MAY 26, 1834.] Removal of the Deposites, &c. [H. or R. who compose the great mass of the people, distinguish the expenditures of the Government. The same abuses accurately between those laws calculated to do them a are said to exist, and even to a greater extent than before, benefit and those calculated to do them an injury, their and the same charges are now, in turn, preferred against interests are constantly sacrificed to the interests of those the present administration. Into the truth of these who subsist by law, because the law-makers are members charges I am not now disposed to inquire. The workof this latter class. All men, with but few exceptions, ing-men of the country, at the expiration of the first four enjoying honor, power, or wealth, by law, or striving to years, pronounced a favorable verdict, not because they acquire either, through that corrupting channel, are approved of all its measures, but because they had more more or less governed by motives of avarice, ambition, confidence in the present Chief Magistrate than in him and self-interest. The great advantage of our republi- who was contending for the succession. It is evident, to can form of Government consists in the elective franchise every discerning mind, that the contest now going on reserved to the people under the constitution, by the ju- between the leaders of the several political parties is dicious exercise of which they are capable of checking about the succession to the presidency. The great the natural disposition of legislators to favor the minor struggle now is, not to put those in power out, but it is class, composed of legal or fictitious interests, at the ex- who shall succeed to the honors and emoluments of the pense of the major class, composed of natural interests, high places at the end of this presidential term. It is a including all who subsist, not by means of legal grants or matter of some amusement to witness the workings of the donations, but by useful industry. The propensity of discordant materials, and the scraps of parties and politilaw to sacrifice the great and natural interests of nations cal factions who compose the minor class of society at this to the class of little or fictitious interests arises from the time. Those who have a fair prospect of inheriting the fact that, although law can enable the small class to live popularity of the present Executive sustain his course, upon the great one, it cannot enable the great class to not because he advocates the true interests of the major live on the small one. The minor class share among them-class, not because he opposes a licensed monopoly preselves the honors and emoluments of the Government, judicial to them, but because it will increase, in their while the major class defray the expense of those honors opinion, their chances for office. and emoluments. The other fragments of the minor class, composing the The minor class separate into two parties, the ins and nullifiers, the national republicans, and the bank party the outs. There is a continual quarrel going on between proper, under the control of their three leaders, oppose them. The ins impugn the motives of the outs, and say the course pursued by the Executive, and attempt to bring they are influenced by a desire to get in; and the outs the administration into disrepute among the people; not that the ins are influenced by a desire to keep in. Both because he opposes the bank, not because he usurps the ins and outs belong to the minor class, and neither to powers unauthorized by the constitution, as they falsely the major class, who can neither get in nor keep in. pretend; but because they think it will add to their prosThey vote in constant opposition to and prefer charges pects for the succession. These three fragments, so against each other, because they stand in each other's diametrically opposed in their own interest, agree in but way. Those out of office, actuated solely by a desire to one thing, and that is, in destroying the character of the get in, point the people to the abuses of power, and the Executive, and bringing his administration into disrepute mal-administration of the affairs of Government, by those among the major class. They oppose him and his measin office; and the major class, composing the great mass ures, right or wrong. They unite like a band of brothers of the people, by the exercise of their elective franchise, in making their assaults upon the administration and the displace them, and put the other party in power, who President's favorite for the succession. The moment, laugh at their credulity, and continue, and even increase, however, their attention is drawn to any other subject, those abuses which they have been elected to correct. they are found at daggers' points, and scratch and claw Those who have been turned out commence their as- each other like cats and dogs. One party sails under the saults on those by whom they have been displaced, and flag of nullification and the sovereign rights of the States, never cease their clamor until the scale is turned in their but can conscientiously pass over the tariff protective favor. This is the species of political gambling carried system, and internal improvement, and even swallow the on at the expense of the major class, and the gamblers bank, when it is thought that course will enable their alternately win, while the great mass of the people, who leader to gull the people into the belief that he is the pay the fiddler and other expenses of carrying on the most suitable candidate for the chair of state. Another operation, have not even a solitary chance in the game. fragment of the party sails under the glittering banner of The code of laws by