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PAY OF THE MARINE CORPS.

The joint resolution for continuing the pay of the officers of the marine corps, as heretofore allowed, until otherwise ordered, was read a third time.

On the question of its passage, the previous question was demanded by Mr. CARSON, but not seconded by the House.

The merits of the resolution were then debated by Mr. WICKLIFFE, Mr. McDUFFIE, Mr. DRAYTON, Mr. CA RSON, Mr. SUTHERLAND, and Mr. YANCEY.

Mr. BARRINGER then, to prevent the consumption of the remaining time of the session upon this bill, demanded the previous question.

The demand was seconded by the House, and the main question being ordered to be put, was put accordingly: and the bill was passed by a vote of 85 to 64, and sent to the Senate for concurrence.

SALT.

The House proceeded to the consideration of the engrossed bill entitled “An act to reduce the duty on salt;" and the question was stated, Shall the bill pass when A motion was made by Mr. STORRS, of New York, that the said bill be recommitted to the Committee of Ways and Means, with instructions so to amend the same, as to postpone any reduction of the duty on salt until the 30th September, 1831. Mr. S. alleged, as a reason for his motion, that he wished to give the State of New York time to alleviate by her le. gislation the effect of this measure on her interest, and to adapt her policy to a change which would inflict so great an evil on her pecuniary interest. Mr. P. P. BARBOUR moved the previous question. Mr. STAN BERY moved to lay the bill on the table; on which motion Mr. V INTON demanded the yeas and nays, and they were ordered. Mr. POTTER moved a call of the House. [At this moment a number of the Senators coming into the Hall, it was ascertained that the Senate had adjourned; and as the joint rules of the two Houses provide that “no bill that shall have passed one House, shall be sent for concurrence to the other on either of the three last days of the session," it became a question whether it would be worth while to pass the.bill under consideration, in as much as this was the last day on which a bill could be sent to the Senate for concurrence, and the Senate had now adjourned.] Mr. TAYLOR was of opinion that as the Senate had adjourned, it would be useless to pass the bill, as it could not be sent there for concurrence. Mr. McDUFFIE said, it was evident that the Senate had by inadvertence, overlooked the rule, and had adjourned without being aware of the effect; therefore, doubtless, something would be done to remove the difficulty, as there were several bills which it was indispensable to pass. He hoped, therefore, the House would go on with this bill and ass 11. P Mr. P. P. BARBOUR thought the bill could be sent to the Senate, notwithstanding it had adjourned. Suppose the Senate were not to sit two of the four last days of the session, could that deprive the House of the benefit of all the bills which might be passed by it? . Sir, [said Mr. B.] the Clerk of this House can deliver this bill to-day, if it pass, to the Secretary of the Senate, and the Senate can to-morrow take it up and act on it, although it be not in session to-day when the bill goes there. Mr. VANCE now moved that the House adjourn; and the yeas and nays being demanded by Mr. LAMAR, they were taken, and the motion was negatived: yeas, 54–nays, 127. Mr. DRAYTON moved to lay the motion for a call of the House on the table; and Mr. RAMSEY demanding the yeas and nays on the motion, Mr. D. withdrew it; but Mr. STERIGERE renewed the motion to lay on the

T table, which being taken, the motion for a call of the | House was ordered to lie on the table. The question was then taken on laying the bill on the table, and negatived: yeas, 84, nays, 97. The previous question was then seconded by a majority of the House; and the previous question was carried by yeas and nays–108 to 78. So that The main question was at last put on the passage of the bill, and carried in the affirmative: yeas, 105—nays, 83. So the bill was passed, and ordered to-be sent to the Senate for concurrence. [When the roll on the passage of the bill was calling, and the Clerk reached the name of Mr. YANCEy, of Kentucky, Mr. Y. rose, and said, he knew he was out of order, but still he wished to state the reason which governed his vote, as he was going to change the vote he had formerly given on this bill. We are in possession of intelligence [said Mr. Y.] that the West India trade will now be opened; and as the West Indies have salt in abundance, and the western country has provisions in abundance, one being exchanged for the other, will reduce the price of salt in the West to the poor man. It was that he felt interested for, and this induced him to change his vote. Mr. Y. did not of course make these remarks without being called to order repeatedly, both by the House and the Chair, but he persisted in saying thus much before he voted.] MOLASSES AND RUM.

