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the constitution of Kentucky. That constitution refers to residence of more than one kind—residence that gives the right, and residence that regulates its exercise. The former may be constructive or actual; the latter must be actual. If the students at Mercer county had constructive residence elsewhere in Kentucky, such residence might qualify them to vote; but if they actually resided in Mercer, as beyond doubt they did, they could not vote elsewhere. The committee have, therefore, by their report, entirely disfranchised these qualified voters by their doctrine of constructive residence. They could not vote where their parents resided, because they did not actually reside there; and the committee hold that they could not vote where they actually resided, because their constructive residence was in another part of the State. The plain and obvious truth of the case is, that they were qualified to vote by residence, constructive or actual, no matter which; and that the place where their qualification was alone to be exercised was Mercer county, where they actually resided. The votes of the theological students have, therefore, upon every ground that can be assumed, been illegally rejected by the committee. The result of the whole, sir, I conceive to be as follows: taking the polls as the majority of the committee have reported, and admitting the committee to have been right in every decision, except the three which I have discussed, the majority of legal votes is still in favor of Mr. Letcher, as it was by the poll-books certified by the clerks of the different county courts. The able report of the minority shows a state of the polls much more favorable to Mr. Letcher; but, without including these corrections, the result will be the same if the House shall amend the report of the majority only so far as the principles I have discussed require.

SPEECH OF MR. PLUMMER,

Delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, May 26, 1834.

The proceedings of a meeting of the citizens of the

county of Pike, in the State of Mississippi, in relation to

the United States Dank, the removal of the deposites, the
derangement of the currency, the pecuniary distress in
the country, the powers of the Executive, the course pur-
sued by their Senators and Representatives in Congress,
and public opinion in relation to those questions, present-
ed by Mr. PLUMMER on the 19th May, being under con-
sideration--
Mr. PLUMMER said he considered the question of re-
chartering the United States Bank, as well as the subject
of the removal of the deposites, opened to a full discus-
sion by the resolutions and proceedings under considera-
tion. He intended to embrace that opportunity to dis-
cuss both of those subjects somewhat at length, and the
House need not be taken by surprise if he should follow
the example so frequently set by others, and make some
desultory remarks in relation to political matters in gene-
ral, and now and then hint at things in particular. He
was not, however, disposed to stand in the way of those
gentlemen who had petitions to refer, and who had been
anxiously waiting for the States which they represent to
be called for several weeks. He therefore moved a post-
ponement of the subject until Monday next. The motion
was negatived. Mr. P. then rose and proceeded:
If it was the pleasure of the House, he said, to hear
him at that time, he had no reason to complain himself, and
he trusted, after having given due notice of his intentions,
that there would be no cause of complaint against him,
on the part of others, if he should occupy the time of
the House for several hours. After all the ingenuity, tal-
ents, and learning, of the most distinguished gentiemen
of both Houses of Congress had been exhausted, during