which the minor class is governed the American system and national republicanism, but do consists of intrigues and stratagems to beguile the major not hesitate to adopt the heresies of nullification, in all its class, and advance the interests of individuals, parties, hideous forms and shapes, for the purpose of winning a and combinations, of which the minor class is composed. trick in favor of the promotion of their champion. The The code of the major class consists of good moral prin- third fragment of the party, composed of the ultra and ciples, by which their national rights and happiness can genuine federalists of '98, espouse the cause of the bank, only be preserved. right or wrong, with all of its corruptions, in the hope This is the present situation of the politcal affairs of our that their head man, once opposed to the bank on constinational Government, and the true condition of the great tutional grounds, will succeed to the highest station within political parties, cloaked under different names, who have the gift of a free people, upon the popularity of the bank. kept the country distracted for several years past, under The bank interest, however, which aspires to wealth the pretence of advocating and opposing the tariff, bank, more than honor, as regardless of the good of the country and other questions. All of them make the most solemn as it is destitute of a soul, cares not for him or any one professions of patriotism and love of country, for the pur- else, any farther than suits its own avaricious purposes. pose of gulling the people, and carrying on their nefari- It has but one object in view, and that is to obtain a reous operations. During the last administration, the outs charter for another period of twenty years, which would charged the ins with bargain, corruption, intrigue, abuse so identify its interest and incorporate its influence into of power, and other high crimes and misdemeanors. The all the fibres of our Government, as to be equal to a percase was submitted to the people for trial, and a verdict petual license to collect the capital of the country at one found against them. The present administration was placed in power for the avowed purpose of reforming the abuses and retrenching point, monopolize to itself the whole banking operations of the Union, and, in fact, control the commerce, the industry, the wealth, the credit, and the currency of the H. of R.] Removal of the Deposites, &c. [MAY 26, 1834. country, for all time to come. For this purpose it is bank or no bank. The question is between the bank, necessary to destroy the confidence of the people in the present administration. aided by the aspirants to office, and the stability of our republican institutions. The working-men of the country Any one, of whatever political school, whatever may be will not hesitate on which side to enlist. I trust that they his opinions on other questions, would be acceptable to will not only rise in the majesty of their strength, and put that institution in the executive chair, so that he was in down an irresponsible moneyed monopoly, but place at favor of rechartering the United States Bank. The bank the head of the Government a man who is not only a has made repeated displays of its wealth, and glitter of its working-man in principle, but one who has always advogold, for the purpose of seducing the leaders of these cated their interests, and is opposed to monopolies of all three fragments of the minor class, and their followers, kinds, whether in the shape of a United States Bank or a from the path of rectitude, and intimated that its influence local institution, if such a one can be found. If there is would be exercised in favor of each one of them. They, not one righteous individual to be found to save the each of them, in return, have given intimations of a wil- country, we shall again be compelled to take, as a choice lingness to prostitute their honor, and worship at the of evils, the one who approaches the nearest to our politishrine of the golden harlot. Up to this time, the coquet-cal doctrines, trusting to Providence for the gradual estabish jade has kept them in suspense; they live only by hope lishment of our principles. Amidst all the clashing interand fear; at one time encouraged by her attentions, and ests of the minor class, there is but one issue made up to then ready to despair because she smiles on others; they be sent down before the people for trial, upon the result are as jealous of each other as ever were three ardent ri- of which the major class, composing the working-men of val lovers. Which will prove the favored one, or whether the country, have any prospect of being benefited; and her golden affections will be placed on another, time and that, as I have already stated, is on the bank question. circumstances alone will determine. When united for a Upon the merits of this important issue I beg leave to be general charge, they oppose "the powers that be," under heard. the popular name of whigs. Each one calculates on tion of those delivered on the 12th instant. The Jones county resolutions being under consideration, Mr. PLUMMER observed that he had finished the remarks he had intended to make on the merits of the resolutions, but before he submitted the usual motion to print and lie on the table, he felt it due to himself that he should claim the attention of the House a few minutes rising upon the ruins of the administration. When speak- REMARKS OF MR. PLUMMER, OF MISSISSIPPI, ing of a division of the loaves and fishes and the spoils of the expected victory, each fragment of the party claims In the House of Representatives, May 26, 1834, in continuathe right of monopolizing this popular