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MARCH 29, 1830.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[H. OF R.

cle shoals of the Tennessee. Here it must cross the river; is already provided with a much better means of transportbut by what means its passage is intended to be effected, ation than would be afforded by the proposed improvethe report does not inform us; it is thence, through many ment? Not so, sir, in the direction of the middle route; difficulties, conveyed to the Mississippi, at or near Baton there we do not propose the absurdity of making a nationRouge; from thence it follows the banks of that river to al road that cannot be needed; but, on the other hand, its New Orleans. This is emphatically the western route, construction in a direction different from that of the the one particularly recommended by the gentleman from streams flowing to the Atlantic, must afford a very extendVirginia; [Mr. SMYTH] yet, sir, notwithstanding the en- ed accommodation to the inhabitants of the intermediate gineers report the distance of this line of road from Wash- sections of country, by facilitating the transportation of ington to New Orleans to be twelve hundred and eighty- their produce, if not to the destined market, at least to two miles, and that of the middle route, through North some point from which they would have the advantage of Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, only eleven hun- water conveyance. A preference founded on this view dred and six miles, the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. of the situation of the country east of the mountains, is BLAIR] has roundly asserted that the western had the ad- clearly intimated in the report of the engineers; and alvantage in point of distance. [Mr. B. explained-he re- though it may not be found to obtain with equal force ferred to that through East Tennessee.] I certainly should throughout the entire line of survey, yet its general existhave understood the gentleman as he now explains him- ence affords a sufficient reason why it should weigh much self, but he is still unsustained in his position; for the same with the committee in fixing the direction of this road. report makes even his favorite direction longer than that But there is in my part of North Carolina a description of of the middle survey; the difference is indeed inconsider trade that would be peculiarly benefited by this measure. able; but it is decidedly in favor of my side of the moun- We have much intercourse with South Carolina and Geortains; but the other gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. gia in one direction, and Virginia in the other. To these ISACKS] will, no doubt, admit me to be correct, when I States the farmers of my district of country are much in state that I understand him as joining the gentleman from the habit of wagoning their productions, either for the Virginia, in recommending the road through West Ten- purpose of exchange or barter, or with the more desiranessee. Taking this, therefore, as the western project, ble object of effecting a sale for cash. I will not say, sir, I will assume it as the standard of the comparison I intend that this trade exhibits the numerous caravans of wagons to institute between the different lines surveyed. I have that we are told are seen crowding along the western road; already shown that distance, a very important considera- but I will say, it is far from being inconsiderable, and is tion, is decidedly in favor of the middle route; and I am much increasing, especially in the southern direction, and equally confident that the facilities for constructing a good is of sufficient importance to claim our attention in the and durable road are also on my side of the question. It consideration of this part of the subject. is true that the report exhibits little or no difference in this respect; but the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. ISACKS has himself furnished the proof that corrects the error of the engineers in this particular. He has shown the entire unfitness of his country for the making of even a tolerable way, according to the plan proposed by the bill; and it is so for the best of reasons-the great depth and richness of the soil of that favorite and highly favored region render it unfit for the construction of a road composed of earth only. This is a partial inconvenience that we have all understood to apply to the gentleman's country; but which needs only to be stated, to convince us that its very existence implies an incalculably greater benefit in the abundant fertility of their lands.

Then, sir, whilst the bill proposes a road constructed of earth only, it is through the comparatively poor region of my State, and a large extent of the survey still farther south, that a soil will be found most happily adapted to its construction; it would not only be more cheaply made, but, when done, would be of a much more durable character. But, in a commercial aspect, it is contended that the western direction possesses very decided advantages; yet, if I rightly understand the report upon this subject, even that authority will be found in favor of the middle route, for all purposes of internal commerce. By casting the eye over the surveys through East and West Tennessee, it will be seen that they are carried for many miles in a direction parallel to the course of the Tennessee, and other navigable streams, and often upon their very banks, or at the distance of but a few miles. Instead, then, of this improvement being called for by the absence of water communication, the road, if established as proposed by the bill, can only be regarded as an anxiliary or substitute for the navigable streams every where to be met with in its neighborhood, and running in the same direction. This is not only true in the State of Tennessee, but is remarkably so through a portion of the country still farther south; for not only are smaller streams to be accommodated with this road, but for at least three hundred miles it is found traversing the very banks of the Mississippi. Then, is it not evident that much of the country through which it will pass VOL. VI.-87.

