H. OF R.] Harbor Bill. [JUNE 19, 1834. no other way. Among other topics wholly irrelevant to solitary instance could be produced in support of the inthe matter in hand, some gentlemen had lugged into the jurious assertion which had been made, in regard to that debate the subject of the Chesapeake and Ohio canal. very respectable and useful body of able and scientific As to that unfortunate canal, the gentleman from South gentlemen. Mr. M. next adverted to the fallacy of the Carolina [Mr. FELDER] had told the House that, in a late idea, that such works as the Government had engaged in excursion upon its waters, he had met few if any boats would otherwise have been carried on by private compabearing produce. Now, Mr. M. had had the pleasure of nies; and, in illustration, mentioned the profitless stock of accompanying the honorable gentleman in that excursion, most of the turnpike roads in England. To such a length and, after observing the very attractive objects nearer at had this gone, that some companies were petitioning Parhand, which seemed to occupy the vision and the thoughts of his honorable friend, he was not much surprised that he had no eyes for what was passing elsewhere. Mr. M., though himself somewhat in danger from the same cause, had nevertheless observed a large number of such boats on their way, both in going and returning; nor was it any wonder that but few should have been observed. If the gentleman had noticed the large pile of flour barrels stacked up at Harper's Ferry, waiting to come down the canal, he might have seen some explanation of the fact. [Mr. FELDER said these barrels of flour were, as he understood, destined not to the canal but to the railroad.] Mr. MERCER resumed. Admitting that to have been their destination, they could not certainly jump to the railroad. The railroad terminated at the Point of Rocks; the flour lay at Harper's Ferry; how could it get to the railroad without first passing down the canal? There were as many as 1,000 barrels waiting to pass down. Mr. M. then referred to the contemplated improvements in the valley of the Shenandoah, and went with his usual readiness into details about the height of dams, the quantity of water, &c. liament to offer rewards to stimulate the lagging enterprise of the public. He asked whether any private company would ever think of undertaking such a road, for example, as that from Detroit to Chicago? He insisted that there was not a member who might not consistently vote for the present item of the bill, and yet vote against every project of internal improvement to be carried on by the General Government. Surveys bound the Government to nothing. Congress could decline accomplishing the work after it was surveyed; and the maps of surveys already made would show how the Government had profited by experience. It was wonderful to him to witness how gentlemen could substitute chimeras in the place of sober fact; to see the effort so strenously made to overwhelm both fact and argument under a mass of prejudices. Mr. M. said he had always voted in favor of the Military Academy at West Point; yet he had always thought that the services of more than half the cadets there were wholly useless to the country. If the object of that institution were confined to the furnishing of a body of well-trained, competent, and able surveyors, it would do more to the real advancement of the public good than all that which now costs the Government hundreds of thousands of dolHe said that he regretted, as much as any one could do, lars every year. Other nations understood and appreciathe sectional, allusions with which the debate had so much ted the value of correct surveys of their territories. Engabounded. Mr. M. said he was scarcely grown up land had been engaged for the last twenty-five years upon when he devoted his talents (of which he spoke very a general map of Great Britain, and he believed it was not modestly) to the cause of internal improvements in his yet completed. The same thing might be said of France, own State; and it had been 25 years since he first filled a and of all the most cultivated and best-informed nations of seat in her Legislature. Upon that floor he had witnes- Europe. Yet we, who were born but yesterday, and had sed a unanimous vote as to the power of the General Gov- such a vast extent of soil, thought we could dispense with ernment to carry on works of this description. He had national surveys altogether. heard the most distinguished son of Carolina ably advocating the propriety and constitutionality of its doing so. As to the tariff, which had also been forced into the contest, Mr. M. had never given what was called a tariff vote in his life. He never had voted for laying a new protecting duty in any case. He had, nevertheless, been the steady advocate of internal improvements: so had a very distinguished gentleman from South Carolina in this House [Mr. McDUFFIE] once been also. In fact, the system was one of southern origin. Mr. M. had listened to the most extraordinary array of heterogeneous arguments against these surveys he had ever witnessed, and all founded in prejudice, and addressed to prejudice in others. Mr. BEATY made a brief but strong appeal to his western friends to remember Cumberland river. The question, which had long and loudly been demanded, was at length taken, and decided by yeas and nays, as follows: Yeas 89, nays 97. So the amendment proposed by Mr.MERCER, proposing to appropriate $29,000 for the continuance of surveys, was rejected. [It