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JUNE 19, 1834.]

Harbor Bill.

[II. OF R.

Was it not their duty now to unite and to act in con" would view it as merely a mode of scattering the money cert? and, so long as the present policy shall prevail, to of the Government, was there any thing unfair that the insist that tide-water improvement shall be carried by tide- West and the North should share in such a benefit? The water votes? He regretted to find himself obliged to take South had one of its own members at the head of the this course, in self-defence. He was as much as ever the Post Office Committee, another at the head of the Comfriend of internal improvement, and all he asked was, mittee on Roads and Canals. The Atlantic coast had bad that equal justice should be extended to the interior and a large share of the public expenditure in forts and custo the seaboard. As he had no expectation that the tom-houses. For what had this money been spent? To amendment now moved would prevail, he did hope the benefit those only who dwelt in that section of country? country would unite against the passage of the bill, as the By no means. It had been expended for the common only means left them to obtain what he believed to be defence and for the general welfare of the Union at their just rights. large. Mr. E. held that we were all one people; and Mr. LOVE agreed that it was become particularly ne- when the men of the East had their harbors and their cessary for the people of the West to stand by each other, coast defended, the men of the West considered these as he avowed he meant to do, and not support a single defences as their own. They were for the safety of the proposition for improvement elsewhere, if the members whole country, not of a part of it. 'The argument used from the other parts of the Union, for whose appropria- by some gentlemen would lead any one to the conclutions he had uniformly voted, would not extend their aid sion that it was money alone that was sought for. But to those introduced for the benefit of the West. He re- surely it came with an ill grace from the advocates of plied to the argument of the honorable member from strict construction, who should be the very last to put South Carolina [Mr. FELDER] with much spirit; not, money before the constitution. But had not the General however, blaming him, supposing that, as a disciple of the Government power to regulate commerce between the school of nullification, it was perfectly natural for him to States, and to establish post offices and post roads? What oppose improvements by the General Government. He did gentlemen mean? Did they want to separate the particularly adverted to the argument in relation to the Western States from the rest of the confederacy? If such riots on the railroad as being a result to be condemaatory was their desire, the people of the West would not object, of the whole system. This argument, he thought, could although they would soon find that the Union had lost its only be equalled by that objection raised by a Kentuckian dearest jewel. If he rightly understood the gentleman to turnpike roads, viz: "that he feared they might wear from South Carolina, [Mr. DAVIS,] he sought to impress out his horses' shoes more than the good old clay roads." the House with the belief that the entire system of surHe, Mr. L., would, however, treated as the people of veys and internal improvement was radically corrupt. If the West had recently been, now warn the members rep- so, how did it happen that he and other southern gentleresenting it, not to vote for a single improvement more, unless the eastern members would, in turn, support those in which the West was interested.