The engrossed bill to reduce the duty on molasses, and to allow a drawback on rum distilled from foreign molasses, was next read the third time, and put on its passage.

Mr. BARRINGER moved the previous question, fear. o that debate might arise on the #. and endanger it by delay. Mr. VANCE moved to lay the bill on the table, which was negatived; and

The previous question being seconded and ngreed to, the question was put on the passage of the bill, and de...i in the affirmative by yeas and nays–117 to 60.

So this bill was passed, and ordered to be sent to the Senate for concurrence.

SECRET SITTING.

The SPEAKER announced to the House that he had received a message in writing from the President of the United States, of a confidential nature; whereupon, The galleries were cleared, and all but the members and officers of the House were excluded, and the doors closed from five o'clock till about half after eight; when The doors were opened, and it appeared (the injunction of secrecy having [. removed from the proceedings, though not from the President's message) that the bill “to amend the acts to regulate the commercial intercouse between the United States and Great Britain," had been under consideration, and was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-day. This bill being subsequently reported correctly engrossed, it was read a third time. Mr. STRONG said, he did not rise to discuss the bill ; but wishing the responsibility for it should rest on those to whom it belonged, be moved the yeas and nays, which were ordered; j the question being taken, The bill was passed—yeas 105, nays 28; and was ordered to be sent to the Senate sor concurrence,

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F bill to reduce the duty on salt, but withdrew his motion on the suggestion that a division might be required so as to take the question on that separately. A call of the House was moved, and carried, and, having progressed for some time, was suspended. Mr. POLK moved the previous question, which was seconded, and the main question ordered. Mr. STORRS, of New York, here made a point of order, which produced some discussion in regard to an application of the rule respecting the reception of resolutions, but which Mr. S. afterwards waived. Mr. TAYLOR moved a division of the to take it separately on the salt bill. ' The SPEAKER decided that as the bill referred to formed a part of the schedule appended to, and was not of the matter of the resolution itself, it was indivisible. Mr. TAYLOR appealed from the decision of the Chair, and stated his reasons for differing from the Speaker. Mr. WAYNE, while he entertained the u most reverence for the sabbath, expressed the opinion that it ought to be considered one of the days of the session, as business might be transacted on it, and, therefore, that three days yet remained after to-day, which would render the resolution unnecessary. Mr. RAMSEY was in favor of euspending the operation of the rule so far as related to certain bills, and was proceeding to give his reasons for being opposed to suspending it in regard to other measures, which would have the effect to diminish the revenue; when The SPEAKER reminded Mr. R. that the question was on the point of order involved in the appeal, and not on the merits of the division moved for. Mr. RAMSEY was sorry it was not in order for him to state his reasons for objecting to some of the bills which would affect the revenue, as he would, if permitted to go on, fix a mark on a gentleman not far off. o will soon bring him out of his petticoats. Mr. TUCKER moved the previous question on the appeal, which being seconded, the main question was ordered, and put, and the decision of the Chair was affirmed by the House—97 to 67. The resolution was then passed, and sent to the Senate.

THE VETO.

The House then, according to order, proceeded to the consideration of the message of the President of the United States, refusing his assent to the bill for a subscription of stock in the Maysville Road Company—the question being, “Will the House pass the bill, the objections of the President notwithstanding f"

Mr. DANIEL said, the House would permit him to make a few remarks before the vote was taken. He had examined the message of the President of the United States, and he was constrained to say it was an able State paper, well worthy the consideration of the American people. He had supported the measure condemned by the message; but as a co-ordinate branch of the Government has called on this body to stop their career, he, for one, was disposed to give the people of the nation an op

rtunity to consider, coolly and dispassionately, the . jections urged by the President against the mode of appropriating money to objects not national. It is the first time in the history of the world, that the Executive of a nation has interposed his authority to stop extravagant and ruinous appropriations. He was elected on the principle of economy and reform; and if the representatives of the people refuse to him a proper support, (as it must be admitted they have,) it is impossible that the object for which he was elected can be obtained. In the discharge of his duty as the servant of a free and independent peo. ple, and in obedience to what he believes to be their will, he has laid this subject before them. They will have to pass upon the correctness of his views; and I feel disposed