The military advantages of this western road have been heightened and embellished by frequent allusions to the city of New Orleans, as not only the scene of military operations, but as the theatre on which imperishable renown was obtained. Every idea of defence connected with this road seems irresistibly to terminate at this memorable point. My colleague [Mr. CARSON] was certainly very happy on this part of the subject; and although I could but regard some portion of his argument as underrating the importance of improvements in time of peace, tending to security in time of war, yet the reasons offered by him were quite sufficient to show the utter inutility of taking this road out of its natural course solely with a view to the defence of New Orleans: for, whatever possible necessity there may be, at some future day, to muster the sons of the West at this far-famed theatre of war, I can but believe that they will find their way thither more cheaply and expeditiously through other modes of conveyance than that which this military road would afford; and, sir, I have not heard it contended in argument, that any other point on the line of this western road was likely to present a field for military operations-no necessity is intimated of saving us from ourselves in the West; for, whatever may be thought of the South, all is peace and quiet in that quarter-there the spirit of insubordination is not thought to threaten disunion, or endanger our reposethe only possible cause of apprehension arises from their assertion of claim to the lands of the Government; and, for one, I hope, ere long, we shall remove this source of contention and apprehended danger, by making distribution of them among the several States of the Union.

But, sir, should I even be disappointed in this favorite measure, they do not threaten the Government with a military array in the field of battle; but it is here, sig, in this hall of legislation, that we are told the Western States will soon embody themselves in such numbers as no longer to petition for, and receive as a boon, that which they will then claim and obtain under the semblance of right.

With a view, sir, still further to diminish the claims of the route east of the mountains, the gentleman from Pennsylvannia [Mr. HEMPHILL] has said that we have on that

H. OF R.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[MARCH 29, 1830. side a dense population, and are consequently capable of | admit that, in acting here, we should, in the language of defending ourselves. Admit, for the sake of argument, the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. HEMPHILL] rethat this is now so; that, though presenting an extensive gard ourselves, on all general questions, as merely citisea coast, assailable at numerous points by an invading foe, we require no interior preparations with a view to a state of war. I say, sir, admit the gentleman to be correct in this, yet I would ask him how long will this be so? Deny us this, and continue to withhold other benefits to which we are entitled; persist in a course of legislation imposing on us unequal burdens, and the already increasing tide of emigration will, in a little while, have so far diminished our population, as no longer to leave any pretence for the gentleman's assertion. We shall then be so insignificant, when compared with the population of the new States, as to cease, in their estimation, to be objects worthy of national interest or concern. Yet the gentleman from Pennsylvania, for a moment, seemed to present some faint hope of escaping from this melancholy fate: for, while inviting us to support this bill, we were assured that other portions of the country should hereafter partake of equal benefit: but this delusion lasted but for a day; for the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. ISACKS] has explained what was meant by "other portions of the country:" he defines it to be the rich regions of West Tennessee, Ohio, and Kentucky; they are to be provided for by the gentleman's plans, but in none of their beneficent designs is my immediate section of the Union embraced. Relying, then, while we may, upon the important fact of our yet possessing the superiority in point of population, I feel myself justified in using it as a powerful reason in favor of my side of the question.

With us, sir, Government is necessarily the creature of those over whom it is established. Made and upheld by the will of the people, their adherence and attachment to it must ever be in proportion to the measure of benefit they receive in return for their contributions to its support. And, although, as has been happily said by a gentleman from Rhode Island, [Mr. BURGES] we cannot expect these governmental blessings to be dispensed among us with the perfect equality of the dew of heaven, yet it is but just that, in our acts of legislation, we keep an eye towards the attainment of so desirable an object. In relation to the subject before us, we shall certainly consult that principle, by accommodating the greatest possible number of our citizens. It is, therefore, desirable to see whether the bill, as now before the committee, conforms to this important end and design of legislation.