name for the exclusive benefit of their favorite leader. All of the political leaders of the minor class, without exception, are governed by motives of avarice, ambition, or self-interest; "there is none that doeth good; no, not one." How are these things to be corrected? Is there no remedy for them? There is a conservative principle in our Government, capable of correcting these abuses. There is a longer. remedy, but it is so rarely practised that many honest in- When his remarks, two weeks ago, on the resoludividuals seem almost to doubt its existence. There is no tion of gentleman from New York, [Mr. SELDEN,] in cause for despair, and no reason why the people should connexion with the Oneida memorial, were arrested fold their arms, and tacitly consent to become the slaves by the Chair, as transcending the permission granted by and vassals of these political gamblers. There is sufficient the House, he was proceeding to reply to the pretended intelligence and patriotism among the individuals compo- speech of his colleague [Mr. CAGE] published under cirsing the major class, the great mass of the people, to cor- cumstances well known to every gentleman on that floor. rect the existing evils. The remedy is within the power That discussion first originated upon the Natchez resoof the working-men of the country. All that is necessary lution, presented to the House on the 26th day of March is for them to arouse their energies to action. There is last, which came up for consideration on the 31st of the intelligence enough among them to distinguish between same month. He then had the honor to address to the laws and projects calculated to benefit, and those calcula- House a few remarks, confined mostly to the expressions ted to injure the country; and I know that there is still a of public sentiment in Mississippi, and the local politics spark of patriotism retained in their bosoms sufficient to of that State. The pretended speech of his colleague, keep the liberty, the virtue, the happiness, the honor and which he had the honor of dissecting when last on the talents of the country from being extinguished by all of floor, (on Monday, the 12th instant,) it would be recolthe combined powers of the fragments of parties compo- lected, was in reply to his (Mr. P.'s) remarks delivered sing the minor class, who have joined the powerful influ- on that occasion. One of the resolutions adopted by ence of the bank for the purpose of riveting on them, for the citizens of Jones county was, he said, in response to all time to come, the chains of domestic slavery. Neither the Natchez resolutions. He therefore considered this a of the political factions now aspiring to power can suc- suitable occasion to finish what he intended to say when ceed without their aid. The people have been deceived called to order the first time by the Chair. For that purby false names long enough. The working-men of the pose he asked the special permission of the House. country, who have the political battles to fight, and the objection being made, he proceeded. expenses of Government to defray, ought not to permit He said it had been stated by his colleague [Mr. CAGE] themselves to contend for men regardless of principle. that the question of the removal of the deposites from They ought to fight for principle, and place such only in the Bank of the United States was different from the power as will advocate those principles for which they question of rechartering that institution, and consequentcontend. Of what advantage was it to the people of ly was not before the people of Mississippi at the last France to dethrone Charles X., and put another tyrant on Congressional election. For the sake of argument, he the throne to rule over them with equal severity, and would yield the point, and admit that the questions were trample on their rights with the same impunity. It is a different. He stated on another occasion what the real favorable omen to the working-men that the administra- question was, before the people of that State. He would tion has been compelled, in order to shield itself from the not repeat it. In that, it had been stated by his colbattering rams of the other discordant fragments of the league, that he was mistaken. The sole complaint against minor class, to seek protection behind their principles. a certain distinguished Senator, he [Mr. CAGE] said, was It argues a triumphant victory if they will only be true to his vote on the nomination of a minister to the court of St. themselves and their own interests. The question is now, James. He would now adduce a proof of his assertion: No MAY 26, 1834.] Removal of the Deposites, &c. [H. or R. the circular address of that Senator to the Legislature, in sage, under consideration and discussion. What the gentle. reply to the charges preferred against him by the people tleman's [Mr. CAGE's] positive pledges were, he did not of the State. The defence set up by that gentleman know, nor did he care; the facts were simply these: A shows what was the real issue before the people, and of portion of the people of the State were in favor of the adminwhat he stood accused. istration. The administration was opposed to the bank. "The relation in which I stand to you, as one of your Another portion of the people were opposed to the adminSenators in Congress, involving the high responsibility of the representative to the constituent, imposes on me the duty of imparting to you, and through you to the people of Mississippi, the important measures which have been brought under the consideration of the Senate, and my views in reference to them, during the interesting period since I took my seat in that body. "The propriety of this