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As to the republics of South America, will they nota body which, without superior rank, exclusive privi
soon rise into power, grandeur, and pride? Possessed of the finest climates and most fruitful soils, productive of every thing that we produce, rich in the resources of great nations, what is to hinder them from becoming our rivals in this new world? There is not one link to bind them in friendship with the United States; nor have they ever, on any occasion, discovered a disposition to forget that they differ from us in language, laws, and religion. Sir, there are two causes of hostility between nations, equally fruitful in their consequences—identity and contrast. They may be so much alike in every thing as to be always coming in contact in pursuit of the same objects, or so totally different as to make their friend
leges, or hereditary distinctions, (for, thank God, we have none in this country,) that cherishes and keeps alive a certain standard of thought and action, which serves, in some measure, to temper and counteract that spirit of sordid selfishness which the exclusive pursuit of money inevitably produces. I will not, sir, go deeper into these matters, content with having suggested them to the consideration of the House. Though less obvious, they are not the less important—because they enter deeply into the formation of a national character, on which, after all, every people must rely for the respect of the world.
But we are at peace, sir. How long this calm may
ship impossible. For the application of these remarks last, in the present troubled state of the world, when I need only refer to the English on one border and kings seem engaged in an almost universal struggle with the Spaniards on the other. In their vicinity to us we the people, no one can tell. The spirit of prophecy is see the germes of future collision and future contests. baffled in the confusion which the future presents. All
Sir, there is another Power, too, whose head, though we can know, at least all I know, is, that the nation which reared in another quarter of the world, stretches its relies on an eternal calm will one day be awakened by
limbs until they almost touch our own extremities. In one direction we are separated from it thousands of miles; in another we approach within what may be called striking distance. I allude to the vast empire of Russia. If, sir, you look on the map of the northwest coast of America, you will find our own citizens and the Cossacks almost within hail of each other. Who shall say they will not one day meet to contest the possession of vast regions, out of which kingdoms and States may be cut and carved? Sir, I confess this is looking into futurity; but are we legislating, as laborers work, by the hour or by the day, or for ages yet to come? This is not a question, trifling as it may seem to some, the consequence of whose decision will die with that decision. It is a question whe. ther military habits, military skill, and military spirit, shall be kept alive in this, the only legitimate free Government on earth, or be suffered to expire; nay, to be extinguished by an act of our own legislation. That the Academy at West Point is eminently calcula. ted to keep alive and foster such habits, skill, and spirit, I think cannot be denied, when its nature and organiza. tion are considered. I will not enter into the minutiae of its discipline and the course of education pursued at that institution, because I do not wish to add, at least more than my quota, to the mass of words, rising mountain high, which this memorable session has produced already. It is enough for me to say that it ought to be entitled to the national confidence by the fruits it has already prodoced. I make no invidious or insidious comparison when I say, that the young officers who have been edu. cated at West Point are, with no exceptions that have ever come under my observation, an honor to the nation; and as useful as they are honorable. I appeal to all who have ever known or associated with them, for testimonials of their high acquisition in military science—their manly, uncorrupted character, and their capacity for enduring hard service. I say, sir, they are not excelled by any face of young men that exist, or ever did exist, in this or any other country. When they come forth from the institution with their diploma, or, in other words, with their commission, under the great seal of their country, they come forth hardened by exposure, disciplined by arts and science, fortified by virtuous habits, animated by gratitude and patriotism, and inspired by a love of glory. It is such men, sir, that we want in this country. They constitute an ingredient indispensable to the preservation of the national character, in which, it must be confessed by all, interest—the love of money—furnishes too powerful an impulse. There should be, somewhere or other in every country, a depository for the preservation of the holy fire of patriotism and honor. There should always be a body of men, however small, who value the high
sentiments of patriotism and honor more than money—
a whirlwind. Such, sir, is the nature of men and the constitution of society, that it will ever be found that a few years, more or less, always accumulate the materials for national revolutions and national contests. It requires then only a spark to set the pile of combustibles in a flame. If we look at the history of the werld, we shall find one-half the six thousand years of its duration spent in wars. Nay, sir, there never was a period, not a day, not an hour, not a moment of time, since the world became separated into nations and tongues, in which a universal peace reigned among them. Are our passions dif. ferent from those of our ancestors? Are the causes or the occasions for human strife diminished or alleviated? On the contrary, have not the diffusion of the great interests of nations, by their commercial rivalry, multiplied them almost to infinity? Why, then, sir, dare we presume that we alone, of all the nations that exist, are to be exempt, hereafter, from the necessity of defending our rights or vindicating our honor? It is true, sir, we are at peace with all the world, and long may we continue so. It is not the policy of this Government, and I trust it never will be, to go to war for conquest. If we should ever be involved in a war again, it will be in defence of our liberty; and all I wish is, that we may not go to sleep under the seducing delusion that we shall never be disturbed in our slumbers; for, let it be :ecollected that, in addition to the ordinary causes of hos. tility