By reference to the report of the engineers upon this part of the subject, we learn that, by the census of 1820, the population of the counties and districts of country ac tually traversed by the western route, is at least one hundred thousand less than that of the middle route; and the entire population of the States through which these surveys are carried is at least one million more, by pursuing the middle or eastern direction, than it is along the western. Here, then, is a difference of no small amount, upon the score of population only; but, sir, when you add to this the very important fact, that this greater amount of population divides itself into a greater number of independent States, united with and acting politically upon the General Government, is there not a twofold reason presented in favor of the route I propose! By going west you pass through Virginia, Tennessee, and Alabama; in the eastern direction, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama. Thus, by the west ern proposition, as contained in the bill, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia are wholly omitted, for the alone purpose of embracing the State of Tennessee. And, sir, friendly as are my feelings towards that State, and every other member of our Union, I cannot, I ought not to be expected to forget the superior claims of my own State: and, sir, let me not be charged with selfish and contracted views on this subject; for, whilst I readily

zens of the United States, I do believe I shall certainly sustain that character most essentially, not by seeking a benefit for North Carolina at the expense of Tennessee, merely because it is the State from which I come, but from the consideration, that, in the present instance, her accommodation is connected with a still higher object—the attainment of a greater national benefit than would be accomplished by omitting her interest. This view of the subject is offered, not in connexion with the idea that, under the constitution, we have not the power to do what we propose, but is intended to apply to this or any other subject of legislation, considered as a mere question of expediency and right among the several States; and, in this view of the matter, it cannot be urged that there is a corrupting tendency in this or any other measure, because it has the effect of improving the condition and increasing the prosperity of the people of the different States; for such an objection would deny all right of beneficence to the Government, and would give to it alone the odious power of taxation and oppression. By such an administration of this Government, the people of the States would soon become aliens in feeling to the Union, and would regard the constitution as not tending to promote the general good, but merely calculated to inflict upon them the evils, without the benefit of Government. Then, sir, while objects of improvement, similar to that now under consideration, have heretofore been undertaken and completed in other parts of our country, it is but just, and in conformity with the principles of equality, that some portion of the benefits resulting from such measures, should be distributed in that from which I come; but, independent of this consideration, I think, in relation to the present subject, the line of survey through my State presents advantages superior to those west of the mountains. As a further argument in favor of our claim, I might advert to the peculiar hardships and afflictions of the people of that ill-starred section of the Union, arising, as they believe, mainly from the unwise and ungenerous legislation of Congress upon subjects vitally affecting their interests. But, sir, while I forbear doling out a list of our oft repeated wrongs, I confess I was but illy prepared to hear with patience the imaginary sufferings and privations of the West. The gentleman from Tennessee, Mr. ISACKS] in his petition for the establishment of this road, occupied much time in describing the forlorn condition of the people of his country; he complained bitterly because there had been so small a portion of Government money expended among them; he spoke of the vast amount paid by that people for the purchase of their lands, the large proportion of taxes paid by them through the medium of consumption, and concluded by exhibiting the inhabitants of the extensive West as the eighth wonder of the world, in the fact that, though thus afflicted and oppressed, they yet lived!--they yet survived! Now, sir, I cannot perceive any cause for the gentleman's admiration, and can but think that all he has said, when rightly understood, is not only compatible with their bare existence, but is just that state of things from which we might expect to find all that comfort and growing prosperity which I believe to be more truly descriptive of their real condition. It is true that, in most instances, they have had to purchase their lands, but at a price most abundantly repaid by their amazing fertility, producing not only what is required for their own consumption, but affording a large supply for the wants of others. That a people thus situated, should be able to subsist, is, to my mind, no cause of wonder or astonishment; and, sir, though it be true that the General Government yet maintains its dominion over the unappropriated lands in all that region, our statute book abounds with almost innumerable instances of donations made to States, com

MARCH 29, 1830.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[H. of R.

as not only national in their character, but indispensably necessary to the well-being, and even the very existence of the nation.

mitted, not to enter into an argument in support of my opinion, but simply to say that I believe the power to do the act proposed does rightfully belong to the Government; and, in conformity to this opinion, I have, on former occacasions, voted for measures not differing in principle from the one now under consideration. But, while sustaining this power of the Government, and acting upon the high conviction of its great importance, I have felt no little embarrassment for the want of the countenance and co-operation of yourself, and many other of our southern politicians; and though I cannot surrender my judgment on account of this discouraging reflection, yet I will not withhold the tribute of my respect, and even admiration, for the unshaken firmness and distinguished ability with which your opinions have been sustained. They have not yielded to those nice shades of distinction, which, in the opinion of some, may have been sufficient to obviate all constitutional objections, when the measure proposed happened to look towards their immediate constituents.