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question, so as

out of respect to them and the President, to give them an opportunity. If they decide he is correct, then it is the duty of the representatives to obey; if they decide he is wrong, then their representatives will carry into effect their will. The message coincided mainly with his views on constitutional power; however, he did not agree, in every particular, with the doctrine contained in it. Mr. D. said he was in favor of internal improvement, but the system, as it has heretofore been carried on and pursued, was better calculated to destroy than to promote it. The House had been admonished, on a former occasion, by the gentleman from New York, [Mr. Storks] that the friends of the system were breaking it down by their extravagance and folly. It was clear from the message, that if the system was pursued, as it had been attempted at the present session, this nation would soon be involved in a large and immense national debt. The members of Congress would understand each other—if not corruptly, the effect would be the same; they would vote for each other's projects without regard to the public good. A host of federal officers would be created to superintend: the collection of tolls, and the repairing and amending those improvements. The tax on the people would be increased, until their leaders would be as great as they are in any despotic Government on earth. Besides, it would end in corruption beyond control. The members of this House cannot now read all the documents printed and laid on our tables. This system will produce a swarm of officers and accounts without end. The representatives of the people can never examine them—the officers become irresponsible and corrupt, and it will produce consolidation of the Government. If the system is to be persevered in, let us adopt one that will not be productive of this evil. It is true the rejection of this bill will deprive the [. ple of Kentucky of this appropriation, still, ultimately, I hope, they will be benefited; their liberty will not be placed on such a doubtful issue. The best consideration I have been able to give this subject, induces me to suspend the decision, and permit the people to act on it. Mr. CHILTON next made some observations. Mr. STANBERY said, that, in the view he took of the matter, he considered the communication which had been just received, as the voice of the President's ministry rather than of the President himself; or, to speak more correctly, the voice of his chief minister. The hand of the “great magician” was visible in every line of the message. There was nothing candid, nothing open, nothing honest, in it. As one reason why the Executive rejects the bill, he assigns the extravagance of this Congress as having been so great that there will not be money enough in the treasury to meet the small appropriation contained in the rejected bill. And, as an evidence of the correctness of such an apprehension, the appendix contains a list of all the bills which have been reported in the Senate and in this House, but not passed. These are relied upon in the argument as if they had passed, and become laws; when it is well known to all of us, the most of these bills are only evidence of the opinions of the committees by whom they were reported; and there is not even a probability that they will ever become laws. Among the bills of this description, contained in the appendix, is the bill reported in the Senate, providing for the amount of French spoliations; which, of itself, makes an item of five millions of dollars. There is also included in the appendix the bill for the relief of Susan Decatur; and that for the Beaumarchais claim, and the claim of Richard W. Meade. There is added, also, the bill for the Colonization Society, proposing to pay twentyfive dollars for each negro in the United States. And, to swell the amount, the claim of President Monroe is also added. All of these amounts, put together, give to the proceedings of this Congress an appearance of extrava-.

