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yet, though these means of power and influence would be at his own command, though he presents the rare example of an Executive Magistrate rejecting the use of that which would contribute so much to personal aggrandizement, he is still charged with courting popularity. If this be the only mode of courting popularity, our country will indeed be happy, and those in power who thus seek it will deserve our lasting gratitude. Other meu, with other views, would adopt another maxim, “that with modey we can get men, and with men money;” and they would cling to both as the instruments of their ambitious projects. Sir, I hail this act of the President as ominous of the most auspicious results. Amongst the many excellent doctrines which have grown out of our republican system. is this, that the blessings of freedom cannot be enjoyed without a frequent recurrence to fundamental principles. In this instance, we are making that recurrence. It would seem, sir, that the period of about thirty years constitutes a political cycle. to: years ago, at the opening of the present century, our Government was drawn back to its original principles; the vessel of State, like one at sea, had gotten upon a wrong tack, and the new pilot who was then placed at the helm brought it again into the right course, for the purpose of reaching its proper destination. In the progress of a long voyage, it has again declined from its proper course; and I congratulate the whole crew that we have found another pilot with enough of skill in navigation and firmness again to correct the declination. The present Chief Magistrate, sir, “has done the State some service" heretofore; but, in my estimation, it was but as dust in the balance, compared with the good which he has now done. Thus far I have been showing the utter injustice of finding fault with the Chief Magistrate for exercising his constitutional function according to his own judgment, and have taken it for granted that his objections were well founded. The late period of the session, as well as my having recently argued this question at large, induce me to forbear from entering into the discussion now at any length. I hope, however, the House will bear with me whilst I submit a few general remarks. I not only concur with the President, as far as he goes in his views, but I go further. He denies the power of Congress to construct roads, with a claim of jurisdiction. So do I. He admits, that, as the constitution has beeu long construed, the power to appropriate money for such purposes as are really national must be acquiesced in, until the difficulty is removed by an amendment. In this I differ stom the President, as he has a right to differ from me, and from both Houses of Congress. But as I claim the right to follow the lights of my own judgment, so I am always ready to acknowledge that of the President to do the same. But I will not now go into the constitutional question. Apart from this, let me ask whether there are not abundant reasons for the course which the Pre-ident has pursued. He tells you, the subject has been involved in doubt, and has produced much diversity of opinion. This is a part of the political history of the country. A retrospect of the proceedings of Congress will show that differ. ent Congresses have entertained and expressed different opinions on the leading questions connected with this system. We also know that many States of the Union have utterly denied to us this power. Now, I put it to the candor, the justice, the liberality of this House, whether the mere circumstance of great doubt and diversity of opinion is not reason enough for the Chief Magistrate to pause, and for you to pause with him, in this career. If it be now said, as it often has been, that a majority is not to be governed by a minority, I answer, let that be admitted, and yet I demand that the majority should pay a just regard to the remonstrances and complaints of the minority. Even in the monarchies of Europe, this is the case. Witness the recent emancipation of the Irish catholics by the British Parlia
ment. This was a concession, by the majority, to the com: plaints of the minority. It will be but a poor recominendation of our system of Government, to be told, that, under all circumstances, the caprice of mere numbers must prevail, though there be only a majority of one, and that we are not to hope for the occasional concession which is experienced in the Governments even of the old world. Must this Government, because it has the physical power, like Aaron's serpent, swallow up every thing less strong? s it not the part of wisdom, as well as patriotism, to submit this question to the States in the form of amendment, rather than press on against the known will of a large portion of them : The States feel a deep sense of loyalty to the Union; but they feel, too, that they have rights to demand, as well as duties to perform. Let us not place them in a situation where they may be driven to a course that would be called patriotism by some, and rebellion by others; but which, by whatsoever name it might be called, would endanger the success of our great experiment, the benefits of which concern the whole human family. The course suggested by the Chief Magistrate is calculated to avert these dangers. When members on this floor maintain any principles, they have no weight but that which belongs to them as individuals; but when a suggestion comes from the Executive, and especially accompanying his rejection of a bill, it brings with it all the authority to which the opinion of a branch of the Government is entitled. An issue is thus made up between him and Congress, which will cause the people to deliberate; and thus we may hope that it will be calmly decided by them, so as to put the subject forever to rest. Sir, there are other reasons why this course, pursued by the Executive, should meet our decided approbation. I need only glance at a subject which I so recently discussed on another bill. I allude to the inequality and demoralizing