subsequently passed, however.] Mr. MARSHALL said that his State had no interest whatever in the passage of this bill, save on the general principle that she was concerned in upholding the doctrine of internal improvement by the General Government. The item for surveys was, however, the only item in the bill which distinctly connected it with that doctrine. Among other things, the House had been reminded Deprived of this, which was the only appropriation of a about the Buffalo road and the road to New Orleans bav- general kind, the residue of the bill consisted wholly of ing been contained in the same bill, and on this had been local provisions, and rendered it a partial and a local bill. founded a charge of log-rolling. What was the exact The present was the third Congress at which Mr. M. had meaning or true origin of that phrase was better known to western members-for he believed it was a western phrase. But, in the usage of that House, it was held to mean an improper combination of different interests to uphold each other by some mutual sacrifice of principle. He pleaded guilty to no such charge. been honored with a seat upon that floor; and, in all that time, he had constantly voted for appropriations of the kind now in the bill, not that they were for his State, for Kentucky got none of them, but chiefly on the ground of keeping alive the system. But he was not willing that gentlemen in that House, who had particular measures to He had heard, too, that the engineers were bribed to carry, should avail themselves of his vote, and the votes make favorable reports, by the hope that they should, in of others similarly situated, to effect their purpose; and, consequence, get employment. Now, the most costly when that was secured, should then turn about and vote survey in this country had been that made for the Chesa- down the only one feature of a general character which peake and Ohio canal, which it had taken three years to the bill contained. Here, then, he should stop. He finish, and yet not one of the corps of United States en- would go no farther; and he appealed to other gentlemen gineers who had been engaged in it had since been em- from the Western States to say how far they would perployed in the superintendence of any great work. Not almit themselves thus to be played with. If the system JUNE 19, 1834.] Fortification Bill. [H. of R. was to stop, let it stop now. He moved to lay the bill of subordinate importance should be commenced. Conupon the table, and demanded the yeas and nays. They trary, however, to this arrangement, works of secondary were ordered accordingly. Mr. FILLMORE moved a call of the House; but it was negatived. The yeas and nays were then taken, and resulted as follows: Yeas 104, nays 83. So the harbor bill was laid upon the table. FORTIFICATION BILL. The House then took up that bill. Mr. POLK moved to amend the bill by reducing the sum for Fort Independence, in Boston harbor, from $34,758, as originally reported, to $17,594. He did not go into a detailed statement of the grounds of this reduction, as the subject had been explained and discussed when the bill was in committee. The amendment was agreed to. consequence had been undertaken, and many of them completed, and yet these forts at Boston, which were marked as belonging to class No. 1, had not yet been attended to. He would be glad to understand on what principle so important and so needful a work was to be omitted or postponed? He had heard it said that it was because this fort on George's island was a new work. This, however, was not the fact. It was not a new work. The subject of commencing this fort had long since been submitted to the Committee on Military Affairs, who had reported in its favor. An appropriation had accordingly been made for commencing it, of a small sum, indeed, but sufficient to put the case out of the reason which had been alleged. But why had no appropriation been made at an earlier period? for this fortification had been recommended in the plan of General Bernard, as one of the first rank. Simply, because the representatives of Massachusetts had not importunately pressed the claims of their State and of its commercial capital in this matter. It was not the size of the fort that could have been the objection, for works as large and larger had been erected at the South. Yet what was the situation in which the town of Boston, with all the invaluable marine and naval interests concentrated therein, was now placed? Any military man, by a single glance, must perceive that the navy yard itself, with all it contained, might be taken by an enemy by a coup de main. And the navy yard, be it remembered, was within a quarter of a mile of the city. The British had a naval station at Halifax; and, in case of a rupture, their cruisers might be ordered round and might pass up the Mr. McVEAN moved to amend the bill by striking out the item as amended; but consented to withdraw the mo-harbor before the least notice of their approach could be tion. M:. POLK next moved to amend the bill by striking out the item of $100,000 for the fort on George's island, in Boston outer harbor. had, and, before any effectual resistance could be offered, might lay the navy yard in ruins. There was not a point on the whole coast, from Portland to New Orleans, which so invited the enterprise of an enemy. They might apMr. GORHAM, of Massachusetts, opposed the amend-proach within four and a half miles of the town itself, bement. He said that he hoped the House would