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ganee, which does not belong to them. On the whole, I consider this document artfully contrived to bring the whole system of internal improvement into disrepute, and as calculated to deceive the people. Such a document can never have issued from the President. It is not characterized by that frankness which marks his character. It has every appearance of a low, electioneering document, not worthy of the eminent source to which it is attributed. But, sir, if extravagance has marked the proceedings of this Congress, it is not chargeable on the majority of this House. The appropriations which have been made, have been asked for by the executive officers themselves; and they have asked for more than we have granted. And the most extravagant project this session, and one which will, I fear, forever disgrace this Congress, I mean the bill for the removal of all the southern Indians west of the Mississippi, came recommended to us as the peculiar favorite of the Executive. I can say, with truth, that many members of this House were induced, contrary to their consciences, to vote for the bill, in consequence of their not having independence to resist what they supposed to be the wishes of the Executive. They were literally dragooned into its support. I certainly, sir, had many other reasons for my opposition to the bill; but not the least of my reasons was a belief that its passage would strike a death-blow to the whole system of internal improvement. It received the support of all the enemies of internal improvement, as their only means of destroying the system; and it is accordingly relied upon in this message, and I will admit that it is the only good reason assigned in it against any further appropriations for the improvement of the country. And yet we, who are the friends of this administration, but still greater friends to the honor and prosperity of the country, have been threatened with denunciations by certain members of this House, but who have no other claim for the station which they have assumed, as our leaders, than the single circumstance of their coming from Tennessee, for our opposition to the Indian bill—for our contumacy in opposing what they were pleased to represent to us as the wishes of the Execntive. Sir, let them commence their denunciation—I fear no bravo, unless he carries the assassin's knife. Against every other species of attack I am prepared to defend myself. Mr. POLK said that, whilst it had been understood, in conversation through the House, that the friends of this measure were disposed, without further debate, to take the vote on reconsideration, on the veto of the President, according to the provisions of the constitution, he thought he could speak confidently when he said that those oposed to it had determined to pursue a similar course. The debate had, however, been brought on. The violent, vindictive, and unprecedented character of the remarks which had justfallen from the member from Ohio [Mr. STANRERY] had opened the whole discussion. That member took occasion, in the most violent manner, to say that the message of the Chief Magistrate was a low, undignified, electioneering paper; that it had nothing honest in it; that it had nothing candid or open in it; that it was the work of his ministry, and not of himself; that the hand of the magician was to be seen in every line of it. Mr. P. said, he took the liberty to say to the member from Ohio, that this violent torrent of abuse, poured upon the head of the Chief Magistrate, was gratuitous, and wholly unjustifiable, not sustained in a single particular by the truth, and wholly unfounded in fact. The member himself did not, and could not believe one word of what he had just uttered, in the face of the House and of the nation. No man in the nation, of any party, who knows the character of the President, believed what the gentleman had charged upon him. He was glad that the member had at length thrown off the cloak under which he had covertly acted during the present ses.

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sion. He had been elected to his seat here by the friends of the President. If he was correctly informed, he came into this House upon the popularity of the venerable man whom he now so wantonly assailed. He came here professing to give to his administration a fair and an honest support—professing to be enumerated among his political friends. Had he sustained one single measure which the President recommended ? Not one—and it was matter of no regret that the member had at length thrown off the mask. He cannot claim this occasion, or this bill, as a pretext for his desertion from his former professed political attachments. What was there in this occasion to call förth such a tirade of abuse ! The President has returned to this House, as it was his constitutional right, and, entertaining the opinion he did, his duty to do, a bill which had passed Congress, and been presented to him for his constitutional sanction. He had, in a very temperate, and, he added, in a very able manner, assigned the reasons why he had felt himself constrained, from a high sense of public duty, to withhold his signature and sanction from it. We are called upon by an imperative provision of the constitution to reconsider the vote by which a majority of this House had agreed to pass the bill. The bill and the message of the President were the fair subjects of deliberation and discussion for this House. We were now called upon to discharge a high constitutional duty on our part. Had the member discussed, or even pretended to discuss, a single o: contained in the message, or in the bill ; No! e had chosen to make a most wanton attack upon the President. Why was the member from Ohio thrown into such a rage? Was it because the system of which this bill is a part was so dear to him : Does he not know, will he deny it, that he has heretofore professed to be opposed to this whole system In the last Congress he was a member of the Committee on Manufactures. He voted for the tariff, and ostensibly supported it; but did he not then openly say to many gentlemen, (not in confidence, for if it had been so, he would be the last man to betray that confidence,) that he was |. to the whole American system; that it was nothing but a political hobby ? Did he not say that he would return home and revolutionize public opinion in his own district, and in the whole State of Ohio; that a delusion existed in that State that could and should be removed; that he had never conversed with a plain, farming man, and explained to him the operations of this American system, but that he convinced him that it was against his interest to support it? Would the gentleman deny this If he would venture to do it, he pledged himself to prove it upon him by many members of this house. It was not, then, the attachment of the gentleman to this system that could have induced him to throw into the House the firebrand that he had— that pretext cannot shield him. He best knows the real cause of his present course. He best knows whether he was ever, in truth and in fact, the sincere friend of the President, or whether he found it convenient to profess to be his friend, in order to obtain his election to this House. The member had formed new associations recently—associations with our old political adversaries; and he was glad, for the future, to know who he was, and where to find him. A covert, political adversary was much more insidious and dangerous than one that openly avowed himself, and acted upon his professions. He had to beg the pardon of the House for any apparent warmth which his manner may have indicated. It had been wholly induced by the most unexpected torrent of abuse which fell from the member from Ohio, so uncalled for by the occasion, so unnecessary and uncertain in its character, and which produced so visible a sensation in the House, on all sides of it, and among all parties in it. That member was wholly responsible for the excitement which it was apparent pervaded the whole House. The message of the President, he undertook to state