Mr. E. was

men had voted for so much of the system as related to works at the South? How came it that his friends from North Carolina had more than one appropriation for their Mr. ASHLEY considered that the vote of yesterday, benefit in this very bill? A gentleman near him said that rejecting the appropriation for surveys, was certainly the the bill contained nothing for North Carolina, and now forerunner of an endeavor to be made to put down inter- he understood him to say that nothing had been proposed nal improvements, particularly in the West. It was his for that State save by one of her members. opinion that, if Congress persisted in any course in refer- happy to hear of one. He hailed the light which was ence to internal improvements, that should be considered breaking on his southern friends. Of one thing he was partial and prejudicial to the West, thereby creating, in any sure, that the House had not heard one voice from North degree, a barrier between the East and West, it probably Carolina raised in opposition when that State was to rcwould ultimately beget a feeling that might endanger the ceive a benefit. No, their scruples then were all hushed. Union. The members from the West had been consenting, They seemed to reserve their conscience for expendi from the beginning of the Government, to make appro tures at the West. Did gentlemen forget that the great priatons for the seaboard, to the amount of millions annual-valleys of the West were soon to be filled with a populaly, whilst every thing for the benefit of the West was to be tion ten times as numerous as that which now inhabited opposed. Was this fair? No. He considered that his State them? And how were all these countless multitudes (Missouri) especially, had been very indifferently treated. ever to obtain the light of science and the blessings of Mr. A. stated the capabilities of the Missouri and Yellow public school instruction? How were their streams to be Stone rivers to become navigable up to the very base of made navigable, their fertile country explored and trathe Rocky mountains, with but a little aid to remove ob-versed by canals and railroads, if such doctrines were to structions from them. He referred to the extent of wa- prevail? Where was the corruption of a system which ters already navigated by steamboats, and called upon the provided its benefits alike for all? If there had been a House to anticipate what would soon be the commerce of discrimination made; if the bill had declared that these that part of the Union. surveys were to be made only in the new States, there Mr. EWING said that the part of the country from might have been more in the objection. Did gentlemen which he came would hold him recreant to his duty wish to stop the channels of communication by which should he listen in silence to remarks such as had been light and knowledge were to penetrate into the Western made on this measure. He was aware that his friends at country? "If ignorance be bliss, 'tis folly to be wise;" the South considered this whole matter of the construc- but Mr. E., not holding that sentiment, went for the distion of roads and canals by the General Government as semination of knowledge. He wanted the country exunconstitutional, and were consequently opposed to con- amined and explored, and its resources understood and tinuing a system of surveys by way of preparation for it. developed. Gentlemen talked about what the States He had hoped that time and circumstances would have would do. What had the States done? What had South operated to soften these prejudices; but, from what he Carolina, for example, done towards promoting the syssaw and heard, he was induced to fear that no hopeful tem of internal improvement? She had indeed made a change had yet taken place, or, if it had, it was only in a railroad, and speculated on the credulity of her own few solitary instances. He could not agree in the asser-speculators. He did not blame her. She had done very tion that this system of surveys was a matter of a sec-right; he could not wish her sand richer, but he must be tional character. He considered it as a measure of gen-permitted to say that he did not envy her its fertility, of eral and strictly national concern. But, if gentlemen which so much was said. Let the West supply her with

H. OF R.]

Harbor Bill.

[JUNE 19, 1834.

provisions; let the North furnish her with manufactures. this was so. Yet the nation had witnessed what was the Both contributed to the general prosperity. He wished result; the nation had witnessed, what he and his constiher nothing but ease, comfort, and affluence. Yet, while tuents had discovered to their cost, that great men could gentlemen were surrounded by the pleasures of wealth, say one thing and do another. Such was not the course they thought but little of the hardships encountered by which had been promised and held up to the people of the people of the West, and seemed to grudge them the West. any participation in the common benefit of the Govern- Here the course of Mr. EwING's remarks became nearment. Why this should be, he knew not; probably it ly inaudible, from the confusion in the hall. When he was the effect of habit, and had grown by time. But, was again heard more distinctly by the reporter, he prosurely, if gentlemen would look at the noble streams of ceeded to observe that when, at the commencement of the West, and at that noble people which inhabited their the session, he had made an appeal to the House for aid banks, and duly considered the fraternal relation which in behalf of the West, and had adverted to the magnaniexisted between them, they would lay aside their narrow mous course pursued by the honorable chairman of the scruples, their false and contracted interpretations of the Committee of Roads and Canals, [Mr. MERCER,] he had constitution-notions which could no more find a place in been reproved and chid for showing too much earnestthe minds of the people of the West than it would be ness. It might have been so; but when he considered possible to recal the clouds of yesterday. But when the what a noble fame this Congress might have acquired, day should come that the West must be thrown on its and when he thought of the sanction which would have own resources, the southern gentlemen might find that been put upon its deeds by an approving people, he could they were as ready for action, their resources as good, not but wish that he possessed the power of impressing and their arms as strong, as those who held a different others, as he was himself impressed, with the importance construction of the constitution. of the present measure to the improvement and prosperiMr. E. had always thought that the constitution provi- ty of the country. He trusted that, when this Governded for the enjoyment of equal rights by all the citizens ment was to cease, this system of investigation would of this republic. He had always thought that the power cease also, and never till then. He trusted the House to provide for the public welfare, to regulate commerce would revise the vote of yesterday, and that they would between the States, and to establish post offices and post continue to maintain this policy, and give it their repeatroads, meant something. It was time that a doctrine ed sanction, till any thing in the form and semblance of should be exploded, which effectually debarred the Gov- opposition to it should be frowned out of existence. ernment from promoting the good and providing for the happiness of those who had established it. It was time that gentlemen should give up their dread of phantoms, and their fearful apprehensions of light-houses in the skies."