hear from fore a single gun could reach them. Gentlemen smiled at the honorable chairman of the Committee of Ways and the idea of providing against such an attack now, in a Means some reason for striking out this appropriation. If time of profound peace, when there was no speck of war the system of fortifying the most important points upon on the horizon. But let him tell gentlemen that when our seaboard was a proper system, and if the plan for war was approaching there would remain no time to effecting it which had been agreed upon by the Govern- erect such a fort as the defence of Boston harbor rement was a wise and judicious plan, then he should sup-quired. If it was to be erected at all, it ought to be gopose that every man who admitted it to be so must, as of ing on now, while time and opportunity was afforded to procourse, vote against the motion now made. He did not ceed advantageously with the work. Mr. G. insisted know that, without a map, it would be possible to explain farther on the exposed situation of the harbor, and said the localities of the harbor, and the situation of the fort he could convince any man, in the least conversant with referred to, so as to make gentlemen clearly comprehend naval affairs, that the depot in that harbor, which was one the case. The harbor of Boston was divided into two of the most important and valuable in possession of the parts, one of which, nearest to the ocean, was called the Government, might be captured and laid in ruins in a "outer barbor," and the other portion of it, more in single night. the vicinity of the city, was called the "inner harbor." George's island lay at the point by which vessels must pass in order to get from the outer to the inner harbor. The fort was, therefore, obviously necessary to the protection of whatever the inner harbor contained; and in that harbor was situated, beside all the shipping, a naval depot of the utmost consequence to the Government. Mr. POLK rejoined. He said that he had never controverted the propriety of, at some time, erecting a fort upon George's island. Such a work might be not only proper but necessary, nay, indispensable. He knew that it was included among the fortifications of the first class, in the general plan adopted in 1821. That plan embraced works of various grades, a number of which had been It was one of the most important points of defence upon commenced, some were finished, and others in progress. the whole seaboard. Why was it not to be defended? When this bill had been brought into the House, he had The Government, in prosecuting its system of fortification, been asked whether it contained appropriations for any had begun at the Mississippi, and proceeded northwardly, new works; and he had replied in the negative. But he along the coast, expending, in its progress, seven or eight had not, at that time, known how very small a sum had millions of dollars upon different works, until it had got as been expended upon the fort now in question. He felt it far as Rhode Island. Beyond that point nothing had yet his duty to curtail the national expenditure all he could been done. Yet, in the distribution of the several con- for the present year. He believed that, though 25,000 templated fortresses into classes, according to their rela- dollars had been appropriated for this fort, there had not, tive importance and necessity, this fort in Boston harbor as yet, in the whole, been more than fifteen hundred dolhad been included in the first class; and the Government lars expended upon it. He had a letter from the Secrehad very properly resolved that the works of that class tary of War, addressed, not to himself, but to another should first be undertaken and completed, before those member of the House, a copy of which had been furhish H. OF R.] Fortification Bill. [JUNE 19, 1834. ed to him, and which he would now read to the House in Mr. GRENNELL said that, after the clear and able exvindication of his course in moving to omit, for the pre-position given by his colleagues, it might be considered sent, any appropriation for this fortress. unnecessary and superfluous for him to add any thing; [Mr. P. here read the letter, which stated, in substance, nor should he trouble the House long. It seemed to be that if any reduction was to be made in the sum estimated for by the Department, it might best be done by postponing the appropriation for this work, and reducing certain others mentioned.] admitted that but a small sum had yet been applied to this fort, though a considerable amount had been formerly appropriated for it. And, judging of the course of the debate, it would appear as if the present appro From this letter he had been induced to conclude that priation was considered in the light of a boon to a partic it would be proper to suspend appropriating for the fortular city. It was not so. The defence of an important on George's island till another session. harbor was not to be treated or considered as a favor Mr. GORHAM said he could not see on what principle granted for the benefit of one city or one section of the gentleman came to such a conclusion: It certainly could not have been from this letter; a letter addressed not to him; a private, unofficial communication to some member of the House; and a letter which contained not one word to show that the Department thought this work ought to be postponed at all. The harbor of Boston, one of the most important in the country, and one of the most assailable, was to be left wholly undefended. He