tendency of this system. A distribution made upon principles of actual inequality, will produce deep disgust on the one side, and foster corruption on the other. I mean no offence to any State or individual; the remark applies, without distinction, to all States and individuals, under all circumstances. Sir, the history of all people, nations, tongues, and languages, teaches us the same melancholy truth, that all Governments, of whatever form, have finally perished by corruption. How much, then, do we owe to him who averts this gangrene from our body politic How much more do we owe to him who does it by a self-denial of those means by which this evil may be produced ; Sir, I hope, I believe, that there is not ingratitude enough in this country to reward such a course by a deprivation of office. But, sir, had I the honor of filling the Chief Executive chair, if it were revealed to me from Heaven that such would be the result, I would rather go down to posterity upon the historic page as one who, like the present Chief Magistrate, had, with the moral courage, the ardent patriotism, and lofty disinterestedness of the ultimus Romanorum, thrown himself into the breach and breasted the storm in doing his duty, than, by a different course, continue to be President through a long and protracted life. Mr. VANCE said that the course pursued by the President would not operate on his mind, either for or against that individual. He reminded the House that he had himself been always an advocate of the system of internal improvement. He stated that, by that system, the West must stand or fall. Unless it be sustained, the West can never have any participation in the appropriations of the General Government. As soon as the wealth derived from emigration shall be exhausted, the West must be drained of every dollar, unless this system be continued. It is only by its continuance that the posterity of those who now live in the West can be prevented from becoming hewers of wood aud drawers of water to the eastern States. He
stated that the South had, during the last year, received
public lands, than would be drawn from it; but enough of this now. , Sir, I repeat, that the President, in bringing forward the Indian question in the manner he did, had dared to do his duty, and from thenceforth the responsibility was thrown where it belonged essentially—upon Congress. The spirit in which it was opposed, was such as to make the inistration indifferent to its success, so far as regarded their standing with the country. Sir, however extraordinary the declaration may appear to gentlemen, I do declare that the previous question, which was at last successful in bringing that measure to a final vote, was moved without the approbation of many sincere friends of the administration; and had a closing reply been permitted, I was prepared to disavow any interest on the part of the friends of the administration in the measure, as a party measure, and to let the responsibility of its passage or rejection rest wholly with those who doubted its policy, or opposed it upon party grounds. Sir, I have thought, and I do not hesitate now to state my settled conviction, that if no other interests had been involved in the question, than the mere popularity of the administration, the rejection of the Indian bill was to be desired. As an humble friend of the administration, I was indifferent to the fate of the bill; and such I believe to have been the feeling of every member of the administration, so far as their own litical interests were concerned. But, sir, the principles involved in, and the interests connected with, the Indian question, rose above the party conflicts of the day. They addressed themselves to hi #: and nobler feelings. It was upon the disinterested ground of the welfare of the Indians themselves, and the honor of the country, that the question was placed in the opening argument, and by the advocates of the measure generally. Upon such grounds we might have expected the generous feeling and co-operation of all parties—but what response did we find in the leaders of the opposition ? Let the spirit of their arguments tell. No, sir, though the bill involved the fate of a whole race of men—a race generally supposed to have been harshly treated by their white brothers, and the measure was itself a great experiment for their relief, and some kindred sympathy might have been expected from political opponents, we found none. It was denounced as an electioneering scheme. How could it be so The President was already strong in the South. He knew that strong feelings were opposed to it in the North and East. He could have had no hopes of strengthening his own interest. He threw himself on the side of the weak, and braved the opposition of the strong; and in that measure, as well as in the one under consideration, he had indicated the destiny to which he was born—to rescue his country from the midst of dangers which threatened to overwhelm it. A word in reply to what has been said of the denunciations, alleged to have been made, of those friends of the administration who did not support the Indian bill. Sir, I know there are many gentlemen in this House who have supported, and will continue in the support of the administration of the present Chief Magistrate, who have confidence in his patriotism, and are grateful for his splendid services, and who yet cannot agree with him in all his political opinions. I know there are many such who voted against the Indian bill—there are doubtless many such who will oppose the doctrines of the message of yesterday; but, sir, there are others who will not fail, as they have not failed, to make those measures a pretext for open o ition, when, in fact, they had been long since secretly alse and recreant to their profession. None, however, who observed the movements of individual members during the progress of a recent measure, would fail to see that the line was distinctly drawn between the false and the real friends of the administration, who united to o that measure. É. Mr. DODDRIDGE called Mr. B. to order.]