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Mr. BYNUM, of North Carolina, said that he should have left the task of defending the character and principles of the South to others who possessed more influence than so young a member as himself, had not gentlemen referred in a particular manner to his own State. Before This system of narrow construction was one which re- presenting such remarks as suggested themselves to his flected but little credit upon its authors, by many of whom mind, he begged leave to return his thanks to the genit was certainly never heartily believed. Mr. E. did not tleman from Kentucky [Mr. HAWES] for the honorable mean to charge all those with insincerity who now pro- stand he had taken in behalf of the constitution: it did fessed to hold these sentiments, yet certainly the ques- him honor. He must also present his acknowledgments tions which they so delighted to raise were questions to the honorable gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. long since settled and put at rest, if any thing could be Davis,] who had, in so forcible and convincing a manner said to be settled under this form of Government. If demonstrated the unfitness and utter incompetency of the they were not settled by this time, they never would be. General Government to carry on a general system of inBut what, he asked, would be the practical effect of ternal improvements. It was an object such a Governrejecting this provision for surveys? It would distinctly ment never could accomplish, and the attempt was, and show the people of the West that they had nothing more always must be, attended with a most prodigal waste of to expect from this Government: that the Government the public money. The House was now called upon to intended to pocket the proceeds of the public lands and appropriate $29,000 for the continuance of the surveys of then to cut off those who had purchased them from all roads and canals, rivers and harbors. And what was the access to their relatives and former friends. Gentlemen object of making these surveys? That the Department might talk of their constitutional difficulties, and of the might be able to point out particular works of internal result of the last election, but he could assure them that improvement, and recommend them for the adoption of ten presidential elections in succession would never be Congress. It was true that the House retained the option sufficient to put down this system of internal improve- whether they would order the works or not. But in this It was a question which depended not on con- whole business the Government was subjected to every stitutional lawyers, but upon the people of the United species of importunity. Those engaged in making the States. It was for the people to say how their own con- survey had an interest that the works should be understitution was to be interpreted. It was for the people to taken and carried on: and little did they care for the nasay whether the Government should have power to tax tional character or public expediency of the works, prothem, but none to dispense the benefits of taxation; and vided their own pockets were well lined with the public when the people once uttered the words, it shall be so, money. If this system should stop, these people would so it would be. Why did gentlemen tell the people of at once be thown out of employment. The House ought, the South that this was a system intended to hunt them therefore, to be very distrustful of the reports and opindown? They often boasted that their opposition to the ions of these surveyors and engineers. And all this was system was disinterested, and it seemed to give them carried on from year to year in the very face of the unpleasure to speak of it as of a daring character. It was certainty of its being constitutional, or rather the certainty It certainly would be considered daring in the high- of the contrary. The result of the late presidential est degree in that part of the Union from which he came. election proved that, in the view of the people, the system Mr. E. had understood, and most assuredly the people of was against the constitution. Indeed, when the question the West had believed, that the presidential doctrine on was put to any man of common sense, there could be but this subject differed widely from that advancced by gen- one opinion in the case. tlemen of the South, and the journals of Congress were publicly read at the polls, to prove, by votes given, that

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80.

In Mr. B.'s opinion, the entire system was in the very teeth of the constitution. He agreed with his honorable

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Let him turn, then, to the question of expediency. What had this project realized? The Cumberland road was one of the most conspicuous examples, and that was a quagmire, given up in despair to the management of

the States.

[H. OF R.