protested against any such conclusion. Was country; and he could tell gentlemen that the people of that portion of the Union where this fort was to be located were not, perhaps, in the habit of depending so much on the disbursements of the Government as those of some other sections of the country. The fort proprosed to be stricken from the bill was one the great seaboard defences of the Union. The board of engineers, when arranging their celebrated system for the defence of the country, had decided that the protection of Boston Mr. EVERETT, of Massachusetts, went into a detailed harbor demanded a fortification of the first class. No statement of what had been appropriated for this fort, gentleman, he presumed, was disposed to question the and the items of expenditure which bad thus far taken competency of that board. It would be now doubted, place, down to the time when the session commenced. if at all, for the first time. It was called together at the But be reminded Mr. PoLK that the House had been termination of the last war, when the recent experience seven months in session, and by that time, very possibly, of the country, in some cases so disastrous, had taught us the whole of the former appropriation had been expend-by experience the strong and the weak points of our ed. The argument, therefore, against including this fort country. It was composed of men of the highest characin the bill, because almost nothing had yet been expend- ter and most extensive experience, and its great design ed upon it, came to nothing. Mr. E. went on to explain was to devise and to present to the Government a comthe present state of the defences of the harbor. They plete system of external defences, for the whole seacoast consisted of the old works on Castle island, which were of the Union. The board made a most able report, in in a state of entire dilapidation. The fort was totally ru- which the different defensive works were arrayed in inous, insomuch that not a gun could be brought to bear classes, according to their size and importance. upon an enemy, and fought, should an attack be made. not such a report entitled to great consideration? Who The Department had sent to the committee a plan for could doubt that one of the first duties of the Governthe repairs of the work, and had stated them to be essen- ment was the duty of protecting its citizens in the secure tially necessary. And, if the gentleman meant to insist possession and enjoyment of their property? Yet his colupon his plan of reducing the appropriation to 17,000 leagues had shown that, in the harbor of Boston, great dollars, he might, as to all practical benefit, just as well and important interests were left in a state of complete throw that sum into the sea. Mr. E. appealed to the exposure, without effective defence of any kind. Did House to say, whether the present state of things ought gentlemen consider what these interests were? Did they to continue? Was it wise? Was it proper? Was it consid- remember that in that harbor was situated one of the erate? Was the treasury so utterly bankrupt that, from greatest depots of naval armaments and stores which the mere want of money, one of the principal cities of the Union country owned? That ships of war were constantly repairmust be left without forts to defend it? Would any gentle- ing there? That ordnance were collecting? That munitions man, would the gentleman at the head of the Committee of of marine warfare were amassing? Were these interests Ways and Means, say, in his place, that our finances were which called for no regard from a wise and considerate at so very low an ebb as this? He trusted the House Government? But there was one other object within would not, by its decision, say so. Did gentlemen con- that harbor, the mere mention of which must be suffisider that the naval depot in Boston harbor contained, at cient to convince every one of the impropriety of leaving this time, one ship of the line, and four or five ships of it unprotected. He referred to the dry docks. One of war of a lower grade, beside all the naval stores, and an these, at Charlestown, had cost the Government, for its immense amount of public property in marine buildings? mere construction, more than a million of dollars. How That in that harbor lay a large town, with all the ship-important an addition was this to the value of all the other ping pertaining to it, besides several other towns of small-public property there? And how long would it take an er dimensions; and that all this treasure lay absolutely enemy to destroy the whole? Not more than four hours. defenceless, without a single gun to repel the attack of Four hours would be sufficient to reduce the whole depot the feeblest enemy? It was true that he had no expecta- to ashes. He would ask of southern gentlemen, who tion of a speedy war. But what then? Was that a rea- were acquainted with the naval depot at Gosport, how son the nation was to be unprepared for it? Had not a long it would require to destroy that valuable establishvery recent occurrence of a very painful nature made it ment? Would it require a longer time than he had menapparent, in a period of profound peace, that our ships tioned? And would they consent to leave that defenceof war traversed the ocean with their guns shotted. Un- less? Let the vast work at Old Point and another at the less the gentleman could give some better reason than Rip Raps answer. Here, then, was economy! For the the House had yet heard, he trusted the motion