My political feelings are not such as to prompt me to assail the feelings or motives of any man, under circumstances of ordinary provocation. My course, during the short time I have had a seat here, I trust, has manifested that I am neither forward nor impertinent in vindicating
litical friends, nor in assailing opponents, and I hope F. be permitted to proceed without interruption.
It has,been said, in the course of the debate, that the President has undertaken to decide against the will of the people, as expressed through their representatives in Congress, that appropriations shall not be made to objects of internal improvement. The constitution allows the veto of the President upon the will of a majority of Congress. By the course so in the present instance, the subject is recommitted to Congress, and an appeal will r ultimately be carried before the people, who o in their returns to the next Congress, pronounce upon the motives of the President, and approve or condemn his councils, as they shall think fit. Before that tribunal he will be arraigned; and if they shall not see the evils of the present system of appropriation in the light he does, he is willing to be prostrated in their esteem. In such a course, he is willing to seek the loss of the smiles of his countrymenthat they shall account all his past services for naught; he is willing to offer himself a sacrifice in the discharge of what he considers a public duty, as he has often done. But, sir, I do not understand the President to be or. to internal improvement. It is the present, unequal and distracting mode of appropriating the public treasure, which he has set his face against. A patriotic system of dispensing the general funds for the improvement of the country, a system which, while it professes to act for the general good, and to become a cement to the Union, shall be so in fact; one which shall be secured against abuses by an amendment of the constitution, is decidedly approved by the message. The expediency of proceeding in the sys-em, as at present practised, is, it is true, as decidedly denied; but it is not proposed to dam up, forever, the stream from the treasury for the beneficent purposes of internal improvement; this I do not believe the people will consent to ; but it is proposed to check its #: in its present wild and unrestricted channel. It is believed that the present, burdens of the country may be greatl diminished; that manufactures may be duly encouraged, and still have a surplus in the treasury, o, enough for the accomplishment of every desirable object of internal improvement.
e gentleman from Ohio, last up, [Mr. Vancel has
o in an .. manner of the fading prospects of
e West; and eprecated the idea of diminished expenditures for its benefit. I claim also to be a friend to the interosis of the West—that West to which I belong by birth; and I promise that gentleman to go along with him, side by side, in asserting its claim to be j in the distribution of the favors of this Government—itoclaim to a fair
rtion of whatever funds shall be appropriated to internal improvement; but I differ with him as to the mode of a plying them. I contend that the half a million which it woul . to extend the Zanesville road through Kentucky, and to make it permanent, applied, under the direction of the Legislature of that State, to various roads of smaller extent, leading from her interior secluded and fer. tile districts to the great outlets which nature has already Vol. for carrying off the productinns of the whose
est...would secure a greater actual amelioration of the condition and prospects of the people of that State, than two millions expended upon any free great road, extend. ing quite through the State, and belonging to any great system of national improvemen, executed under the wasteful of. of the General Government. I affirm that the same increased proportion of actual advantage and amelioration would attend the application of a small amount
to similar objects in Ohio, or in any other western States,