exposition, apart from considerations which might authorize you to expect it from me in a crisis of our national history so portentous as the present, is strongly enforced by the exceptions which have been taken to some of my acts by a portion of the people of the State, which a conscious rectitude impels me to justify by a solemn appeal to the justice and magnanimity of those whose confidence I have so long enjoyed, and which I feel has not been violated in the discharge of the trust to which I was called by the unsolicited suffrages of your predecessors." istration and in favor of rechartering the bank. His honorable colleague was a professed friend of the administration. He took sides with the administration party and against those who advocated the recharter of the bank. He was supported by the friends of the administration, and by the administration party elected. This he admits. What is now the natural conclusion which every reasonable man must bring his mind to, after hearing the circumstances? He repeated that the conduct of his colleague amounted to a pledge to support the measures of the administration generally, or to a pledge to support such leading measures of the administration in particular as were then under discussion and consideration. If he did not mean to do one or the other, he deceived the people. This way of being politically opposed to the leading measures of the administration, and still claim to be an administration man, because he is a personal friend of the President, he did not understand. My colleague (said Mr. P.) seems determined to make a false issue between him and myself, for the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from the merits of the main ques"The bill reported at an early part of the session for tion. He accuses me of casting "unmerited obloquy" this object passed both Houses of Congress by respecta- on a portion of my constituents and fellow-citizens. Mr. ble majorities, but was not approved by the President. P. said he understood that matter perfectly well. voted in favor of renewing the charter of this moneyed institution for a limited time." In reply to the particular specification that he had voted against the recharter of the United States Bank, he used the following language: He (Mr. C.) puts charges into my mouth against my constituents (said Mr. P.) that he may have an apology "The renewal of the charter, at this time, is recom- to volunteer in their defence, and appear as their chammended by considerations intimately connected with the pion on this floor. He did not say that all those opposed prosperity of the agricultural and commercial interests of to the President were federalists, or belonged to the the country. Thirty millions of the capital of this institu- anti-war party. He merely said that they were "in favor tion is in the hands of those who reside west of the Alle-of rechartering the United States Bank, and, consequentghany mountains, in the valley of the Mississippi; two mil-ly, in favor of restoring the deposites." The gentleman lions of this sum are loaned to the people of our State. It does not seem to be well versed in the political history of must be obvious, therefore, that to urge the bank, by the country, (said Mr. P..) or else his object was to misrep closing its affairs, to withdraw this vast amount from cir-resent him intentionally. By federalists of '98 he meant culation, would produce very great distress and embarrass- those who supported the measures of the elder Adams, ment; the rate of interest would be doubled on every dol-under whose administration the alien and sedition laws lar borrowed by a debtor who might be compelled to were passed, and opposed the doctrines of Jefferson, as meet his bank accommodations; commercial facilities set forth in the celebrated Virginia and Kentucky resowould diminish, and the great staple commodity of the lutions. Some of our most respectable, high-minded, and South would be driven to seek a market abroad, in conse- honorable citizens are of this class of politicians. To say quence of the deranged state of the circulating medium at that a man is a political disciple of John Adams is not home. It is difficult, indeed, to calculate the mischiefs of speaking of him reproachfully. A purer patriot never this sudden check to the national currency, which has so lived. He entertained opinions different from Mr. Jef long been employed in the purchase of our products, and ferson, but the American people have done equal honor dispensed in loans throughout the whole country. The to the memory of both. By the anti-war party he meant rate of exchange, also, which has been equalized between those who opposed the declaration of war with Great the great commercial cities of New York, Philadelphia, Britain on the grounds of expediency, but did not withand New Orleans, would undergo an immediate change, hold their services after war was declared. Such he unfavorable to the former, and to the prejudice of the latter, derstood, from a late authentic history of the Hartford and to the whole western and southern portions of the convention, to be the avowed opinions of its members. Union. To prevent these evils, and to preserve a sound He did not mean those who thought it "unbecoming a paper medium whose value was the same at all places to moral and religious people to rejoice at their country's which it might be carried, I have deemed it my solemn duty victories." They were unworthy of the appellation. He to support the present Bank of the United States. I know would brand them with a more odious name. In illustra that the ambitious and powerful State of New York has tion of what he meant, he would remark that the chanused all its influence