would sake of putting off for a year or two the expense of not prevail. As to the condition of the treasury, had not building a fort, to have such an amount of public property the House heard, from a very high quarter, that the state at the mercy of a foe. But we were to have no war. Oh of our finances was as flourishing at this moment as they no! It was ridiculous to talk about it! Other nations, ever had been? Why then must Boston harbor be passed all other nations, had wars; but we never should! Or, if by, when such large amounts were given for the security we did go to war, this harbor would escape. Was not of points not so important, and not so exposed? this being (if the honorable chairman would excuse the JUNE 19, 1834.] Fortification Bill. [H. OF R. phrase) penny wise and pound foolish? If ever a war in its pursuits. Why, then, he repeated the question, should happen, where would the theatre of that war be? these enormous sums for fortifications? Doubtless, it would be on the ocean. And when a naval Mr. CROCKETT said he had at all times supported armament was assailing this country, where would be its internal improvements, and would now like to do so. point of attack? Would it not be at such a spot as might He had an amendment to offer to the harbor bill, for a be most easily taken, and, when taken, would occasion us small benefit for his district, which was to remove the obthe most loss and injury, and do the enemy most good? structions out of the rivers Hatche, Forked Deer, and If our naval armaments were exposed, that would be the Obion; but he unfortunately went home to his dinner, point which would invite the blow. Such a point must and, while he was absent, the bill was laid on the table. Boston harbor be, unless the means were granted to ren- I now believe, said Mr. C., we ought to lay this bill on der it secure. Arms and munitions of war might, indeed, the table, too, and all other appropriation bills. Sir, it be collected to one point even in time of war; but heavy is useless to pass appropriation bills. A majority of this forts for seaboard defence were works which must be House has determined, by their votes, that Andrew Jackdone in time of peace. Did gentlemen forget that the son shall be the Government. You say his will shall be British ships lay off Boston, during the last war, in entire the law of the land. What have we seen, sir? We have security, in the very face of a rich city and a powerful seen him seize the treasury of this country, and remove Commonwealth? Had they forgotten the melancholy ren- it from where the law had placed it; and I now ask any contre between the Chesapeake and Shannon; when gentleman of this House to satisfy me why the same the power of the enemy braved us to our face, and their law that will authorize him to take the money from where taunting challenge drew forth our lamented hero to his the law had placed it, will not bear him out in also disdestruction? Was it intended to suffer the works on tributing it where he pleases? I don't mean that he took Castle island to perish; and then to refuse to erect a fort hold of the money with his own hands, but he made his on George's island? Was it the system of gentlemen to tools do it, which is the same thing. Sir, of what use are leave Boston defenceless? your laws, while he walks over your laws, and your conMr. G. addressed this query to the gentleman from stitution, too, with impunity? Sir, I do not consider it Tennessee, the chairman of the Committee of Ways and good sense to be sitting here passing laws for Andrew Means: was that gentleman, coming from the prairies of Jackson to laugh at; it is not even good nonsense. Sir, the West, and who possibly never saw the seaboard in what does he care for your laws or the constitution? He his life, to lead that House at his pleasure in matters of is the Government, and his will is the law of the land. naval defence? Was his judgment to be received and Sir, he has no Secretary, either of State or the Treasury, submitted to as overpowering and infallible on all sub- nor has he had any for better than one year, according jects? But the gentleman produced a letter; yes, a let- to the constitution. He has got people about him acting ter from the Secretary of War, in which that officer ex- as such, but he has never asked the Senate to confirm pressed himself willing to dispense with this appropria- them, as the constitution requires him to do; and out of tion. But, was that a letter officially addressed to the those that the President has got about him, I have never House? No. Or to one of its committees? No. Or to seen but one honest countenance since I have been here, the gentleman from Tennessee himself? No. It was a and he has just resigned. I suppose he cannot stand private letter to a member of the House. And what, them any longer. And I am told that the other, the he would take the liberty of inquiring, had induced the Secretary of the Treasury, is packing up to remove. honorable Secretary to write that letter? Had he done Sir, we have no Government but Andrew Jackson, withit of his own free motion; or was it in consequence of a out Secretaries; and, sir, he is surrounded by a set of previous letter to him, which letter was not produced? imps of famine, that are as hungry as the flies that we It was obviously a reply to some letter to him, suggest have read of in Esop's Fables, that came after the fox ing that a reduction must be made somewhere in the an- and sucked his blood. Sir, they are a hungry