under the direction of the local authorities, over a larger sum administered by the General Government. Sir, I had intended, when I rose, to pursue this part of the subject monoh further, but neither my own feelings nor the temper of the House, will, at this time, permit the subject to be discussed in an argumentative storm. ..Mr. SUTHERLAND said he should vote in favor of the bill. He said Pennsylvania was the friend of internalimProvements, and also the friend of General Jackson, and she would abide by both, waiting with confidence for the slow, but certain process by which the system of improve. ments would universally prevail. The President had, in vetoing the bill, exercised only his constitutional power, and he [Mr. S.] and his constituents, in supporting it, were only exercising the power which the constitution #. to them. He represented a State which was Fiendly to both; for, in fact, Pennsylvania was the first State, which had given the present Chief Magistrate an undivided support, and which was also, whilst it had lost no confidence in his first object, being the general good of his country, friendly to the great principle of internal improvement. That such would, sooner or later, be the universal sentiment of the nation, he had no doubt the course of time, * the progress of human affairs, would render ap
Paren Mr. WAYNE made some observations in reply to the remarks of Mr. WANGE. Mr. A. H. SHEPPERD spoke for a short time, in reference to some remarks made on the preceding day, which he conceived to be intended for him. An explanation took place between that gentleman and the member by whom the remarks had been made. *Mr. ISACKS said, he was sincerely sorry to feel it a Juty he owed to himself to say a few words on this subject. From what had of late fallen from different members, and other indications, he scarcely knew whether even he was regarded as the friend or enemy of this administration. To och as might wish to monopolize the entire support of the, administration, he had but little to say. This he might say, perhaps, without offence, that “he was an older (not a better) soldier" than those who had, on this day, so much to his satisfaction, pronounced their eulogies upon the President. He had been longer in the service of that cause which brought the present exeuutive into power, than many who were now far ahead of him, at least in their own estimation. Mr. I said, when he came here, some seven years ago, a colleague of the President's, if members d different Houses can be called so, the Tennessee, delegation, with one exception, old George Kremer, and perhaps half a 3ozen others, were all the political friends that could then be numbered for him in Congress. Nothing could be more grateful to him than the multiplication since. He was now, and had been ever since, to this moment, no less the deyoted personal and political friend of the President, than he was then and had been before. And, in vindication of his honor, his honesty, patriotism, and firmness of pure, he would, on any proper occasion, “go as far as e that goes furthest;" and he trusted that his acts, in and Cut (of this House, during the two last struggles for the Presidency, would be taken as a sufficient guaranty for that pledge- But on the present question he differed from the President—and what of that We have [said Mr L] differed before. During the Congress that we were representatives of Tennessee, we often differed: but there was then a class of subjects we did not differ upon. We voted together (I speak from memory, not records) on the survey bill, on the bill to subscribe stock to the Chesapeake and Delaware canal, on the bill for the construction of the road from Canton to Zanesville, in Ohio, and on the bill appropriating fifty thousand dollars to re. move obstructions in the Mississippiriver. I do not say, and
must not be understood to mean, that by those votes either
he or Istand committed for this bill; but, for myself, I will say that, under the influence of opinions formed during the period in which those bills were discussed, and which opinions have never since been changed or shaken, I did, upon mature reflection, vote for this bill when it was here before; my opinion, notwithstanding the arguments by which the President's objections are so powerfully urged, remain the same; and if I live, I will vote for it again. And do I expect by that to offend the President? Not so. If I were to do it, it would but prove that I am what I am, and he is not Andrew Jackson l I think I know the man who now fills the executive chair well enough to be convinced that if, without a change of opinion, I should feel so strongly the influence of the message as to change my vote on this bill, he would think me a villain. I am certain he ought, under such circumstances, to despise me, as I should myself, and am sure he would. But suppose we had a Chief Magistrate capable of taking offence, and feeling resentment for honest consistency in others, I would say to him, I cannot help it; to you, Mr. President, I owe no responsibilities; to none but God and my constituents do I acknowledge responsibility, and these I will discharge as I may. * colleague [Mr. BELL] anticipates the final settlement of the great question of internal improvement, when the people shall decide, and their will is represented. I heartily