friend from Kentucky, [Mr. HAWES,] that the first law he considered the system as most impolitic and most unwhich sanctioned it was a stab at the vitals of the consti-warrantable. But it had been said by a gentleman from tution. What had experience shown? What benefit had Missouri, [Mr. ASHLEY,] that, whoever struck at this sysaccrued to the country from these surveys and their con- tem, struck at the union of the States. Now, Mr. B. sequences? Instead of any benefit, the House had heard would aver that there was no man in this country, whether enough from the friends of the plan themselves to con- on that floor or off it, more heartily and unalienably atvince any man of its impolicy. It had been stated by an tached to the union of these States than he was; but let honorable gentleman near him, that, notwithstanding four gentlemen's conclusions be governed by experience, and millions of dollars had been expended on the Cumber- for himself he declared, so help him God, that if this sysland road, it was, after all, nothing but a quagmire. This tem were to prevail, it would, as he believed, be ipso facto one fact spoke a volume against such undertakings. Four a dissolution of the confederacy. And why? Need he millions of dollars to make a road 130 miles long, and, call upon gentlemen to reflect upon a period not more after all, it was a quagmire! Who could guaranty that, than a year ago, when the entire South had been conafter the expenditure of four millions, or of eight millions vulsed to its very centre. And why? Because this system more, it would not still remain a quagmire? Some peo- of internal improvements, together with other kindred ple there were, however, who were determined to remain measures of a like character, had been drawn so tight, ignorant, notwithstanding all the experience in the world. and urged so relentlessly, that one portion of the Union This Cumberland road had turned out a total failure, had become resolved to endure it no longer, but had deand now the House were modestly asked to appropriate termined to resist it even at the point of the bayonet. 600,000 dollars more, by way of a finishing stroke, and What had been the consequence? Their brethren had then to give up the road to the States in perfect despair. become convinced of the error, had magnanimously met The Government could not think of carrying it on any them in the spirit of compromise, and had loosened the longer. As to the question of constitutionality, although fatal grasp? But let this system of internal improvements high authority was quoted on both sides of the question, [be persevered in, and what must be the inevitable conse. and, therefore, it might not become so young a gentle-quence? What but a continuance of its sister, the taman to undertake to decide, yet for himself he had no riff? Yes, the tariff, at the very name of which every doubt upon the matter. He believed Congress had no southern bosom was convulsed; at the mere mention of power to pass any such a law. In deference, however, which every southern man felt his rights to have been to great names, and in fairness to those who differed from violated; rights which, to every true American, were his judgment, it must be admitted that the constitutional dearer than life. Yes, he warned his southern brethren power was still a mooted point. that this Government would have to return to the tariff system; it must re-enforce the American system, in other words, the national republican system. That object of southern hatred must be revived; and he warned his northern and his western brethren that, however the people of the South might love them, and be disposed to Mr. B. admitted that no man had stronger prejudices cleave to them, yet this was a point which they never as a partisan than himself; but he trusted there was no could or would yield; and, if it were attempted to be man in that House who would sooner relinquish his pre- forced upon them, they would meet it with bayonets in judices for the interest of the country at large. He re- their hands. No man in this land was more determined gretted greatly to hear such frequent appeals to sectional than he to stand against all rebellion or nullification; but feelings and sectional interests. Legislation, on such a let that system be brought back again, and gentlemen basis, was not calculated to perpetuate the blessings of would hear but one voice to the south of the Potomac. our free and happy institutions. To broach such distinctions was to scatter firebrands through the country: it was to promote schism, and weaken the nation by dividing its population. As to the people of the West, Mr. B. said that his acquaintance with them was but of a partial kind; but if there were a people on earth which he truly respected, it was the people of the Western States. If he felt one emotion of patriotic interest for any por- Mr. BYNUM disclaimed any allusion to that gentletion of the earth, it was for that fine region of our coun- man's remarks. He had reference to what had fallen try. Such jealousies had no place in his bosom; they from a gentleman in a different quarter of the House. were foreign to his nature; and, therefore, such appeals He reminded gentlemen of the stand which had been would never have any effect upon him. Several gentle- taken on that floor by a highly distingnished citizen of men had invoked the aid of the Eastern States, and Virginia. He alluded to Philip P. Barbour, when the seemed to consider it as a matter of course that, because system had first been avowed. That acute politician and some of these projects were located in the eastern part of virtuous statesman had seen its tendency, and resisted it at the Union, that consideration must be a sufficient motive the threshold; and subsequent experience had convinced with them to support the bill in all its parts. But, as for him of the correctness of the position he had then assumed. himself, no matter where an improvement might be pro- The gentleman from Indiana, [Mr.JEWING,] however, composed, if it was to be carried on by the General Govern- forted himself with the thought that, after some years ment and not by the States, he should oppose it on the more, the people of the South would become convinced principle that all such undertakings had a tendency to of their error, and would advocate the system as warmly corruption. The gentleman from Indiana [Mr. EwING] as they now opposed it. But, for himself, he was a had adverted to a small item of appropriation for North southern man, and the longer he lived, the more firmly Carolina. It was true that the bill did contain an item of he was convinced that it was impossible, in the nature of that kind, but Mr. B. had not voted for it. He had not, things, that such a system could ever be advantageously to be sure, objected to its passage, nor was he bound to carried on by the General Government. These underdo so in consistency to his own principles; for, if the takings ought to be accomplished by the States. This country must have the system, why should not North Car- sentiment was confirmed by southern experience. In olina have her share of the disbursements it occasioned? Virginia, for instance, every part of the system which But, whatever his own State might or might not receive, had proved beneficial to the State, had been effected by

