of the competition of federal roads with those constructed by its own citizens or authority. There must be safeguards against all these contingencies. It had been decided in the courts that

Such was the character of this policy of internal improvement, to be executed by the Government of the Union! And now the question naturally arose, [said Mr. A.] in what manner it had happened that the policy had not only been proposed, but to no inconsiderable extent adopted and carried into practice? He was brought to this view of the subject, little agreeable, but most important. It had happened, by a peculiar coincidence, that the French revolution, the parent of so many important consequences, had its birth in the same year with the constitution of the United States. The agitations growing out of this event, it was known, had given the fullest employment in attention to external relations and interests to the Government with which we were most connected, and our own. Small scope remained for attention to subjects of mere interior concern. This state of things subsided with the general peace of 1813. This subsidence, in its general character and aspect so auspicious, was attended, however, with an incidental effect of most injurious operation. It led in this, and most of the European States, to the adoption of what is known as the protective, or tariff policy. He was not going into any discussion on this point, however invited by the allusions of the debate. Why? When so many, his superiors in judgment, retained the excitement which perseverance in this policy, here, had awakened, why was he calm and at ease, though partaking entirely the reprobation of its principle and operation? It was from the conviction that, in a free State, truth and public interest must eventually vindicate themselves. He had, therefore, no question that this policy must eventually frustrate itself. His belief was undoubting, that in a period which he hoped would not be very long, many who were now most forward in pressing and maintaining this system, would be ashamed to avow they had been its friends. We had some foretaste of this result at this session. in the invincible repugnance which had been manifested over and over again to bring the practical operation of the system under discussion. The time would come, and probably before the discussion would be permitted, when there would be nothing remaining to discuss. To return to the subject, however, the best and most beneficial institutions were never found exempt from a mixture of evil operation; nor was our excellent federal system exempt from this common law. The subsidence

APRIL 6, 1830.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[H. OF R.