to prostrate this institution; the mo- cellor of the State, one of the individuals composing the tives by which the managers from that quarter are actuated meeting, was a State-rights politician of the Jeffersonian cannot be mistaken. They are sinister and selfish; having school, but he belonged to the "bank party." His colno other object than their own aggrandizement, at the league, he said, seemed not to understand what was expense of other sections less commercial, and generally meant by the working-men of Mississippi, and intimated debtors to that important commercial emporium for for- that he wished to make an invidious distinction between eign fabrics imported into the United States, and vended those who labor for a livelihood, and those who did not at that port." labor. Since he affected to be so ignorant of the political history of his own State, he would inform him who he meant by the "working-men of Mississippi." He did not mean those who labored with their own hands exclusive The question, then, of recharter, it appears by this evidence, was before the people. The people had at that time the votes of their delegates in Congress, and the veto mes. Vol. X.--303 H. OF R.] Pre-emption. [JUNE 13, 1834. ly, as contradistinguished from those who do not labor; clear of Scylla and Charybdis. They do not (said Mr. nor did he mean the poor exclusively, as contradistin- P.) believe in human perfection nor in the infallibility of guished from those in more opulent circumstances. A man. They are willing to view with a charitable eye this man, he said, might be a working-man in principle, and one error of the President in his construction of the pow advocate the doctrines of the party, without being a me- ers of the General Government. Whatever errors (said chanic or laborer; he might be a lawyer, a physician, a Mr. P.) he may, in their opinion, have committed, have merchant, or a planter. He meant, he said, those who been sufficiently atoned for in his struggle to relieve advocated such doctrines as were calculated to promote them from the iron grasp of a moneyed tyrant, about to "the greatest good of the greatest number," and who enslave a free people, whose ancestors bared their were, consequently, opposed to monopolies of all kinds breast and spilled their blood to be relieved from a much which were beneficial to the rich alone, and injurious to less dangerous power. They are not the supporters of the great body of the people who compose the laboring any administration, right or wrong, without regard to portion of the community. As he intended to enter principle. They would oppose any administration in more at large into the principles advocated by the work- favor of granting exclusive privileges to companies, or ing-men of the country at another time, he would not on of exempting companies from liabilities to which individthat occasion, he said, trouble the House with particulars. uals are subject, and particularly to banks, the most perHe would, however, he said, for the benefit of his col- nicious of all corporations, inasmuch as they, by virtue league, identify the working-men of Mississippi, so that of their exclusive privileges, have the entire control of he would know them, thereafter, by that name. They the credit and currency of the country. They compose compose (said Mr. P.) that portion of the community that portion of the population of Mississippi who stand who, in 1817, opposed a certain party in their efforts to opposed to the aristocracy, whether composed of birth, incorporate into our State constitution a clause taking of wealth, of office, of learning, or of talents, which exinto the ratio of representation the slave as well as the ists in this and every other country, and can only be kept white population, which would have taken the political from trampling on the rights of the people "by the influence out of the hands of the great mass of the peo- strong arm of the law." They have at different periods ple, that compose the laboring portion of the community, been known by the name of whigs, democrats, republiand thrown it into the power of the lordly aristocratic slave- cans, Jackson men, and more recently and familiarly by holders, many of whom have as little regard for the rights the name of the people's party. When they opposed the of the people as for their own negroes. They compose encroachments of the dangerous powers of the General that portion of the community who, with a few choice Government upon the rights of the States, they were spirits at their head, have been struggling for equal rights identified with and called nullifiers. Now, when they and equal privileges from that time onward, and who oppose a much more dangerous power, a moneyed mosucceeded in 1832 in gaining a triumphant victory over nopoly, repugnant to the fundamental principles of our the aristocracy of the State, by expunging from the con- Government, they are accused of being under the influstitution those anti-republican and odious features con-ence of "party trammels" and "decided party discipline," tained in that instrument: depriving a poor man from any and branded with the epithet of "collar men." All the participation in the affairs of Government; authorizing opprobrious epithets which could be invented would not, the judges and other public functionaries to hold their he said, drive him from the path of his duty, nor would offices during life; and taking from the hands of the peo- the newspaper slang of the opposition, although it should ple the appointment of their officers; and who succeeded be endorsed and repeated by an honorable gentleman, in incorporating into that sacred instrument, in lieu there- professing to sustain the