panies, and individuals in the West, for purposes of internal improvement, the establishment of schools, and for various other objects tending to improve their condition and advance their prosperity. To objects of this descrip- I might here, sir, conclude my remarks, having said all tion, at least ten millions of acres have been appropriated; that I intend upon the mere question which I proposed and so liberal has been the policy of the Government on to discuss; but I have alluded to an amendment, which, these subjects, that applications from this quarter are in conclusion, I intend to offer; and as I propose (should seldom rejected: and but the other day, with a near ap-it be adopted) to vote for the bill, I hope I may be perproach to unanimity, we passed a law relieving the purchasers of the public lands from a large amount of their debt, contracted under the credit system. Admit then, that it is true, as stated by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. HEMPHILL] that the new States have not any funds in lands for making public improvements, who can believe that, if they had been the owners of the soil, they would, under their own policy and legislation, have applied so large a portion to these objects as has been done for them by this Government! Do not understand me, sir, as objecting to these instances of liberality, for many of them received my support, and, in giving it, I was uninfluenced with the hope thereby of obtaining any boon for my own State; (no, I disdain the sordid idea ;) but I acted from the conviction that the prosperity of the West, or any other large section of our Union was, in some degree, the prosperity of the nation. But, sir, if this and every other measure of internal improvement is to have a west ern direction-if the Southern States are to be wholly neglected under the operation of this system, and if we But, sir, were I to attempt an argument in support of my are again and again to hear the affected language of com- opinion, I could not rest it upon the distinction taken by plaint from the West, then, sir, I am prepared to with- the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. SMYTH.] That gentlehold my assent to any further appropriations in that quar- man denies the right of the Government to make the road, ter: justice to my constituents will require it-a regard to yet he says we may appropriate the money for that object; the principles of equality will demand it. We have also Congress may give the essential means for constructing, been entertained by the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. but have not the power actually to construct or make; but, IBACKS] with a sort of begging argument, founded upon in yielding his assent to this bill, he virtually concedes the the great expenditure of public money along our sea coast latter power, unless he intends to do the very idle thing in the erection of fortifications, dock yards, and other of giving the money merely to be wasted and expended works connected with the defence and commerce of the for no particular purpose; for if the road is to be made at nation; and the gentleman has even objected to the con- all, the bill proposes that it shall be done under the autho tributions of the West in the building up of our navy-arity of this Government, without the agency or superinmeasure in which he seems to think they have a very re- tendence of any other power. Perceiving this difficulty, mote interest. Perhaps, sir, when more, and still more of he takes a distinction in favor of this road, and seems to adthe public lands shall be appropriated towards the improve-mit that we may make it, not under the general powers ment of the Tennessee at the Muscle shoals and other points conferred by the constitution, but under the compact enof that river, the gentleman may be accommodated with a tered into with Ohio, Alabama, and other new States, by little navy of his own-one that shall be peculiarly west- which it is stipulated that five per cent. of the sales of the ern; and, therefore, unobjectionable to that gentleman public lands shall be applied to the making of roads in or I was surprised to hear the illiberal and mistaken views leading to those States; but certainly a compact with a contained in this part of the gentleman's argument; for, State cannot enlarge the constitution, and thereby confer a can it be said, with the least plausibility, that fortifications power which did not exist independent of such agreement; erected and designed along our extended and exposed this would be making the powers of the Government either Atlantic border are other than measures of strength and greater or less, according to the terms of the bargain it precaution, looking to the security of the nation generally? might happen to make with the people of any of our terriIn consonance with this anti-national sentiment would be tories, when applying for admission into the Union. Nor an objection on my part to the increasing expenditure of can I perceive, according to the opinions of some, how the our military posts designed for the protection of our west- assent of a State could confer upon the General Governern frontier. These objects are alike in principle, and ment the power of acting upon a subject prohibited by are both equally entitled to the support of those who con- the constitution. This Government, sir, with all its attri sult the peace and safety of every portion of this Union. butes, must exist independent of the will of any State; and Nor should the gentleman decline a common interest in while its powers cannot be curtailed by opposition, neither our naval armament, intimately connected as it is with the can they be enlarged by consent, except in the way pointed defence and commerce of the nation. He has told us that out for an amendment of the constitution itself. But, sir, the people of the West are great consumers of imports, while I deny the necessity of this assent, and its utter inand, consequently, pay much indirectly to the General ability to confer power, it might often be prudent and Government; and we are assured that this road is greatly wise, in many instances, to abstain from the exercise of needed to facilitate their supplies from Baltimore and Philadelphia; yet their arrival at those ports is intimately connected with these maritime expenditures of which the gentleman seems to complain: and, whatever comment or construction of the constitution may be necessary to sustain many other acts claimed on the part of the Government, these of which I have just spoken are conspicuously provided for in that instrument, and should be regarded

federal authority, without the assent of the State or States to be affected by it; for, upon ordinary occasions, I would pause long, and consider much, before I would run counter even to the prejudices of the smallest member of this Union.