a six months' discussion of the great questions which agitate the nation, it cannot, said Mr. P., be reasonably expected that I will be able to throw any additional light on the subject, nor that I shall be able to use the ideas advanced by others without subjecting myself to the charge of plagiarism. In order to meet the charge in anticipation of the accusation, I give notice that I intend to avail myself of the arguments advanced by other gentlemen, both on this floor and elsewhere. I set up no claims to originality on these questions. I therefore take this occasion to tender my acknowledgements, in advance, to the author of the “American Banking System,” which I consider the most useful and valuable work on that subject extant; to an anonymous writer over the signature of Marcellus, in 1794, and to what other authorities I may, in the course of my remarks, think proper to draw upon, without stopping, as I proceed, to give credit to particular individuals, who have written or spoken on the subject. If the arguments used by others do not gain any additional weight by a repetition, they may, by that means, get disseminated among the people of Mississippi, where they would not otherwise find their way. Before I get deeply involved in the intricate question of the bank, I feel it due to myself, as well as those by whom I am sustained at home, to inform the House and the country of the peculiar attitude in which I stand in relation to the great political parties that divide the people of the several States of the Union. I belong to that class of politicians in Mississippi who succeeded, in 1832, in achieving that great political revolution which expunged from the constitution of the State those aristocratic features that conferred on the savored few rights and privileges withheld from the great mass of the people. In 1830 I was supported by the democracy of the country, without distinction of national party. In 1832, after I had served one session in Congress, I was opposed by the national republicans, in consequence of my opposition to the United States Bank: I was opposed by the nullifiers, in consequence of my opposition to Clay’s colonization land free negro bill, and because I supported the general measures of the administration: I was opposed by the would-be leaders of the Jackson party, and their presses, under a pretence that I was not sufficiently devoted to the President. I was, however, successfully and triumphantly sustained by the great mass of the people, by the democracy of the State, by the working-men of the country, for the purpose of sustaining the principles which they advocate, without regard to men. During the last summer there was a cross-fire levelled at me from the two extremes. The national republicans and nullifiers cannonaded me upon the bank and land questions, and the Simon Pure Jackson presses on the enforcing bill. Although I am sustained by a large majority of the people I have the honor in part of representing, it is a remarkable fact that, out of the whole number of presses in the State, I do not know of one that supports me or the principles I advocate. Standing, therefore, in the attitude I do, with all of the presses and the most of the talents of the three great formidable parties and the wealth of the State arrayed against me, and supported here only by a few select, choice spirits, scarcely known as a political party, I feel it my duty on this occasion to plant within the hall of the national Legislature the standard, and unfurl the flag of that party, under whose banners a few of us have enlisted, and whose principles, in my humble opinion, are alone calculated to save our bleeding constitution from destruction, our already tottering Union from dissolution, and the people from slavery, bloodshed, and oppression. An abolition of all licensed monopolies, universal suffrage, no property quali fications for office, equal, universal education, abolition of imprisonment for debt, abolition of capital punishments, an ad valorem system of taxation, the election of all offi

cers directly by the people, and no legislation on the sub

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ject of religion, are some of the leading measures advoca-
ted by that despised party of which I have the honor of
being an humble member. I am proud to acknowledge
that these are the principles which are now triumphant in
the democratic and patriotic State that I have the distin-
guished honor in part to represent; and they are the prin-
ciples which must be sooner or later advocated by every
State in the Union. I am still prouder to acknowledge
myself guilty of the charge frequently made against me,
of having been instrumental, in some small degree, in
bringing about this political revolution, and of having first
introduced the subject into the legislative halls of the
State of my adoption. If ever there has been a time, since
the establishment of the banking system in our country,
when the friends of equal rights, when those whose motto
is, “the greatest good of the greatest number,” when
the democracy of the country, the great mass of the peo-
le, had cause to rejoice, it is the present. I do not re-
joice at the sufferings of my fellow-citizens. A man who
can stand by and witness the pecuniary distress which per-
vades the whole country at this time, without sympathi-
zing with those who suffer, is less sensitive than I am,
and has nerves stronger than mine. But I rejoice that
the cause of the distress is about to be eradicated from the
land, I trust never more to oppress the people of this
country. I rejoice that the time has at length arrived
when the attention of the people is likely to be aroused to
a sense of their rights; for let me assure you, sir, that
this American banking system, this rag-money system,
this system of legalized monopolies, which makes the rich
richer and the poor poorer, will not bear an investigation
by the great mass of the people, who always, sooner or
later, look to their own interests. I rejoice that the time
is not far distant when the people will rise in the majesty
of their strength and stamp the seal of condemnation on
the moneyed monster which has produced that distress,
unparalleled in the history of our Government, which is
every day represented to us in a language not to be mis-
understood from all portions of the country, and on those
political jugglers who have been instrumental in creating
the present excitement for party purposes. In Great
Britain exclusive privileges are conferred on the aristocra-
cy, on the nobility, on individuals who are called lords.
In our own country exclusive privileges are conferred on
corporate bodies called banks. In both countries the la-
boring class of the community, who compose the many,
are made “hewers of wood and drawers of water” for
the benefit of the lordly few.
. At a time like this, when the acrimony of party spirit
displays its angry clouds over every legislative assembly
throughout the Union; when party names and distinctions
are artfully introduced into every portion of the country,
by the aspirants to office, for political purposes; when
jealousy and suspicion seem universally to pervade the
whole communiy, I consider it the duty of every sriend
to his country to speak his sentiments freely, and call the
attention of the people to their true interests. When the
public mind is highly excited, I am well aware that it is
not in a condition to listen to the dictates of reason. “In
the paroxysms of such a moment, violence is often re-
garded as patriotism, patience and moderation as pusil-
|animity; the counsels of the first are regarded as the ora-
cles of wisdom, the advice of the latter denounced as the
dictates of cowardice.” In times like the present, it is a
difficult task for an individual occupying a public station
to sustain himself by an impartial appeal to the under-
standings of the people, without leaning on one of the
Prominent parties for support. It is a Herculean task for
one whose advantages have been as limited and whose
abilities are as humble as mine, in his political course to
attempt to advocate the interests of the great mass of the
People on all occasions, without regard to the party or-
ganizations of the aspirants to power. There has been