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was emphatically his own; and the views presented for the rejectiou of this bill, were the result of the honest convictions of his own deliberate reflection. Was it an elec. tioneering measure ? No man who knows his character will believe it. The common sense of the nation will put to shame the charge. What I an electioneering measurel a popularity hunting scheme ! Why, sir, if he had been so base, in the discharge of a high constitutional duty, as to have been operated upon by such a motive, the indications in this Congress—the will of the people, if that will be correctly reflected here, a majority of whose Representatives originally voted for this bill, would have presented the most powerful motive why he should have approved and signed this bill. No, sir, H. President would not be himself, if he had been capable of being influenced in the slightest degree by any such considerations. Such considerations have no place in minds of the elevated cast of that of the Chief Magistrate. Such considerations are only suited to the bent of such grovelling minds as are themselves capable of making the charge. No, sir, on the contrary— on the brink of a great crisis—at a period of unusual political excitement, to save his country from what he conscientiously believed to be a dangerous infraction of the constitution—to avert the evils which threatened, in its consequences, the long continuance of the confederacy, upon its original principles—he had, with a patriotism never surpassed, boldly and firmly staked himself, his present and his future popularity and fame, against what seemed to be the current of public opinion. Had he signed this bill, the road on which he would have travelled, would have been a broad pavement, and his continued elevation certain, beyond the possibility of doubt. As it was, he had planted himself upon the ramparts of the constitution, and had taken the high responsibility upon himself to check the downward march in which the system, of which this bill is a part, was fast hastening us. It required just such a man, in such times, to restore the constitution to its original reading. In the course of a long and eventful life, he had always been equal to any emergency, however perplexing or embarrassing his situation might be. He had never failed to assume responsibility, when he should assume it; and, in no instance, in his public life, had he displayed, in a more eminent degree, that moral courage and firmness of character, which was peculiarly characteristic of him, than in this. He has achieved a civil victory, which will shed more lustre upon his future fame, and be infinitely more durable, than many such victories as that of the battle of Orleans, for, by this single act, he verily believed he had done more than any man in this country, for the last o years, to preserve the constitution and to

erpetuate the liberties we enjoy. The constitution was, i. hoped, to be again considered and practised upon, as it, in fact, was one of limited powers, and the States permitted to enjoy all the powers which they originally intended to reserve to themselves in that compact of Union. The pernicious consequences, the evil tendencies, to say nothing of the corrupting influence of the exercise of a power over internal improvements by the Federal Government, were not fully developed until within a very few years last past. Mr. Madison, on the last day of his term of office, put his veto on the bonus bill. In the following year, Mr. Monroe rejected a bill assuming jurisdiction and fixing tolls on the Cumberland road. The subject of the

wer was discussed at great length, and with great ability in the next Congress. The House of Representatives, by a small majority, at that time affirmed the power to appropriate money for objects of national improvement, but denied, and by the vote of the House negatived, the power to construct roads or canals of any character, whether military, commercial, or for the transportation of the mail. It was not until the last administration, that the broad power to the extent now claimed, limited only by the arbitrary discretion of Congress, was asserted and at