On this point the whole South had but one mind; and, though they differed among themselves, it was not on the question of resistance, but only as to the mode in which resistance was to be effected.

Mr. BEATY, of Kentucky, now inquired whether the gentleman had had allusion to him, or to any thing he had said, in the remarks which he had just dropped?

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Harbor Bill.

[JUNE 19, 1834.

the State itself. But, for the United States to carry on not for the exclusive benefit of the West, but for the such works, even laying aside all constitutional scruples good of all alike. He trusted to hear no more appeals to on the subject, was in itself preposterous. What oppor- prejudice, or to sectional feelings; but that the measure tunity of superintendence was possessed by a central gov- would be placed on common ground, and receive the ernment? The very idea was utterly inconsistent with common support. any system of human reason. He hoped the amendment Mr. EVANS, of Maine, concurred in the views taken would not prevail; he hoped and trusted that, hence- by the gentlemen from Kentucky and Vermont [Mr. forth, no appropriation would ever again be made by Con- MARSHALL and Mr. H. EVERETT] yesterday, that, if this gress to survey one yard of earth. So far as the system amendment was refused, the bill ought not to pass. had been now commenced again, he, at least, should Under that impression he should, in that case, move to throw himself in the way of its progress. It could only lay the bill on the table; and, if that motion failed, he end in pauperism and prodigality, and necessarily involved should vote against the bill, and against all other approa renewal of that tariff system, to which he well knew that one portion of this Union would never submit, and which he trusted the other portion would never attempt to enforce.

priations of similar character. He considered the rejection of this item as a declaration that henceforth all internal improvements by the General Government were to cease, and that no appropriations were to be made in Mr. LANE regretted exceedingly that any allusion future, save for works now begun. If there were no new should have been made to sectional, or to political, or surveys, there would, of course, be no new works. He party feeling, on an item of appropriation such as was had voted for the other items of the bill, but he had alnow under the consideration of the House. Such feelings ways voted against every project which had not been had nothing to do with the matter. He did not believe preceded by a survey. But now it seemed no further that it had had any agency, or would have any, in deci- surveys were to be made; and so all money hereafter apding the policy to be pursued. He had a better opinion propriated for works of internal improvement must be of gentlemen on that floor. He did not perceive that the confined to works already in progress. But was the West was any more interested in this appropriation than House satisfied that no other parts of our country needed other sections of the country; nor did he believe that improvement than those which had already been examwestern members had any such view in supporting the ined? Surely, no gentleman would maintain such a posimeasure. The House had been liberal to the Western tion. Yet there were to be no more plans, no more esStates; it had passed item after item, and bill after bill, timates, no more examinations. If such was the decision for their benefit. It had passed the pre-emption bill. It of Congress, Mr. E. must of course acquiesce in it; and had given all that could reasonably be asked towards in that case he should be for carrying the decision into completing the Cumberland road. Indiana had got her immediate effect by stopping where they were. He $150,000. Was it for the West to complain of their bre-would not vote a dollar if it was to be given exclusively thren from the South, the East, or the North? For one, where works had already commenced. What could be he was of opinion the West had been liberally dealt with. more partial? To give all to a few favored spots, and He insisted that this was no sectional bill; it was a bill in shut their eyes against the wants and wishes of every which all parts of the United States were equally inter- other part of the country. The gentleman from North ested. All it proposed was, that the Government should Carolina [Mr. BYNUM] was of opinion that these surveys be empowered to employ its body of scientific officers in only misled the Government. The gentleman considerexploring the country and ascertaining its capabilities for ed the surveyors and engineers as interested hirelings, improvement. When they had ascertained that a certain who, against their better judgments, would make favorwork for improvement was practicable, it did not follow able reports for the sake of bread. Mr. E. had not been that the General Government was to construct the work accustomed to view that body of officers in such a light. proposed. When a State or a company contemplated They were a corps of scientific men, of honorable and forming a railroad, they often made application to the unspotted character, and did not merit any such imputa. General Government for the aid of competent engineers tion. Could the gentleman put his finger upon any fact to examine the ground, and determine the site of the to justify the charge? Could he produce one instance road. When this was done, they went on to complete it in which they had returned false statements and false esfrom their own resources. All that this item did, was to timates? Any such case was totally unknown to Mr. E.; enable the Government to afford facilities of this kind and, till it was produced, he must consider the assertion when they were needed. And they were continually in as gratuitous and unfounded. If these surveys were to requisition. Was not every State in the Union calling be arrested, in what would these officers occupy their for surveys of this description? Was not Carolina among time? They must remain idle or be disbanded. the rest? All the Northern and all the Eastern States The gentleman, however, had a yet more formidable were applying continually for this sort of aid.