join him in that appeal to the people, and, so far as I can, will cheerfully o: the fate of internal improvement, yes, and my own fate, politically, upon that issue. Will my colleague do likewise? As Mr. Isacks concluded, Mr. BELL said, that in nothing he had said had he the remotest allusion to the course of Mr. I. He had no doubt that on this question his colleague fairly represented his constituents.] Mr. KENNON observed, that, being perfectly satisfied in his own mind that all the arguments which could be adduced would not change a single vote upon the subject, he felt himself bound to move the previous question. The question was agreed to by a vote of yeas 85, nays 67. So the previous question was carried. The yeas and nays were called for, ordered, and taken, on the putting of the main question. It was carried by a vote of 105 to 76. The main question, which was the e of the bill, the objections of the President notwithstanding, was then put. e vote was as follows: YEAS.–Messrs. Armstrong, Noyes Barber, Bartley, Bates, Baylor, Beekman, John Blair, Boon, Brown, Burges, Cahoon, Childs, Chilton, Clay, Clark, Coleman, Condict, Cooper, Crane, Crawford, Crockett, Creighton, Crowninshield, John Davis, Denny, Doddridge, Dorsey, Duncan, Dwight, Ellsworth, George Evans, Edward Everett, Horace Everett, Findlay, Finch, Ford, Forward, Grennell, Hawkins, Hemphill, Hodges, Howard, Hughes, Hunt, Huntington, Ingersoll, Irvin, Isacks, Johns, Kendall, Kennon, Kincaid, Lecompte, Letcher, Lyon, Mallary, Martindale, L. Maxwell, McCreery, Mercer, Miller, Mitchell, Norton, Pearce, Pettis, Pierson, :* Randolph, Reed, Richardson, Rose, Russel, Scott, William B. Shepard, Semmes, Sill, Ambrose Spencer, jo. Stanbery, Standifer, Stephens, H. R. Storrs, W. L. Storrs, Strong, Sutherland, Swann, Swift, Test, John Thompson, Vance, Vinton, Washington, Whittlesey, Edward D. White, Wickliffe, Yancey, Young—96. NAYS.–Messrs. Alexander, Allen, Alston, Anderson, Angel, Archer, Arnold, Bailey, J. S. Barbour, Philip P. Barbour, Barnwell, Barringer, Bell, James Blair, Bockee, Borst, Bouldin, Brodhead, Cambreleng, Campbell, Carson, Chandler, Claiborne, Coke, Conner, Cowles, Hector Craig, Robert Craig, Crocheron, Daniel, Davenport...W. R. Davis, Deberry, Desha, De Witt, Drayton, Dudley, . Earll, Foster, Fry, Gaither, Gordon, Gorham, Hall, Hammons, Harvey, H. Hinds, Hoffman, Hubbard, Jen
nings, Cave Johnson, Perkins, King, Adam, King, Lamar, the stock of the Washington and Frederick Road Compa
Lea, Leiper, Loyall, Lewis, Lumpkin, Magee, Thomas Maxwell, McCoy, Medusie, Melntire, Monell, Muhlenberg, Nuckholls, Overton, Polk, Potter, Powers. Rencher, Roane, A. H. Shepperd, Shields, Smith, Speight, Richard Spencer, Sterigere, Taliaferro, Taylor, Wiley Thompson, Trezvant, Tucker, Varnum, Verplanck, Wayne, Weeks, Campbell P. White, Wild, Williams—90.
So the bill, not being supported by two-thirds of the House, was rejected.
- SATURDAY, MAY 29, 1830.
The bill from the Senate to graduate, or reduce, the price of the public lands, ...; next taken up,
Mr. IRWIN, of Ohio, moved to lay the tion the table, as there was no time at this late period of the session, he thought, to go into the discussion of a subject of such mag. nitude.
Mr. DUNCAN requested Mr. L to withdraw his motion for a short time, to allow some explanation for the bill; but Mr. L. declined.
Mr. BOON called for the yeas and nays, and Mr. LEWIS. made an unsuccessful motion for a call of the House; when . . The question was taken, and the bill was laid on the table: yeas, 82-nays, 68.
THE LIGHT HOUSE, &c. BILL :
* The amendments of the Senate to the bill making appropriations for light-houses, &c. as amended by the Committee on Commerce, were taken up. On these amendnts a debate arose, which continued till ten o'clock. A #. number of members participated in the debate; but such were the confusion and indistinctness of the proceed. ings to spectators, during sevedal hours of the evening, in consequence of the immense crowd of spectators, male and female, which filled the Hall, even to the seats of the members, that it was impossible for reporters to understand the questions correctly. ‘One of the principal points of contestation was, an appriation made by the Senate, of forty thousand dollars Fo examination and improvement of Black creek, in Maryland, (connected with the Chesapeake and Delaware canal) which was ultimately concurred in: yeas, 91– nays, 47. #. bill from the Senate to authorize a subscription to the stock of the Louisville and Portland Canal Company, was finally passed by the following vote : YEAS–Messrs. Armstrong, Noyes Barber, Bates, Bay. lor, John Blair, Brown, Burges, Cahoon, Chilton, Clark, Cooper, Crane, Crawford, Crockett, Creighton, John