no regularly-organized party in the country since I have
had political existence, of whose principles I could entire-
ly approve, save one, and that has too unfashionable a name
for a gentleman to acknowledge on this floor, unless he
is prepared to subject himself to ridicule. So humble
are the pretensions of the individuals of that party, that
the gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. HARDIN) did not
deem them worthy of a place on his list of the parties,
made out the other day, which compose this House. I
did not, however, consider his neglect to mention the
name as intending any disrespect towards his honorable
colleague [Mr. R. M. Johnson] at the head of the list,
nor those of us who stand by his side in defending the
doctrines of the party. However much I may dislike to
be associated with those who not only refuse to defend
me when assailed by their opponents, but even disown me
unless they have immediate use for my services, I find my-
self compelled to abandon the principles advocated by the
great mass of the people, whose cause I have always es-
poused, or enlist under the banners of the administration
on the great questions now under consideration before the
American people. Here there are but two sides to a
question. During this session of Congress there have
been but two parties on this floor; the one in favor of the
administration and against the bank, the other in favor of
the bank and against the administration. In taking sides
with the administration, although I disapprove of some
of its measures, I will not be understood as being person-
ally opposed to the President, the heads of Departments,
or any of its leading friends in or out of Congress. I
have been a firm and undeviating supporter of General
Jackson ever since I have been eligible to a vote, and
still have confidence in him. All my bitterness of feeling,
if any I have betrayed, is confined to office-holders, office-
seekers, and prominent friends of General Jackson in the
State I have the honor in part to represent. None of
them, with a few honorable exceptions, have ever sus-
tained me, and I shall consider myself in danger when-
ever they do. In conjunction with my friends, I pursue
a different course from them. We fight the battles of
the administration upon great national principles, without
having the confidence of the party here. They huzza
for General Jackson without regard to principle, and, as
soon as the election is over, claim, as the exclusive friends
of the administration, the spoils of victory. I sustain the
measures of the administration in the councils of the na-
tion; they act the part of spies and informers against me
and my friends, and make all the recommendations for
office. I defend them when assailed, for the honor of the
administration. When in the act of defending them, they
are permitted to prefer secret charges against me, in their
official communications, calculated to tarnish my reputa-
tion. If the administration does an unpopular act, I am
held accountable, while they disclaim all responsibility.
I mean no personal disrespect towards, my colleague in
thus speaking of those whose champion he is on this floor;
he was sent here by them for the express purpose of rep-
resenting their interests, and I hope he will attend strict-
ly to them! They have no fixed principles save one, and
that is, the principle of wriggling themselves into the fa-
vor of those who have the control of the patronage of the
Government. They would sell the liberties of the people
for the sake of office; but I am thankful that their days are
numbered. The people are awakening to a sense of their
duty. when called on to vote upon a party question in-
volving no principle in this House, I shall do as I have here-
tofore done, ever since I have been in Congress, vote with
the friends of the administration, because I am inclined to fa-
vorits leading measures. I will not go against the party until
the party goes against the principles of the working-men.
Efforts have been made to influence the public mind and
mislead the people on the bank question. It is high time
to unfold facts and exhibit the true interests of the coun-