administration, have the effect of, the ever-memorable provisions, dispensing with all of making him abandon his principles. The democracy property qualifications for eligibility to office, and the of the country must expect these things, they must right of suffrage; limiting the tenure of office to a short calculate on being called by nicknames by way of ridispecific period of time, and reserving to the people cule. Such has been the case ever since the organizathemselves the inherent right of electing all their public tion of the Government. The object is to drive all those functionaries from the highest executive and judicial who are so timid as to be afraid of hard names into the officers down to the justices of the peace and constables. ranks of the opposition. The idea of being under the They compose that portion of the great mass of the peo "malign influence of the kitchen cabinet is too horrible ple who aided in elevating our present Chief Magistrate to be borne!" Mr. P. said his colleague complained to the chair of state, and were proud of the appellation that he should be "exposed before the House and the of the "Jackson party," so long as Jacksonism continued nation." Mr. P. regretted, as much as any one, the neces to have a definite and specified meaning. But when sity of making the exposure. He deeply deplored it, they discovered that their leaders had, in their blind de- but it would be remembered that his colleague was the votion to men, lost sight of the great principles by which aggressor. He (Mr. P.) had only acted in self-defence, they professed to be governed, and were about to hood- and had even neglected to do that, until driven to the wink and shackle them with the fetters of a party con- wall. If his honorable colleague, he said, "had none of tending for the succession of the presidency, they re- that ridiculous pride which some persons manifested in solved to burst asunder the chains of their faithless lead- respect to what comes from him," he ought to bave ers and adhere to their original principles. So long as sense enough not to expose his ridiculous pride to the Jacksonism meant the State-right doctrines of the Jef-world, by publishing speeches never delivered. Mr. P. fersonian school, they boasted of their name; but when it said that these were the substance of the remarks he inbegan to mean tariff and anti-tariff, bank and anti-bank, tended to make, when first called to order by the Chair, State-rights and consolidation, any thing, every thing, and on Monday, the 12th instant. What he should have said, nothing, they thought it was time to withdraw, change when called to order the last time, if he had been per their title, and set up for themselves. Although they mitted, owing to circumstances that had since transpired, agree with the State-right division of the party in prin- he deemed unnecessary at that time to mention. ciple, they thought it inexpedient to follow them to the brink of dissolution, nor could they be induced, as much as they are devoted to the President, to violate the constitution by following the Jackson division of the party into the other extreme of consolidation. During the South Carolina excitements, they steered REMARKS OF MR. CLAY, OF ALABAMA, He did not intend, at this late period of the session, JUNE 13, 1834.] Pre-emption. [H. of R. when so much important business pressed upon the con- which this bill was intended to revive. It was then read, sideration of the House, to go into an elaborate argu-and it would be recollected by one of his then colleagues, ment of the principles or policy of the measure; and he [Mr. LEWIS,] who was still a member of the House, and expressed the hope that no other friend of the bill would in Mr. C.'s eye, that one of the representatives of Alado so. He said he should confine himself to a brief no- bama, not now a member, [Col. Baylor,] had informed tice of the views and objections presented by the gentle- the House, on his personal knowledge, that the author of man from Ohio, [Mr. VINTON,] and the exhibition of such this letter was a land speculator, and one of the very class facts as were immediately connected with the provisions of persons against whose operations the bill was intended of the bill, and as would, in his opinion, demonstrate the to guard and protect settlers and occupants. He thought justice, propriety, and policy of the measure. his honorable colleague [Mr. LEWIS] had also spoken in Mr. C. said the friends of the bill, if not the House like terms, on his knowledge of this letter writer. Hence, generally, had some reason to complain of the course pur- Mr. C. said, the House would be prepared to give the sued by the gentleman from Ohio. That gentleman had proper weight to this document now, as they did then. caused to be read to the House a letter, or report, from Mr. C. said he would submit to the House whether there the late Commissioner of the General Land Office (Mr. was not some degree of unfairness, to say the least, on the Graham) to the President, and also a letter from another part of the gentleman from Ohio, under all these circumindividual, purporting to have been written from Ala-stances, to introduce, and cause to be read, those two stale bama. Both these communications bore date, he said, documents, as proper, and calculated to influence the vote more than four years ago, and, as would be well recollect-about to be given. The letter from the late commisioner, ed by some gentlemen who were then members of the more especially, obviously related to a measure embraHouse, as well as himself, were read, and relied on by cing very different provisions from that contemplated by the gentleman from Ohio, and others opposed to