subject of apprehension. If this item of 29,000 dollars He could not believe that there existed in the House should be inserted in the bill, the country must again be any jealousy towards the improvement and advance of the subjected to the tariff. Now, Mr. E. had supposed that Western country. He had discovered no such spirit. that question was settled by compromise. But the genThis he did know, perfectly, that, in the West, no such tleman insisted that, if this system of surveying the counjealousy existed towards their eastern "brethren. The try should be persevered in, the Union would be dissolvpeople of that part of the Union were animated with one ed. Mr. E. had heard the same thing said ever since he kind and generous feeling toward all their fellow-citizens. had been in Congress. According to the gentleman, But a young gentleman from North Carolina had assured bayonets were to be drawn. Now, the people of his the House that, if this system of internal improvement part of the country were not accustomed to make threats, was to proceed, the Union must be dashed into frag-neither were they very apt to be intimidated by them. ments. Such was the gentleman's opinion, and such his The Government, he trusted, would go on and do its prediction. Just about as reasonable would it be to af-duty; and, if it met with bayonets, it would know what firm that putting hoops round a barrel would separate to do. The member had told the House that a large the staves. The more facilities were given to the mutual majority of the people of the United States were opposed intercourse of the citizens of different States and oppo-to the system. On what evidence did this assertion rest' site extremities of the Union, the more firmly would they Was the proof to be found in the fact that, for the last be bound together by common interest and feeling. Ile twenty years, a majority had been found in both Houses trusted these surveys would proceed as they had hitherto; of Congress in favor of the system? Such was the fact.

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[H. of R.

And was that the proof on which the gentleman ventu- road then first commenced? So far from it, the design of red such an assertion? Or was it because, after the whole that road had originated in Mr. Jefferson's time, and the subject had been long, and fully, and ably discussed be- first application for carrying it into effect was made by a fore the people, they had sent large majorities to repre- distinguished son of Virginia. Much, too, had been sent them in Congress who were decided friends of the urged against the system of internal improvements by the system? Was this the proof? Mr. E. had not under- General Government; but that system had no legitimate stood that the present administration was opposed to the connexion with this appropriation. This was not an apsystem, but only to its abuse. The President had ve-propriation to carry on works of internal improvement toed only on the ground of certain objects being of a by the General Government; it was for surveys merely. local character. But the objects in this bill were of a All the arguments, therefore, from the constitution, in national character-certainly these surveys were. As to opposition to the power of the Government to conduct the constitutional question, one of the first speeches Mr. such works, was aside from the question before the House. E. had ever heard on that subject in Congress was by a Whether these surveys were allowed or refused, the gentleman from Virginia, who declared that it was then General Governinent might, if disposed, still carry on too late to discuss the abstract question, because it had works of internal improvement as vigorously as ever. been settled by the public will. He had admitted that It might adopt surveys made by State authority. Did the the people, by acquiescing in the system for such a Congress survey the Dismal Swamp canal? Did the course of years, had given it their sanction as constitu- General Government make the surveys for the Portland tional. Mr. E. was himself of that opinion. The ques- canal? Was the Chesapeake and Delaware canal surveytion was settled. It had long been settled. The Presi-ed by order of the United States?-it had been surveyed dent himself bad given the sanction of his signature to 30 years ago by a British engineer. This was a sufficient this very item in former bills. If ever a question ought answer to the argument of the gentleman from North to be considered as at rest, this question should be so con- Carolina, [Mr. BYNUM.] That gentleman had told the sidered. House that New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, had made their own internal improvements: every useful project had been accomplished by the States. Ay, indeed! Was the breakwater in Delaware bay no work of internal improvement? By what State was that made? Was the Dismal Swamp canal no work of internal improvement? and was it by State subscription that its stock was taken up? Was it not a Virginia and a North Carolina improvement? and would it have been made without the aid of the General Government? Was not the Delaware and Chesapeake canal, in fact, a Pennsylvania improvement? Almost all the stock was owned in Philadelphia. Had New York no interest in this matter? Had nothing been done for Buffalo or the lake harbors?