This I would do in the spirit of conciliation and forbearance, and without yielding the right of this Government, when the public good imperiously demanded it, to

H. OF R.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[MARCH 29, 1830. exercise all or any of its high functions, even in opposition | dresses itself, have urged that that is the best route; that to the will of all the States. It is not all that this Go- it is the national route; and, if it does not pass that way, vernment can constitutionally do, that the harmony and they will vote against the bill. Nine-tenths, ninety-nineprosperity of the States require to be continually called hundredths of their constituents, if it does not pass on the into action; but when emergencies of great national mo- middle route, will think it wholly inexpedient, if not unment arise, or some general interest is proposed to be ad- constitutional, to make the road at all. One of the genvanced, a liberal interpretation of its powers will often men from North Carolina, [Mr. CARSON] I believe, said be found necessary to subserve the end and object of its that he would vote against the bill upon any route, but had creation. If, sir, we look within the limits of the mere warmly urged, if the road was made, that the middle was letter of the constitution for the charter of our legislative the only true route. Here is a conflict between sections privileges, there is scarce a page of our legislation that-between masses of your population, whose local intewill not be found to have passed the pale of our authority. rests come in collision; and how are this Congress to deWhat words of that instrument give us the right to pen- cide between them? My two colleagues have stated in their sion our citizens, and to appropriate thousands for their places, that, in their opinion, the western is the only true support? How have we relieved the sufferings of foreign-route, and they think it would be inexpedient to make ers, when visited by any sudden calamity How do we repair the ravages of fire in any of our own cities or towns? How will we sustain the long list of appropriations of the public lands to institutions for the promotion of science and objects of benevolence? These, and many other acts sanctioned by every Congress, and approved by all our Chief Magistrates, are, like the power to make roads and canals, not authorized by the express enumeration of them in the constitution; but do, in my humble judgment, conform to the spirit, scope, and design of those powers that are enumerated. But, sir, I do not intend a discussion of this subject, and will conclude by moving the following amendment to the bill:

[Here Mr. S. offered his amendment, proposing to strike out the western, and to insert the middle or eastern route, leaving the selection to the commissioners to be appointed under the provisions of the bill.]

Mr. POLK next rose, and said, that two of the delegation from my own State having given their views in support of this bill, I ask the indulgence of the committee whilst I endeavor, in a plain and practical manner, to assign the reasons of the vote which I feel constrained to give. My two colleagues and myself have been in the habit, during our service together bere, of thinking and acting together upon most important subjects. Upon this we differ in opinion, and are compelled to separate.

My colleague, who first addressed the committee, [Mr. BLAIR] dealt with his usual candor. He informed us that the road contemplated to be made by this bill, addressed itself to the local interests of his constituents; that they were in favor of the road; and that his skirts should be clear of the imputation of disobeying their will. Yes, sir, the road addresses itself to the local interests of his constituents, and this is the evil of this and all similar propositions; it is the iniquity of this whole system of internal improvement; it does address itself to the local interests of sections; it deludes, and deceives, and misleads whole sections and communities; whole masses are bought up, and become advocates of this system, with the prospect of local advantage to themselves. They look only to their own local interests, and to the prospect of having disbursed, in their own immediate neighborhoods, large amounts of the people's money. Let me ask either of my colleagues, through whose respective districts one branch of road has been surveyed, if it were to pass on either of the other routes, if they would vote for it? If it were to pass on either the middle or the metropolitan route, would not nine-tenths, would not ninety-nine-hundreths of their own constituents, whose local interests would not then be addressed, think it wholly inexpedient, if not unconstitutional, to make the road at all? I repeat it: would either of my colleagues deem it a national work? Would they vote for it? They would not. And why would they not? Because, in their opinion, the western route is the best route, and the only national route. They think the western route the only true route. But the two gentlemen from North Carolina, [Mr. CARSON and Mr. SHEPPERD] to the local interests of whose constituents the middle route ad

the road on any other. The two gentlemen from North Carolina have stated in their places, that, in their opinion, the middle is the only true route, and that it would be inexpedient to make the road on any other route; and, doubtless, there are gentlemen here residing on the southern route, who think that the best and only expedient route. The engineers, in their report, have cautiously left the scales equally balanced between these respective main routes and their several subordinate branches; and how are we to decide?