of the excitements growing out of a general state of war, cured completely. He only wondered how he could ever by general peace, had left Government, here as elsewhere, have fallen into it. Individual men, with very rare exroom for the exercise of its energies in interior operation ceptions, must submit to the control of circumstances. Government could never be sufficiently imbued with the Operating for an object so alluring, what policy could they important truth, that its greatest evil was over-action; nor be committed to, which would not bend to that which was men get rid of the belief in which they were bred, that they personal-the extension of connexions-the debilitation of were to regard its operation as the positive source, and not rivals-the advancement of pretensions. He mentioned merely the guardian of their prosperity. Its proper bene- this as no peculiar reproach. The thing, he repeated, was ficial province was, in preventing intrusion-keeping inevitable-must be so. Although he was ready and ripe hands off-its own as well as the hands of others-from in- then for coalition, in reference to the Presidency, it should dividual exertion and its fruits, which formed the real not be on the pretensions of any individual. But if a cansources of all public as well as private prosperity. If he didate who promised to bring weight to the election stood were called upon to state what had been pre-eminently cominitted by position, not profession, (for that he should the curse of human society, he should say too much go- have little value,) to vindicate interests and principles vernment; and that produced, in a great degree, by the which he [Mr. A.] considered as suffering injustice and epidemic frenzy of believing that its operation was an oppression from the present operation of the Government, active principle of prosperity. Our federal system was for any candidate in these circumstances, he was willing liable, in a peculiar manner, to mischief from over-action. to go into confederacy. If any candidate standing in this From the vast and varied extent of surface it supervised, commitment promised strength to tear away this parasite it embraced necessarily an unusually great diversity of tariff which wound around the trunk of the Union to suck interests so great as in instances to become inimical. out its vitality, for this candidate he would go into coaliThis must, of course, happen in a greater degree, and tion. If any promised weight to sink this picaroon policy there would be a greater warfare of these interests under of internal improvement, for him he would go into coalia federative system than any other. Contiguous interests tion. were little disjoined or easily reconciled. Not so of the • He had been led [said Mr. A.] into this course of inciremote. To what did this lead? It had been said, in re- dental remark in the way of illustration. Having no perlation to religious sects, that their diversity and multipli- sonal interest to serve or injure, it was no merit that he cation were the safety of the State, because, if any one aim spoke with unreserve. The proposition he wished to inat ascendency, the others will be in activity to arrest it. culcate was this, that coalition among special interests, emBut this remark was not transferable to interests of social braced by our wide extending system, to obtain ascendency character. It was true of religious sects, because it be at the expense of others, or the general interest, was an longed to their nature to refuse coalescence, and the more inherent evil of the system, the qualification to its otherviolently as they approximated accordance in their tenets. wise transcendent excellence. In the theory, the strength The observation had held, over the whole world, in every and counsels of all were to be combined for the safeguard region; but social interests observed no such law, and, of each; but the operation did not correspond to the puleast of all, under a federative system. They are widely rity of the theory. It was this circumstance that furnished dispersed, moderated by none of the affinities which neigh- the key to incidents which had given so much occasion borhood engenders, even among opposing interests. Each to surprise in our proceedings here. The smallest sums seeks its gratification. How are they to attain it? There of money would sometimes be denied to the most essential was but one mode of any extensive success, and that was public service, and the most prodigal grants made the by the coalition of several, making the weak strong, and same day, in lands or money, to schemes having obthe strong safe. This mode had the advantage, besides, viously only doubtful or inconsiderable claims to favor. of extending responsibility and shame. Men were em- The solution was no secret to persons familiar with the boldened to do what, without this principle of support, scene. The disbursement in these cases furnished the they would hesitate to avow to their own thoughts. The motive, was the benefit contemplated, not the nominal obprinciple itself was of inevitable operation in our system. ject to be effected. Let the pension system be an examTake that one of our public concerns which, in point of ple. This system, as regarded the selection of subjects in interest, had come nearly to absorb every other, as an il- reference to indigence merely, was said (he believed lustration-the election to the Presidency. How much had truly) to have had its origin in a mistaken estimate of the this to do with merit in the candidates? Every body knew numbers it would comprehend. Unceasing efforts were that was of subordinate consideration. No man, in a sphere made of late, notwithstanding, to enlarge its compreso diffused, by personal merit or qualification, (excepting hension. Had these efforts any connexion, as the aspect always the influence of revolutionary service, or some sig- imported, with zeal to provide reward and relief for renal achievement,) could command a popularity sufficient-volutionary service! No one was imposed on by prely general to insure success! Why? Every quarter had tence of this kind here. The real inducement was known its pretender, limiting the circle of pretension of every to stand in contrast to any impulse of enthusiasm or geneother. How was any to obtain the goal, in the jostle of rosity. It was a simple principle of pecuniary calculamovements on the common object It was only to be tion. The purpose was to transfer a heavy poor rate to achieved by combination of countervailing or separated this Government, from quarters in which the burden pretensions, till a predominance was created. The lever pressed unequally, if each sustained its fair proportion; of some powerful motive must be set at work to roll the and then, by extension of principle, to augment to the utlogs together, till the pile was raised to the required ele- most the benefit from the disbursement. There were, of vation. Did he mention this in any way of stigma to in- course, exceptions, and a mixture of motive, but this was dividuals? Not at all. He stated it [said Mr. A.] as the leading one. A bill had passed one branch of the an inevitable infirmity of our form of Federal Government. Legislature, at this very session, to enlarge the limit of inThe thing was not so by accident or occasion, but necessi- digence entitling to relief, to one thousand dollars—a sum ty. So far from quarrelling with what was inevitable, for which would be regarded as independence for the body one, he was disposed to turn it to account; for there was of the population anywhere else, though it constituted leno form of evil from which good might not be extracted gal indigence with us. If the extension had been proposfor its alleviation. He was willing now-at any time-he ed to a larger sum, within any boundary that would not avowed it to go into coalition in relation to the election threaten counteraction from public indignation and shame, for the Presidency. Not for a man-he was done with so- the success would have been no less unequivocal. licitude as related to particular men. Of that folly he was

The expenditures for fortifications illustrated the same

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