swarm, nual estimate. A letter so written, and under such cir- and will lick up every dollar of the public money. cumstances, brought forward to that House, had, he must Sir, we have heard that this country was to be blessed confess, no weight at all with him, and he believed would with the Jackson money--the hard chink--and, to our have but little with the House. Was the protection of a surprise, what have we seen from the gentleman from great naval depot to be postponed on such an authority; Baltimore? [Mr. McKIM.] He, as the administration leader when the opinion of all military men agreed on the neces- in this House, has brought forward a measure to give the sity of the work proposed; and when the state of the country a blessed currency of fifteen millions of glorificatreasury had been officially declared to be prosperous? tion money. I suppose he has caught that from New He could not believe that any gentleman, on due reflec. York. Sir, I still live with a hope of seeing better times. tion, would maintain such an opinion. And he really wish- Let us all go home, and let the people live one year on ed the chairman of the committee, instead of giving out to glory, and it will bring them to their senses; and they the House his own personal opinion, would go and ask the will send us back here and teach us to make the gentlePresident, who had personally inspected the situation of man in the white house take down his flag. Sir, the this harbor during the last summer, to say whether, in his people will let him know that he is not the Government. opinion, this was not an important, and, at the same time, I hope to live to see better times. a very exposed point upon our Atlantic frontier? Mr. DUNLAP said he had not, intended to address the Mr. W. R. DAVIS supported the motion to strike out House on the subject now under consideration, and should the clause under discussion. He could see no necessity have contented himself with giving a silent vote, had it for these immense appropriations for fortifying the coun-not been for the remarks of his colleague, [Mr. CROCKETT.] try. He would venture to say that, if some intelligent We represent districts (said Mr. D.) the same in interest foreigner, especially if he came from England, were then and feeling. My colleague has taken occasion to make present, he would suppose, from the language and argu- insinuations against the Executive of this nation, the ments of gentlemen, that they were about to rush at once President of his own State, and the choice of his own into a war. Millions at a time were they devoting to this district. object. For what purpose was such folly on the part of a I, as one of the representatives of Tennessee, would country distant three thousand miles from any that could feel that I was recreant to my duty if I did not repel be its enemies!--for we hardly consider the Canadas as them. He charges the President with having taken the within the possibility of becoming such--a country peace-money of the people, and having it at his own disposal, ful in the spirit of its Government, and chiefly agricultural and asserting his own will for the law. Mr. Speaker, I H. OF R.] Fortification Bill. [JUNE 19, 1834. repel the insinuation. He has never taken one dollar, him almost an entire vote for the presidency. There nor can be, but by the vote of this House and the co- were not, Mr. Speaker, one thousand voters in my colordinate branch of the Legislature. He has never as-league's and my own district, both together, that voted sumed any power or control over the public money that against the present Chief Magistrate at the last presidenhas not been assumed and exercised by every other Presi-tial election; and how he can reconcile himself thus to dent, for which he is now denounced and called tyrant abuse the President of the choice of his constituents I and usurper. Sir, the power that the present Executive cannot say; it will be for him and them to settle that has assumed was never denied to any other President, matter. or by any person, until the present session of Congress. I am, Mr. Speaker, in favor of the motion of my colThe persons who now deny the President the power he league [Mr. POLK] to strike out of this bill one hundred has exercised are ready to condemn him for any and thousand dollars for the erection of a fort at George's every act of his administration. I had considered, Mr. island. Mr. Speaker, if any gentleman in this House will Speaker, when I was elected a member of this House, it take upon himself the trouble to examine the original was my duty to legislate for the whole Union, and to plan and estimates made by the Engineer department, vote for such measures, no difference in what part of the about the different forts and fortifications then considered Union they may have originated, or by whom they were necessary for the general defence of this nation; and then advocated, as I might believe were right, and to oppose examine the number finished, the cost, and how much all such as in my opinion were wrong; but, sir, I find more they cost than the original estimate, he will be asgentlemen here acting from different views. My col- tonished at the enormous sums of money they have cost; league speaks much about the expenditures of this ad- and if this system is to be continued, how many millions ministration, and at the same time tells you he is in favor will it yet cost this Government to complete the works of internal improvements, and has voted for all the bills originally