I know, sir, it is exceedingly popular to tell the people of any section of the country that the Government is about to expend large amounts of public money amongst them for improvements. But when you tell them that it is their own money, that they are taxed to pay it, and that there is a national debt to pay, will the people of any one section or district agree that it shall be expended in another, and for the local advantage of another? No, if they get it themselves, it is well; if it goes to their neighbors, it is unjust and all wrong. Sir, this is, perhaps, natural; we are selfish beings; and I beg my colleagues to understand me, when I speak of local interests, as not intending to apply my remarks to their districts exclusively; their constituents are like the constituents of other gentlemen, and equally operated upon by their local interests. I mean to show the effect generally, and upon all sections, of these splendid schemes of internal improvement which have been projected; of the hundreds of reconnoissances and surveys of roads and canals which have been made. I mean to show the delusion practised upon whole communities, whereby they are bought up to the support of these splendid schemes, by the lure of local advantages held out to them; by the promise to scatter and squander the public money in the construction of a road or canal, leading through their immediate neighborhoods, and, thereby, addressing itself to their local interests.

This bill, and the discussion we have had upon it, furnishes the best practical commentary we could possibly have had upon this system; and I beg leave to exemplify, by a particular examination of its details, the tendency and inevitable consequences of persisting in it. You are about to construct a mammoth road, fifteen hundred miles in length, from Buffalo, in the State of New York, to New Orleans, passing by this city; and you propose, by this bill, to appropriate two millions and a quarter of dollars, to be applied to this object. From this city to New Orleans, the bill provides that the road shall pursue the general course of one of the branches of the western route. This end of the road I will examine presently. From this city to Buffalo the road is not located to any particular route by the bill. It is to go from here to Buffalo, and that is the only designation. The' particular locality is to be decided by commissioners. Now, how many reconnaissances have been made between these two points, and how many routes surveyed in this age of engineering? I hold a document in my hand, sir, from the Engineer Department, which is a perfect anomaly, and furnishes the best practical illustration of the practical operations of hi

MARCH 29, 1830.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

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system. By this document it appears that twenty-one dis- might be lost. Why are not the friends and advocates of tinct routes have been examined; and, take my word for this bill willing to designate in the bill the precise route of it, every town, and village, and hamlet, and every mill, the road to Buffalo Evidently from the conviction, on cross road, and tavern house, on each and every one of their part, that they would lose the support of the reprethese twenty-one routes, expect this road; and each has sentatives of all the other routes. I appeal to gentlemen no doubt that this is the only national way; and that on themselves, who support this bill, if this is a fair and stateseither of the others the road would be utterly useless and man-like legislation. If the road must be made, why not inexpedient. Yes, sir, there have been surveyed five grand fix the route in the law which authorizes its construction? routes and fifteen subordinate or collateral routes, from Sir, we all understand how it happened that these several this city to Buffalo, a distance of about three hundred and routes, twenty-one in number, came to be examined by seventy-five miles. The five grand routes are designated brigades of topographical engineers. The examinations in the report of the engineers: were made through portions of Maryland, Pennsylvania, and the western part of New York, during the last administration, and during the heat of the canvass for the last Presidential election. Some hopes were, likely, entertained, that these respective portions of the country might give their support to the then administration in the ensuing

The Eastern route,
The Western route,}

The Painted Post route,

The Pine creek route,

The Direct route.