Mr. MANN, expressing his concurrence in the views expressed, and being of opinion that the session was too far advanced to admit of a protraction of the present debate, moved the previous question.

The motion was not seconded: Ayes 50, noes 58. But no quorum having voted,

Mr. JONES moved for a call of the House; which being carried, the House was called.

The call was soon after suspended, on notion of Mr. VANCE: Ayes 76, noes 56.

The question was then again put on seconding the call for the previous question, and decided in the negative: Ayes 62, noes 66. So the House refused to second the call. The question still being on the adoption of Mr. MERCEU's amendment

Here Mr. M. quoted many more cases, which followed each other so fast that no reporter could catch the particThe yeas and nays were ordered. ulars. He combated the notion of its being constitutionMr. MERCER rose to address the House; and, after al to improve rivers, only because the Government colBome words in reply to the remarks of Mr. H. EVERETT,lected its revenue at their mouths-and asked whether, said that he would make one more effort to obtain a de- if the Government were sustained not by revenues on liberate decision of the question now before the House-commerce but by taxes on lands, the case as to constia question as important as any which it could decide. tutionality would be in the least altered? Many objects The gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. FELDER] had of internal improvement were beyond the reach of joint intimated that there was yet behind another bill for roads stock companies, and unless accomplished by the aid of and canals, from the committee to which Mr. M. be- Government must remain undone for ever. As to this very longed. It was true that that committee had been re- case of the Cumberland road; for what had that great quired, by probably more than a hundred resolutions of highway been constructed? It was to bring into market the House, to report in respect to the expediency of the public lands at the West, by rendering them accessi making improvements in different parts of the country; ble. And he now said, in defiance of all contradiction, some consisting of roads, others of canals, and others of that the road had not cost more than it would take to con harbors. They had in consequence reported a bill to struct it now. One mile of that road had cost $30,000; provide money for some of these objects; but it was very nor could it be made for less-the road, in that spot, doubtful whether the House would, this session, be able crossing the same creek a great number of times. Yet to arrive at its consideration. In that bill, however, in- they were to be called knaves and robbers for asking for stead of adopting the usual course of providing a speci- no more money than works of the greatest public utility fic sum for each improvement, the committee had only indispensably required. Mr. M. said he could not, for provided for an appropriation of 20,000 dollars to cover want of time, go through with the subject. In their zcal the whole, leaving the order in which the several works against these surveys, gentlemen seemed to have forgotshould take precedence to be decided by the President. ten that the examination of projected plans of improveWith regard to the present item for surveys, gentle- ment often proved them to be impracticable, and thus men ought to remember that 17,000 dollars of the saved the expense which might otherwise have been amount proposed was for arrears, to meet the expense of incurred by commencing them. He referred to the case work already done. The surveys had been made, and of the road over the St. Francis, in Arkansas, and to the the officers who had conducted them remained still with- result of the late survey by Dr. Howard, from which it had out their pay. As to the rest, he was absolved from any been ascertained that the construction of a road, over that necessity of reply, because he had not yet heard a single ground, could not be accomplished for less than $245,000. argument in opposition to them. He had heard, indeed, Was this information worth nothing? Had the Government much said about the Cumberland road; but was this item got nothing for its money, because no road was made? for a survey of the Cumberland road? Was the act of The appropriation for surveys was nothing but the pur1824 passed for that object? Or was the Cumberland chase of valuable information, which could be obtained in

VOL. X.--287

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