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try to a generous people, who only wish to know their duty to perform it, and to understand their happiness to pursue it. It has been frequently asked, why is it that so many, returned to Congress as Jackson men by their constituents, are induced, immediately after their arrival here, to abandon Jacksonism, and oppose the measures of the administration? Questions of this kind, predicated on the celebrated letter of my colleague, have been asked by the leading opposition presses of the country. They have been emphatically asked, as though no satisfactory answer could be given. It is said not to be interest, nor love of power, for that would incline them to continue in support of the measures of the administration; but it is said to be an honest conviction, on the part of those who abandon the administration and join the opposition, of the impurity of the executive officers of the Government, and the injurious effects of their measures on the community. In consequence of the delicate state of my health, I have taken no active part in the business of legislation during this session. When not confined to my room, I have been a silent observer of passing events, and a mere “looker-on in Venice.” I have mingled more than usual with the passing crowd of visiters, and the hangers-on about the Capitol, who have so frequently thronged the galleries of the House, and the floor of the Senate chamber, during the session. When in the House, I have been frequently driven from this floor by the unwholesome state of the atmosphere, and compelled to take refuge in the gallery; for fear, however, that I may not be believed, I might as well have the gallantry to admit that I have sometimes been unconsciously drawn there by the magnetic powers of those attractive bodies who so frequently honor us with their presence. I have, therefore, had a fine opportunity of watching the process by which those who come here Jacksonians are converted, and transferred into the ranks of the opposition. The process is simple, and the political swindlers have reduced the practice of cheating the people out of the votes of their representatives to a perfect system, on a scientific plan. The process is simply this: on the arrival of a young member in the city, he is waited on by some of the deputies of the party, and introduced to such of the leaders of the opposition as were once the friends and supporters of General Jackson. They take occasion to speak of the patriotism of the President, his devotion to the interests of the people, and the military services he has rendered his country, in the most exalted terms. These professions of friendship for the man gains them the confidence of their subject. They then regret, almost with tears in their eyes, that they cannot support every measure of the President, affect to attribute all the errors of the administration to a set of unconstitutional advisers that he is surrounded with, which they denominate by the appellation of “cabal,” “backstairs cabinet,” or some other equally odious and unpopular epithet. The unsuspecting victim is called on again and again, and the same train of thoughts forced on his mind, until a strong impression is made of their truth. He is kept as much as possible out of the company of those who sustain the administration, and, by invitations and polite attentions, made to associate almost exclusively with those who oppose its measures. They pursue this course, if not repulsed at the onset, until they get the individual to acknowledge that the administration has some errors, that he is opposed to being controlled or dictated to by the “kitchen cabinet,” and that, notwithstanding his personal feelings, and the devotion of his constituents to the President, he only feels himself under obligations to support the administration so far as he approves its measures. This done, and they have him in a fair way. The fashionables who visit the city from all quarters of the country are taught to be.