tempted to be maintained by the Executive and by Congress. It was not until that period that its daugers were fully perceived. The President had manifested, in the message bfore us, that he had been an attentive observer of its progress, and its probable, if not its inevitable con: sequences. He could not shut his eyes to the constant collisions, the heart-burnings, the combinations, and the certain corruption to which its continual exercise would tend, both in and out of Congress. In the conscientious discharge of a constitutional duty, which he was not at liberty to decline, he had withheld his signature from this bill, and had frankly submitted to us his views upon this important question; and he trusted we would deliberate upon it temperately, as we should, and, in the vote which we were about to give, upon the reconsideration of this bill, according to the powers of the constitution, express the opinions which we entertain, and not make a false issue, growing out of a personal assault upon the character or motives of the Chief Magistrate. A remark, which fell from a member from Kentucky, [Mr. CHILtoN] who preceded the member from Ohio, deserved a passing notice, not because of the source from which it emanated, for, if that were considered, it would be wholly uncalled for, but simply because it had been made by a member of the House. We were asked if Congress were to be controlled by one man; and, for one, the gentleman informed us he would not submit to it. The gentleman should learn, if he does not know, that the constitution had conferred upon the President the power which he had, in this instance, exercised; and if the gentleman thinks he should not exercise it, he should seek an amendment of the constitution. By denying the power to construct roads and canals; by refusing to assume the exercise of any doubtful power; and by deeming it safest to refer the question to our common constituents for an amendment to the constitution, the President had deprived himself of a powerful branch of executive patronage and influence, and has thereby given the most conclusive evidence of his integrity of purpose, and the strongest refutation of the affected and stale cant of his enemies, that, because he was once a leader of the armies of his country, he would be disposed in the civil Government to assume more powers than legitimately belonged to him. The power of interposing the executive veto upon the legislation of Congress, had been often exercised since the commencement of the Government under the present constitution. It had generally been exercised upon constitutional ground. But instances were to be found where the power had been exercised wholly upon the grounds of the inexpediency of the measure. A single instance he would cite. On the 28th of February, 1795, General Washington returned, with his objections, to the House in which it originated, a bill which had passed Congress, and which had been presented to him for his signature, entitled “An act to ascertain and fix the military establishment of the United States.” He withheld his signature from this bill, not because of the unconstitutionality of its provisions, but because, in his opinion, it was inexF. to pass it. Mr. Madison, during his administration, ad put his veto upon several bills besides the bonus bill. The exercise of this constitutional power by the Executive, had never been received with alarm; but, on the contrary, had been regarded, as it was intended to be, as a necessary and wholesome check upon the acts of the Legislature. Let the remark of the gentleman pass. It demands no more especial notice. Mr. P. said he deemed it unnecessary to enter anew upon the discussion of this bill. When it was originally on its passage before the House, he had had the honor to submit his views in opposition to it, and would not then repeat them. Nor would he detain the House at that late period of the session, by any elaborate discussion of the

general principles involved in its provisions, for they had

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been often discussed, and were familiar to the House. He
hoped the result of the vote which we were about to give
in the solemn discharge of a high duty which had devolved
upon us, upon this precise measure, in the first year of a
new administration, might resuscitate the almost forgotten
principles of the constitution, and put an end to a system
which cannot end in good, and must lead to the most ruinous
consequences. The Chief Magistrate, with a disinterested
patriotism, and regardless of the consequences to him:
self personally, has, risked all that he is, or may be, and
thrown himself into the breach to resist the annihilation of
the State sovereignties, and to guard against that consolida-
tion of these States, which had once been the dread and
the terror of the original friends of the confederacy, and
their steady followers to the present hour. He was pre
pool to sustain him to the utmost of his poor ability; and
e confidently believed that he would receive the hearty
thanks of a generous country for his course, and not be
requited by the unjustifiable Billingsgate abuse which we
had this day heard poured upon him. He would detain the
House no longer.
Mr. P. P. BARBOUR rose, and said, he felt impelled,
by an imperious sense of justice, to say something in vindi
cation and justification of the Chief Magistrate of the Union,
against the strong animadversion in which gentlemen had
indulged towards him because he had dared to do his duty.
If, in doing this, [said Mr. B.] I shall use the language
of commendation, let no man suppose that it is in the spirit
of personal adoration; I never have been, and I trust in
God I never shall be, a worshipper of men. I never have
felt the influence of a single ray of executive patronage.
But when a public functionary, at a period of great po-
litical excitement, like the present, has advanced, with a
firin and fearless step, to the discharge of his public duty,
as the President in this case has done “uncaring conse-
quences” as they regard himself; when, by this manly and
independent course, he has contributed essentially to pro-
inote the happiness, the prosperity, and the best interests
of a mighty community of States—whilst I will do no
homage to the man, I must, I will do justice to the rare
and distinguished merit of the officer; and if this cannot
be done without ascribing to him even the highest degree
of praise, then that praise is a tribute which is justly due
to him, and which I most cheerfully pay.
But let us inquire what has the President done which
calls forth this loud complaint.
Why, forsooth, he has dared to put his veto upon a bill
passed by both Houses of Congress, and has returned it
with his objections. And has it come to this, that it is
cause of complaint that the Chief Executive Magistrate,
constituting, as he does, a co-ordinate branch of the Legis-
lature, has ventured to perform his constitutional function,
in dissenting from a law, which, in his judgment, would
be ruinous in its consequences Was it in the contempla
tion of those who framed the constitution, that the Presi.
dent should be set up as a mere pageant, with powers
possessed in theory, but never to be reduced to practice
or was it intended that this veto upon legislation, like every
other power, should be exercised, whensoever the occa-
sion should occur to make it necessary? Do not gentlemen
perceive that they might, with as much reason, complain
that the Senate had negatived one of our bills; for they,
too, are only a co-ordinate branch of the Legislature, as is
the Executive Magistrate 1
Sir, each department, and every branch of each depart-
ment of the Government, has its appropriate functions
assigned. The country expects and requires every one to
do its duty, whether it cousists of one man, or a plurality
of men. And whosoever shall fail to do so, though he may
hope to consult his safety by an avoidance of responsibility,
will find that he has forfeited the esteem and confidence
which are invariably awarded by public opinion to firm-
ness and fidelity in the performance of public trusts.