The eastern route has been surveyed in nine different di-election. And, in order to stimulate the people, and ensure rections. One of these is to pass "Fredericktown, Gettys (as it was supposed) their support the more certainly, burg, Carlisle, Millerstown, Lewistown, Karthaus, Drift- brigades of engineers were sent out in twenty different wood creek, Port Alleghany, Olean, Aurora." The people directions, to survey a great road. This powerful and on this route, and in these towns, if they are like all others delusive branch of Executive patronage was employed to whose local interests are addressed, will have no doubt but induce whole sections, whose local interests were addressthat this is the only proper route, that is, the only national ed, to believe, that, if they wanted this road, the best way route; and they will be greatly dissatisfied if they do not get to secure it was, to support the then administration. We the road. But on eight other branches of the grand "east-have all seen and known the powerful effect of these reern route," each passing through other towns and other connoissances of the United States' engineers through the neighborhoods, the people will have as little doubt that country. I speak not of this project alone. Why was it theirs is the national route, and that they are entitled to that this road to Buffalo, all of a sudden, should have been the road. The grand 66 western route "has been sur- deemed of so much national importance? Why should the veyed in three different directions; one of these is to pass delusion be kepd up any longer? The certain effect of Hagerstown, Loudon, Huntington, Philipsburg, Trout this system, as exemplified by this road, is, first, to excite Run, Instantur, Ellicottsville, Barton. In the estimation hopes; second, to produce conflicts of section arrayed of the people on this route, this would be the national against section; and, lastly, dissatisfaction and heart-burnway, and they would be entitled to this great road. But ings amongst all who are not accommodated. the grand "Painted Post route," (and I frankly acknow- I come now to examine the southern portion of this road, ledge that my limited knowledge of the topography of that from this city to New Orleans. Three grand routes the country does not inform me where the "Painted Post" have been projected: the eastern, the middle, and the is,) with its four distinct branches, are, no doubt, exceed-western, each with its subordinate and collateral routes. ingly national; and each branch of it exclusively so, in the The distance between the extreme points of the westopinion, at least, of those whose local interests are address- ern and eastern routes, is near six hundred miles; and ed by it. One of the four branches of this route would the first thing that forcibly strikes the mind is, that here is pass Westminster, Siddonstown, Valley of Susquehanna, an immense country, the extreme lateral points of which Williamsport, Peter's Camp, Bath, Mount Morris. But are six hundred miles apart, each and every portion of the grand "Pine creek route;" aye, sir, the grand "Pine which has been flattered with the hope, excited by the creek route," with its four distinct subordinate branches, visit or reconnoissances of the United States' engineers, must not be overlooked. Doubtless that will be the most that each would have this great road to pass through each national route of all, at all events in the opinion of the respective section of country. This bill provides that it settlers on Pine creek. (I suppose there is such a creek shall be taken upon the general direction of the western from the name of the route,) and by the people in the route, as surveyed by the United States' engineers; but neighborhood whose local interests are addressed by it. does any one know, can either of my colleagues tell me, One of the four branches of this grand route will pass where its precise locality will be? On the western route, through Wormleysburg, Uniontown, Jersey shore, Cow- from Washington as far as Lexington, in Virginia, we are dersport, Oswego creek, Olean, Aurora. And, lastly, in informed, by the report of the engineers, that" two dithis document, comes the "direct route," which would pass rections have been examined in relation to the western Weedsborough, Shippensburg, Valley of Driftwood Creek, route, one through Rock Fish Gap, the other through Barton. Here, then, sir, in the rage for engineering, sur- Snicker's Gap." The people on both doubtless expect, veying, reconnoitering, and electioneering, during the last but both cannot get it. From Lexington it passes Abingadministration, the hopes and expectations of a whole don to Knoxville. At Knoxville the route forks. The scope of country near a hundred miles in width, filled, main route, first surveyed, diverges from that point to the I admit, with as virtuous and respectable a population as left, passes New Philadelphia, Athens, enters Alabama, any in the Union, on twenty-one distinct routes for this passes Centreville, Demopolis, and thence to New Orroad, have been raised on tiptoe. Each expects, and leans. The other branch from Knoxville passes the Crab each has no doubt that it is entitled to the road. The Orchard, Sparta, Winchester, Huntsville, in Alabama, hopes of all are kept up. The representatives of each and hence to Baton Rouge, to New Orleans. The bill does all these routes vote for this bill. But all cannot be grati- not determine which of these routes it is to go. If it fied. Twenty of the twenty-one routes must be disap- should be located on the New Philadelphia route from pointed; and if this bill located the road to some one of Knoxville, as one of my colleagues, [Mr. BLAIR] if I unthe routes definitely, I have my doubts whether the re-derstood him, contends it ought, it will not touch the dispresentatives here of all the other routes would not vote trict represented by my other colleague [Mr. ISACKS]; it against it. It is not the policy of the friends of this pro- will not then address itself to the local interests of his conject to locate the road definitely in the bill, for they might stituents; and, in that event, I desire to know whether he thereby lose votes from the other routes, and the bill will consider it sufficiently national to vote for it; would

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