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lieve that it is not genteel to be in favor of the administration—that all the decency, the intelligence, and talents, are on the other side. Even the softer sex are made to act their part. They are taught to believe that it is not fashionable to speak well of any one who is not a national or a nullifier. If the victim is from the South or West, an appeal is made to his high sense of honor, and to his chivalrous feelings, to know whether he will subject himself to the wearing of a party collar; whether he will be under the malign influence of the “kitchen cabinet;” and the shackles of party trammels and “decided party discipline,” are held up to his view, and he asked if he has not too much independence to wear them. These arguments are irresistible to those who have weak nerves. It requires more than an ordinary share of moral courage to resist them. I almost wonder that there are any who can resist the arts and intrigues of the opposition. It is to me a strong evidence of the purity of the intentions, as well as the firmness, of those who sustain the measures of the administration. In order to convince the fashionables, the exquisites, the nullifiers, the nationals, and particularly the ladies, that they are not under the influence of “party trammels” or “party discipline,” they are compelled to take the first opportunity to record their votes on some incidental question against the administration. This once done, and, notwithstanding their professions, the work is completed. They are then told that they have forfeited the confidence of the administration, and incurred the displeasure of the Executive; and if they attempt to get back into the good old track, the lash is applied to their backs, and they are forced to wear the collar of the opposition instead of the administration, or incur the displeasure of the belles and dandies. The fashionables, whenever the signal is given, flock to the House and the Senate chamber, to hear them abuse the Chief Magistrate. The efforts of the most ordinary minds are pronounced the greatest exertions of human genius. Their low and vulgar epithets are trumpeted forth as the greatest specimens of American oratory. They are flattered, cajoled, caressed, and puffed; and those who have no pretensions to talents, and are too stupid to use abusive epithets, are called handsome, and praised for their beauty, by way of rewarding them for their traitorous conduct, and for betraying the confidence reposed in them by their constituents. They curl their lips, and speak in the slightest terms of the ablest efforts of the leading members on the side of the administration, because it is not fashionable to speak well of General Jackson, or any one who supports his measures. When the individual has the moral courage and the good sense to resist these artifices, resorted to by the opposition, they set their whole corps of venal letter writers on him, whose business it is to manufacture lies to order, and denounce him in the bitterest terms for every thing that is odious and contemptible. His constituents are told, through the medium of the public press, at the expense of the United States Bank, that he is under the influence of the Magician, the New York regency, the kitchen cabinet, or some other horrible animal about to destroy the Government, and erect a monarchy on its ruins. Those who can neither be flattered nor persuaded from the path of their duty, they attempt to drive; and those who will not be driven, they attempt to tarnish their characters and destroy their reputations in the estimation of their constituents. I will be a little more explicit, and confine myself directly to the question under consideration, for I very much fear that I shall not be clearly comprehended. If the victim is a member of the House, he tells those who inquire of him, that the removal of the deposites “was a measure totally uncalled for by any interests connected with the finances of the General Government,” which, he says, “is a totally different question from that of a recharter of the bank;” and that, therefore,

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he shall vote for a restoration of the public moneys, but against a recharter. . When, however, he finds himself compelled, after taking the first step, to continue with his new associates, or still subject himself to the odious appellation of a “collar man,” he gives his vote in favor of a recharter of the bank, without!qualification. If he is a member of the other branch of the national Legislature, he is “willing to support the administration in everything which is right,” declares himself in favor of the resolution simply declaring the reasons assigned by the Secretary of the Treasury for the removal of the public deposites insufficient and unsatisfactory, but decidedly opposed to the one pronouncing judgment of condemnation against the, President of the United States for an alleged violation of the constitution and laws, without granting to him the privilege guarantied to the most humble citizen, of being confronted by his accusers, and of being heard in self-defence. When it comes to the test, he, too, is whipped into the measure; and by the same process forced to vote for the whole of the resolutions, in direct opposition to his declared sentiments. In order to console the feelings of their conscience-smitten victims and as a kind of apology to their constituents for the company they are found in, they are, together with their new associates, given a new name. And wo do you think it is? Why, sir, if you had not already heard, with thirteen Yankee pedlers to help you, you could not guess in a month, It is, sir, the name of whigs! Yes, sir, they are christened, after their political regeneration, by the name of whigs! By whom is this new and popular name given? Who is the high priest on the occasion? If you believe me, sir, it is none other than the brave, high-minded, honorable, chivalrous