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The constitution proceeds upon the idea that Congress, composed of the Senate and House of Representatives, is not infallible. It has, therefore, erected the additional barrier of the executive veto against hasty or injudicious action. It contemplates that veto as countervailing the opinion of one-third of both Houses, because its interposition makes the concurrence of two-thirds of both Houses necessary. To complain, then, of its exercise, is to quarrel with the form of Government under which we live. It is the precise reverse of a complaint which we have often heard of in a European monarchy. There, the King complained whenever the Parliament refused to register his edicts. Here, the Congress are to complain whenever the Chief Magistrate declines to register their will. I rejoice, sir, that he has so declined. I congratulate my country that, in this instance, the Chief Magistrate has displayed as much of moral, as he heretofore did of physical courage—as much decision and energy in the cabinet, as he heretofore did in the field—by which he will, in some degree, at least, arrest the progress of a system which, in its unrestrained eareer, threatens to produce more mischief than any man, either in or out of Congress, can pretend even to estimate. I heard with surprise, nay, with astonishment, the bitter, the acrimonious, and, I must add, the unjustifiable invective, which the member from Ohio poured forth in a torrent against the Chief Magistrate upon this occasion. The main purpose of the gentleman seemed to be to inculcate the opinion that the rejection of the bill in question was with a view to acquiring popularity | What, sir, an attempt at popularity Look, for a moment, at the circumstances of the case, and then tell me whether this opinion can be sustained. This bill was not only carried by a majority, as it must have been, but by a decisive majority of both Houses of Congress. Can any man suppose that a President, who set out upon an adventure in 'quest of popularity, would make his first experiment against a question which, by passing both Houses of Congress, seemed to carry with it the approbation of the States, and the }. of the States? On the contrary, if he were going for himself, rather than for his country, would he not, by approving the bill, have just floated down the current of apparent public opinion, without encountering the least impediment in his course Instead of this, sir, what has he done { Regarding his country more than himself—looking with an eye that never winked to the public good, and not to his personal aggrandizement—he has withholden his approval from this bill, which was a favorite bantling with a majority of both Houses of Congress. He has thus placed himself in a position where he has to win his way to public approbation, in this respect, under as adverse circumstances as the mariner who has to row up stream against wind and tide. And this is said to be seeking after popularity Credat Judaeus apella. Sir, it is any thing but seeking after popularity in the noxious sense in which that expression has been applied to him. But if I know any thing of the character of my countrymen—if a rare example of political integrity and firmness will constitute a claim to their esteem— if disinterestedness and self-denial be any evidence of virtue in public men—then, indeed, without seeking, will he have found popularity—not of that mushroom kind which is acquired without merit, and lost without fault, but that more noble kind which is always bestowed by all good men as the just reward of virtuous actions, and is always withholden from those who, without deserving it, endeavor to acquire it. Sir, the man who is in quest of popularity and power, would have taken a different course. By approving this bill, and thus continuing the system of internal improvement, the President would have commanded an immense amount of patronage, as well in the disbursement of count

less millions of money, as in appointment to office. And

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