the pas- the bill under consideration; and the letter from Alabama sage of this same act of 29th May, 1830, now proposed had reference to the inhabitants of four or five townships, to be revived and extended. no longer in market, whose conduct (if as indiscreet as As regarded the letter of Mr. Graham, the late commis- it had been represented) ought by no means to prejudice sioner, Mr. C. said it appeared on its face to relate to a the claims of all settlers on the public lands. Mr. C. rebill of a character essentially, indeed, almost wholly dif- marked that it would not do, on principles of justice and ferent from the one under consideration. Some of the fairness, to say, because a few individuals (probably strongest objections urged in this letter against the bill not amounting to fifty) might threaten to maintain their applied to it as it originally passed the Senate; and which possession of a small portion of the public land by strong were subsequently removed or obviated by amendments arm, that all settlers, indiscriminately, should be deprived which were made in the House. This, he said, would con- of the privileges due to their enterprise and industry. clusively appear by stating the prominent objections of Mr. C. remarked, the gentleman from Ohio had said the commissioner, and calling the attention of the House the act of 29th May, 1830, had passed late in the session, to the law sought to be revived. For example, Mr. Gra- and, as well as he recollected, about midnight. In this ham's letter urges that the passage of the measure, in the the gentleman was entirely mistaken. It was true, Mr. shape it was when he wrote, would suspend or postpone C. said, that the bill was taken up on the question of orthe sale of public lands during the time it was to be in dering it to a third reading some time in the evening, a operation; yet the law, as it passed, expressly provides, few days before the close of the session, and the discusin section 4, That this act shall not delay the sale of sion was continued till a late hour of the night, when it any of the public lands of the United States beyond the was ordered to be engrossed, and read a third time. But, time which has been or may be appointed for that pur- on the following morning, when the bill came up on its pose by the President's proclamation." Thus, it is left third reading, the opposition of that gentleman and others completely in the power of the President to limit the pe- was renewed, with as much zeal as had been before evinriod of this privilege to as short a time as he may think ced; and, notwithstanding all the resistance it had to enproper. If he choose to order a sale of any portion of the counter, it was passed, not far from mid-day, by a most public land which is settled or occupied, within the mean- gratifying and triumphant majority. It underwent a full ing of the clause which has been recited, three months discussion, and did not owe its passage either to the latehence, the settler or occupant must avail himself of his ness of the period of the session, or to the favor of the privilege before the day appointed for the commencement midnight hour. The success of the principle of this bill, of the sale, or it is lost; and so it would be if he should Mr. C. said, did not require darkness or haste. The light order a sale in one month. The party entitled to a right of truth, as it might be elicited by the most thorough inof pre-emption cannot delay the sale of the land he occu-vestigation, was all that was necessary to ensure its appropies a moment--the law imposes no restraint whatever on bation by most intelligent men. the power of the President to fix the time of sale, as he could have done before its passage. The gentleman from Ohio had said that, if this bill passed, it would be unnecessary to pass another bill, which Again: Mr. Graham apprehended that the bill to which was before the House, directing the sale of the lead mine be referred, if passed, would again introduce the credit lands; and was understood to intimate that the right of system; yet the law does no such thing. On the contrary, pre-emption would be extended to settlers on those lands the succeeding clause, in the same section from which he by the provisions of the present bill. In this opinion, Mr. had already quoted, was in these words: "Nor shall any C. said, the gentleman was certainly mistaken. The lands one of the provisions of this act be available to any per-embracing the lead mines were, by law, expressly reservson or persons who shall fail to make the proof and pay-ed from sale; and, until that law was repealed, they ment required before the day appointed for the com- could neither be sold at public or private sale. There is, mencement of the sales of land, including the tract or moreover, a positive restriction in the act, which this bill tracts on which the right of pre-emption is claimed." is intended to revive, in the following words: "Nor shall Here, it is evident that, instead of re-establishing the cred- the right of pre-emption, contemplated by this act, extend it system, the payment, as well as the proof required, to any land which is reserved from sale by act of Conmust be made before the day of sale appointed by the President, or all the provisions of the act are expressly made unavailable to the claimant. The letter from Alabama, which had been read, also had full consideration on the discussion of the measure gress, or by order of the President, or which may have been appropriated for any purpose whatever." Gentlemen may therefore dismiss all apprehensions on that score. But, Mr. C. said, of all the arguments which had been used against the passage of the bill, the most extraordi |