gratulate myself, and thank my constituents for withdrawing my name from the company of those whom I am ashamed to acknowledge as my political associates. I have reference to the proceedings of a public meeting held at Vicksburg on the 21st of March last. A resolution was passed approving of the course of Senators Poindexter and Black, and the honorable Harry Cage, on the subject of the removal of the deposites. I read from a Mississippi newspaper: “Mr. Cornell moved to insert the name of F. E. Plummer after that of Mr. Cage.” After some discussion and explanations, “Mr. Cornell withdrew the motion, amidst the acclamations of the assembly.” Was not this, sir, a fortunate escape! Have I not cause to rejoice, not only because I made a narrow escape from these new-coined whigs, but is it not an evidence of my growing popularity! I was the only person the mention of whose name drew forth the acclamations of the assembled crowd; and, what is still more flattering to my feelings, it was not on the presentation, but on the withdrawal. of my name from among the names of these new-coined Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, Hartford convention federal whigs! The House will pardon me for adverting to a complimentary notice of myself, which my vanity would not allow me to pass unnoticed! I will also here take occasion to notice one of the resolutions passed by a portion of my fellow-citizens of Jefferson county, held at Fayette on the 28th ultimo. They took that occasion to “highly approve of the honest, upright, and independent conduct” of those who have knowingly and wilfully violated the will of their constituents, and betrayed the confidence reposed in them by the democracy of Mississippi, and denounce me as the “ready and unflinching tool of the party in power, and no longer the fit representative of a

Colonel James Watson Webb, of mahogany pistol memo- free people,” because I have the moral courage to advoFy! Of what materials is this new party composed? It cate the interests of the people, and oppose a moneyed is an amalgamation of the old Adams, or Clay, and Cal-monopoly in its high-handed attempts to trample under houn parties; of the nationals and nullifiers, of the high foot their rights and liberties, in defiance of the law and pressure tariff and pretended free trade advocates; of that of the constitution, which is the pride and boast of Consolidationists and disunionists; of those who believe a levery true-hearted American. This is the language of bank important to the very existence of our Government, the minions of the bank, published to the world, and and those who pretend to believe the present charter a handed around among the members of this House, for the violation of the constitution; the federalists and disaffected purpose of destroying my influence and usefulness to my republicans; those who opposed the election of General constituents; which they seem resolved to do, at the sacJackson, and those who supported his first election, but |rifice of every moral principle. This is the language of fell out with him because he would not sacrifice principle a few purse-proud aristocrats and their deluded follow*d use his influence to make their favorite his successor. ers, sent here as expressive of the sentiments of the citiThis is the heterogeneous mass of materials, composing zens of Jefferson county. It is a slander upon the charthese new-coined patriots, these Webb, Webster, Clay, acter of the enligntened democracy of that patriotic counand Calhoun whigs. Fine company this, indeed, for a ty; and they will so find it in a day to come. I disregard Professed democratic Jacksonian republican! Who are their billingsgate abuse, and defy their influence. If I am he tories of the present day? Not those who opposed not most egregiously mistaken, there is still alive in that

the last war; not those who discouraged the enlisting of

soldiers, and the raising of money for the purpose of caroing it on; not those who raised the blue lights as signals to guide the enemy where they could plunder and murder our citizens. Oh no! they are the whigs. But those who fought the battles of the Revolution and the late war; those who periled their lives, expended their fortune, and shed their blood, in defence of the rights and liberties of the people; they are the tories. Yes, sir; Andrew Jackson, the soldier of two wars, the one for our liberties and the other for our rights, and his associates, are now denounced by these new-coined and self-styled whigs as toFies; and for what, sir? Why, for daring to oppose an irresponsible corporation, a moneyed monopoly, about to overthrow our Government, destroy our institutions, and enslave the people. If to be associated with Andrew Jackson, the hero of New Orleans, and Richard M. Johnson, the hero of the Thames, and others who prefer liborty to slavery, the rights of the people to a rag-money banking system, then, sir, am I proud of the appellation, and glory in the name. Anything but a sacrifice of principle to keep out of bad company. I have cause to con