Davis, Deberry, Denny, Doddridge, Duncan, Dwight, George Evans, Edward Everett, Horace Everett, Find ay, Grennell, Hawkins, Hemphill, Hodges, Howard, Hughes, Hunt, Huntington, Ihrie, Ingersoll, Irvin, Jennings, Kendall, Kennon, Kincaid, Lecompte, Leiper, Lyon, Martindale, Mercer, Miller, Mitchell, Muhlenberg, #. Pettis, Pierson, Ramsey, Reed, Richardson, Russel, Shields, Semmes, Smith, Sprigg, Stanberry, Standifer, Sterigere, William L. Storrs, Strong, Sutherland, Swann, Taylor, Test, Thompson, Vance, Varnum, Vinton, Washington, Whittlesey, Edward D. White, Wickliffe, Wingate, Yan. cey, Young—79. §§or. Cambreleng, Claiborne, Conner, Hec'tor Craig, Robert Craig, Crocheron, Warren R. Davis, . Desha, Earll, Foster, Gordon, Gorham, Haynes, Hinds, Cave Johnson, Lea, Loyall, Magee, McCoy, Nuckolls, Polk, Potter, Powers, Rencher, Roane, Augustine H, Shepperd, Speight, Taliaferro, Campbell P. White, Williams—35. The bill from the Senate authorizing a subscription to
ny, was finally by the following vote: YEAS.–Messrs. Armstrong, Noyes, Barber, Bates, Bay. lor, John Blair, Brown, Burges, Cahoon, Chilton, Clark, Coleman, Cooper, Crane, Crawford, Crockett, Creighton, John Davis, Denny, Doddridge, Duncan, Dwight, George Evans, Edward Everett, Horace Everett, Findlay, Hawkins, Hemphill, Hodges. Howard, Hughes, Hunt, Huntington, Ingersoll, W. W. Irvin, Jennings, Kendall, Kennon, Kincaid, Lecompte, Leiper, Magee, Martindale, Mercer, Miller, Mitchell, Muhlenberg, Pearce, Pierson, Ramsey, Reed, Richardson, Russel, Semmes, Sprigg, Stanbery, Standifer, Sterigere, William L. Storrt, Strong, Sutherland, Swann, Taylor, Test, Thomson, Vance, Varnum, Vinton, Washington, Whittlesey, Edward D. White, Wickliffe, Wingate, Yancy, Young—74. NAYS.–Messrs. Alexander, Anderson, Bell, James Blair, Borst, Cambreleng, Chandler, Claiborne, Conner, Hector Craig, Crocheron, Deberry, Desha, Earll, Foster, Gordon, Gorham, Haynes, Hinds, Ihrie, Cave Johnson, Lea, Loyall, Thomas Maxwell, McCoy, Nuckolls, Polk, Potter, Powers, Rencher, Roane, Adgustine H. Shepperd, Samuel A. Smith, Speight, Taliaferro, Verplanek, Campbell P. White—87. The bill from the Senate, to authorize the payment of the claim of the State of Massachusetts for certain services of the militia during the late war, was finally past by the following vote: o YEAS.–Messrs. Alexander, Anderson, Armstrong, Bailey, Barber, Bates, Baylor, Bell, Burges, Cahoon, Cambreleng, Claiborne, Clark, Coleman, Hector Craig, Robert Craig, Crane, Crawford, Creighton, John Davis, Deberry, Denny, Desha, Doddridge, Duncan, Dwight, Earll, George Evans, Edward Everett, Horaee Everett, Findlay, Gorham, Grennell, Hawkins, Hemphill, Hinds, Hedges, Howard, Hughes, Hunt, Huntington, Ihrie, Ingersoll, W. W. Irvin, Kendall, Kennon, Kincaid, Leiper, Magee, Martindale, Mercer, Miller, Mitchell, Muhlenberg, Norton, Pearce, Pettis, Pierson, Powers, Ramsey, Reed, Riehardson, Semmes, Smith, Sprigg, William S. Storrs, Strong, Sutherland, Swann, Swift, Taliaferro, Taylor, Test, John Thomson, Vance, Varnum, Verplanek, Vinton, Washington, Whittlesey, Campbell P. White, Edward D. White, Wilson, Wingate, Young—83. NAYS.–Messrs. James Blair, John Blair, Chandler, Conner, Warren R. Davis, Gordon, Haynes, Jennings, Lea, Lecompte, Loyall, McCoy, Polk, Roane, Augustine H. Shepperd, Speight, Stanbery, Standifer, Wiekliffe, Williams, Yancey.—21. Fatigued to complete exhaustion, it became impossible longer to keep a quorum. For want of which, the House at length adjourned.
o Monday, May 31, 1880.
The bills which originated in this House, last presented to the President for his approbation, were returned for his signature.
The following message accompanied one of these bills: To the House of Representatives:
Gentlemen: I have approved and signed the bill entitled “An act making appropriations for examinations and surveys, and also for certain works of internal improvement; but as the phraseology of the section which appropriates the sum of eight thousand dollars for the road from Detroit to Chicago, may be construed to authorize the *. cation of the appropriation for the continuance of the road beyond the limits of the Territory of Michigan, I desire to be understood as having approved this bill with the understanding that the road authorized by this section is not to be extended beyond the limits of the said territory.
JMay 31, 1830. ANDREW JACKSON.
The business of the session being finished, the usual committee was appointed to wait upon the President of the United States to inform him that the House was ready to adjourn.
e committee having reported, the Speaker adjourned the House sine die. g reported, Pea J