contemplated? Sir, there are now more forts before this House for such purposes, and also for the finished than will be armed in the next thirty years. Why harbor bill that has been laid on your table, and that he then build more? Let us first arm those already finished. is in favor of this bill; but, as the other bill has been laid I would call the attention of the House to the number of on the table, this had as well keep it company until they men necessary to take care of those forts in time of peace. could find where the public money is. I know, Mr. There will not be soldiers enough in your army to man Speaker, that my colleague and myself differ in opinion them. You will have to increase your army for no other upon the subject of internal improvement. He enter-purpose than to take care of these forts. Here will be tains the opinion that this Government has the power to an additional expense on the Government. The estimate appropriate money for internal improvement, and, in ac- for the present fort is near half a million of dollars. We cordance with his opinion, has voted to appropriate mil- are only asked to give one hundred thousand dollars this lions of dollars this session to such purposes. I enter-year; but every year hereafter we will be asked for a tain a different opinion, and have voted against every one like or greater sum, until it is finished; and if the estiof the propositions he has voted for. Mr. Speaker, Imates fall as far below as some others have done, we may believe this is a Government of limited powers. The have to appropriate a million of dollars to the erection of only power it has was given to it by the thirteen original this fort. After the passage of the act of the 30th of sovereign States. They delegated a portion of their April, 1824, appropriating thirty thousand dollars to be powers to the Federal Government, and that not dele- disposed of by the President, to have such roads and gated was reserved by them. Now, sir, in reading the canals surveyed as he might believe would be of national constitution, I find no power given to the Federal Gov- importance, it was found necessary to increase the enernment to appropriate money for internal improvement, gineer corps, to enable the President to have all the difand whenever it is done it is a usurpation of power on ferent roads, rivers, and canals surveyed that might be the part of the Legislature. We hear much about ex-deemed of national importance. Mr. Speaker, we had ecutive usurpation; and who are they that thus complain? engineers sufficient to answer all our purposes for the The very persons who are in another branch of the Gov-army during the late war; and in profound peace we see ernment exercising powers never delegated to them--this corps increased, and for no other purpose but to depassing laws appropriating millions of dollars for internal vise ways and means to spend the public money, for the improvement, and laying a high protective tariff to raise unlawful and unconstitutional purposes here alluded to. the money. am for stopping this system; and, when that is done, the necessity for this increased number of engineers will cease; and they can be reduced to the number necessary for the army, and thus save this additional expense to the community. If this system of internal improvement is persevered in and carried on, we of the South will again be burdened with the odious tariff; those who are in favor of one of these measures must be for the other. Who is it that votes for these enormous sums of money to be expended? The very persons who are daily abusing the Executive for the profligacy of his administration, when at the same time they know that he cannot spend one dollar without it is first appropriated by Congress, and then as he is directed by the act making the appropriation. Gentlemen surely have but a poor opinion of the intelligence of the American people, if they expect to deceive them by such statements. They are more generous and magnanimous than to condemn any person without first examining the charges and the proof. The Executive has proved to the American people, by the whole tenor of his life, that he is one of the purest patriots of this or any other age; and that there exists not in this nation one man to whom the title of tyrant and usurper would not sooner apply than to himself. Little could he have expected that one of the representatives from his own State would have called him by such epithets; and one, too, representing a district that gave I know, sir, it is the policy of some gentlemen to continue those enormous expenses of the Government, and thus keep up the necessity of continuing a high tariff. I act from a different principle. I wish the expenses of the Government curtailed to its actual wants; and let us again return to the original republican simplicity of our Government, as formerly administered by Jefferson, and as it is now practised upon by Jackson. Mr. CROCKETT rejoined, and said he had no idea of warming his colleague; but he wished it distinctly understood that he took nothing back that he had said, but would reassert every thing, and go further. He therefore now said we had no Government at all, and God only knows what is to become of the country in these days of miserable misrule. Mr. SELDEN was sorry to interfere in the present debate, nor should he have done so had it not been distinctly intimated by the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means that this motion to strike out the fort in Bos |