county the spirit of a Dunbar, of a Dixon, and a Hinds,
who gallantly defended the country against the power of
a British army of mercenary soldiers at the battle of New
Orleans, and who will again “come to the rescue,” and
as gallantly defend the rights of the people against the
mercenary advocates of a British bank, under the same
victorious citizen soldier who, on that occasion, led them
to honor and glory.
It is well enough for us to understand these terms of
whig and tory. Whig was an original name of reproach
given by the court party in England to their antagonists,
for resembling the principles of the whigs or fanatical
conventiclers in Scotland. The name of tory was given
by the country party to that of the court, comparing
them to the tories or Popish robbers of Ireland. The
whigs were opposed to oppression and the granting of
exclusive rights and licensed monopolies to a privileged
order of men, and in favor of the liberties of the people.
In short, they advocated those principles calculated to
promote the greatest good of the greatest number. The
tories were for enlarging the powers of the Government,
trampling on the liberties of the people, and for con-

H or R.] Removal of the Deposites, &c. [MAY 26, 1834.

ferring exclusive privileges on
uals, without regard to the welfare of the great mass of
the people. The whigs of England and the whigs of
the Revolution were opposed to the Government under
which they then lived, because they were opposed
to its monarchical principles, which held the people
in bondage and usurped those inherent rights guaran-
tied to them by the laws of nature. They wished to
destroy it and establish a free Government, securing to
them equal rights and equal privileges, on its ruins.
There is no other analogy between these new-coined
whigs and those of the Revolution, other than such as
arises out of the fact of their opposition to the present
administration of the Government. These self-styled
whigs of the present day are opposed to the Government
under which they live, and are for destroying it, because
those who administer it are in favor of abolishing all li-
censed monopolies, and opposed to the conferring of
unconstitutional and extraordinary powers on a privi-
leged order of men, to enable them to control the wealth
of the nation, and consequently the destinies of the peo-
le.
It is a matter of great amusement to watch the move-
ments of the new-coined whigs, composed of the whole
heterogeneous mass of discordant materials forming the
opposition to the administration, who have attempted to
monopolize to themselves this popular cognomen, for the
purpose of concealing their real designs and adopting a
name which will render them popular and draw the
great mass of the people to their standard and get them
to enlist under their banner. The people are not to be
deceived by names. My constituents have the sagacity
to discover there is mischief concealed under it. The
nullifiers know that the people of the South will not rally
under the name of national republican, and the nationals
know that the great body of their party cannot consis-
tently, and will not, rally under thename of nullification.
They have therefore assumed to themselves this new
name, which they consider broad enough to cover the
whole ground.
The honest truth, however, is, in regard to the three
prominent political parties now in existence in this coun:
try, that, with their leaders, there is no principle involved
in the whole matter. It is a mere question about men.
It is a mere scramble for office. It is a private quarrel
between the ins and the outs. They are simply for
driving those who have been selected by the freemen of
this country to preside over them for the time being out
of office, and placing themselves in their stead, where
they can be crowned with the honors, and enjoy the
profits of the public offices. Such is the nature of the
human heart and the inordinate ambition of man, that
they are willing to sacrifice every thing sacred and dear,
yea, even to destroy our happy Government, and run
the risk of plunging the people into all the horrors of a
civil war, for the sake of increasing their chances for
office.
Such wicked and ambitious men exist in all commu-
nities. The purest republics have produced them. It
cannot therefore be reasonably expected that our coun-
try should be wholly exempt from them. The history
of the ancient democracies is the history of false patriots,
who, with a few praiseworthy exceptions, under the pre-
tence of being friends to liberty, have kept their coun-
tries in perpetual foreign broils, or domestic agitations
and convulsions, to serve their avarice or ambition, and
who have never failed to make themselves the tyrants of
the people whenever an opportunity has occurred. It is
by bold abuse of others, and by claiming for themselves
superior patriotism, that such men lead their way to
power by quieting the suspicion of the people as to them-
selves, and directing their jealousies to characters whose
noble minds, feeling no sentiment which honor would

a few particular individ

disclaim, act and speak with the frankness and indepen-
dence worthy of republicans, conscious of the purity and
integrity of their intentions. In order to execute their
designs, it is first necessary to destroy the confidence of
the people in such men, who would otherwise stand as
barriers against the object of their ambition. If we look
into the history of the Roman Commonwealth, we shall
find, in almost every page, evidence of the truth of these
assertions. We shall there find numerous efforts to ob-
tain, power at the sacrifice of every moral principle.
Distinguished individuals, occupying high places, have
the effrontery to assume to themselves the high prerog-
ative of undertaking to dictate opinions to the commu-
nity, and to measure out fame and infamy to their fellow-
citizens. They have the audacity to impute to men
thoughts which their minds never conceived, opinions
which their lips never uttered, and designs which their
souls, abhor. This is all done by the magic force of a
few imported words, inapplicable to our country, the
meaning of which those who use them do not understand,
and cannot define. Let us for a moment inquire what
is the nature of our Government: is it not founded on
the republican principle of equality of rights; that the
people are capable and have a right to govern themselves,
either by themselves or by their agents freely chosen?
Has not every citizen a right to think for himself, and
express his opinions freely on whatever involves the in-
terests of the country, without subjecting himself to im-
putations which none but base calumniators, whose un-
governable ambition induces them to endeavor to shackle
the liberties of the people, would dare to make? Who
authorized them to call a fellow-citizen a usurper, a ty-
rant, a tory, because he differs from them in opinion?
Has not every citizen a right to do so? Who authorized
them to assume the title of whigs, of friends to their
country and the rights of the people, to the exclusion of
the rest of their fellow-citizens? Does the constitution
give them greater privileges, or recognise in them a
superior order? Has Heaven stamped them with its pe-
culiar mark of favor, sent them as its inspired political
apostles, or clothed them with the insignia of an authori-
ty before which every knee must bend, and to which
every voice must pay adoration? From the intolerance
of their principles, and the want of that Christian virtue,
charity, in their conduct, they cannot be regarded as the
agents of a beneficent Deity. Yet they could not act
with more dictatorial presumption if they were conscious
of belonging to a superior order of beings, and actually
derived supernatural powers from the God of Nature.
But it is impossible for them, with all of their affected
zeal for the good of their country, with all their profes-
sions of patriotism, and illiberal censures of men of honor
and integrity, to conceal their real character and designs
long from the great mass of the people. They will soon
learn that a free people will not long brook arrogance
and dictation from any quarter; and that they will not
permit themselves to be denounced as the slaves and
vassals of Andrew Jackson, because they vote for a
measure of his administration. The people are too en-
lightened, and know too well their interests and rights,
to permit themselves to be duped by such shallow arti-
fices, suited only to times of ignorance and superstition.
They cannot long impose on a people who understand
and are possessed of the blessings of liberty.
It has been correctly remarked by an able contempo-
rary writer, that there are but two interests in society—
one subsisting by industry and the other by law. In one
of these classifications of interest, all other special and
particular modifications of interest are included. Gov-
ernments are instituted for the benefit of the laboring
class, but being in the hands of those who subsist by law,
it is perpetually drawn towards that by the strongest
cords. Unless the industrious portion of the community,

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