among nations, the United States presents one pe. culiar to itself. I mean an example of the immeasurable blessings arising from the successful experiment of a rational liberty, that cannot but endanger the safety, and, consequently, provoke the ill-will of despots, and their tools all over the world. Let us, therefore, be on our guard, and, if we repose at all, let it be under arms, and with the means of defence within our reach. Let us not, because we do not want them now, wantonly throw them away. Let us preserve among us, at least, a few depositories of military spirit and military knowledge. Let us never again be reduced to the degrading necessity of inporting engineers srom France, disciplinarians from Prussia, or defenders from any part of Europe. Let us, in one word, sir, depend on the strength of our own arms, a just cause, and a righteous umpire, for the defence of our rights and our glory. The honorable gentleman [Mr. DickIN so N] stated, as an argument against the expediency of continuing this institution, that neither the immortal Washington nor his brave associates, during the war of the Revolution, nor General Jackson and the officers under his command, during the late war, had received the advantages of a military education. The honorable gentleman might have gone a step further, and stated that Washington had not had the ad
vantages of a collegiate education. But I apprehend that such an argument would have but little weight in inducing the people to believe that there is no necessity for protecting and encouraging seminaries of learning. Washington, however, was brought up in the camp. He had heen educated in the tented field, under experienced officers, and had, like most of our citizens at that day, been exposed to danger and inured to arms in contests with the savage foe. But, nevertheless, I am inclined to believe that we should never have been an independent nation, had not our ministers abroad been instructed to obtain the services of experienced officers. Our success may, in a great measure, be ascribed to the engineers and disciplinarians of Europe who joined our standard; and it is my earnest desire that we may not, in future, be reduced to the degrading necessity of employing foreign officers in our service. As regards General Jackson and his achievements, I have to say that he has not, either in or out of Congress, a more ardent friend and admirer than I am; and that I would lie the last man to rob him of a leaf of his wellearned laurels; nay, more, I am willing to grant that, when most of those who now think and speak lightly of him shall have passed away from the earth, and not a stone nor a mound shall remain to tell that they have lived, the name of General Jackson and the same of lis achievements will form one of the brightest pages in the history of our country. But, as regards both Washington and Jackson, it is enough to say that they, like a few other great men who have lived in disferent ages of the world, are exceptions to all general rules, and required, perhaps, few of the aids which are necessary to ordinary men. But no country can expect to have such men as these always at command. It is only at some fearful crisis that Providence seems to call up such men, as the deliverers of nations. But even to such men as these the skill and science of others are essential, and it cannot be the part of wisdom to leave them destitute of such assis' ance. The honorable gentleman stom Tennessee (continued Mr. W.) stated that the navy is the right arm of our national defence. Iłe it so. I am the last man in the world to undervalue our glorious navy. But one arm is not always sufficient for defence. Nations require two arms sometimes. It will never be in the power of this Government to support a navy sufficiently large to defend a coast like ours, extending from Canada to Mexico, or to prevent the landing of armies. At any rate, a navy cannot protect our interior from invasion; nor can those forts which have been and which are erecting for the defence of our exposed points of attack be rendered efficient for that purpose without skilful ..". and officers of artillery. Are we to take example from the Turks, and to imagine that great forts and big guns, without the skill to use them, will keep off an enterprising enemy? No, sir. Let us have men who know how to direct these means of defence, and let us have this Military Academy to prepare them for that purpose. But the great objection urged against the Academy by the gentleman is that, in the apportionment of cadets, the sons of the rich are preferred to those of the poor. Pray, sir, if this be true, whose fault is it? There is no provision in the act establishing this institution giving this pref. erence. It is not inherent in the Academy; and it is therefore nothing—if, indeed, it has existence—nothing but the abuse of the appointing power somewhere. Far be it from me, sir, to say where that somewhere is. I would only respectfully, very respectfully, ask from whence this power of appointing cadets generally receives its first impulse? Is it not, nine times in ten, from the members of this very House? That I know to have been the case during the administration of the honorable
such has been the case, so far as my observation has extended, during the present administration. The friends of the institution have just cause of complaint that the alleged abuses, if they do exist, are laid to the charge of the institution, when, in fact, they ought to be laid to the charge of the members of this House and the other branch of the National Legislature, for the appointments are now made from the respective congressional districts, as the vacancies occur. The patronage of the Government, in this respect, is in a measure committed to them, the Executive placing full and entire confidence in their recommendations—and that, too, for the very best reason—because they are better acquainted with the moral character of the applicants. The honorable gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. R. M. Johnson,] in his report, which I have already alluded to, makes use of the following pertinent observations on this subject: “The very word selection implies a balancing of claims; and it is not to be supposed that any individual, however extensive his intercourse with society might have been, would be able, from his personal knowledge of candidates, to srame in all cases a just award. This difficulty increased as the number of admissions to be granted increased, and as the classes from which a selection was to be made were multiplied. To rely entirely upon the representations of individuals residing at a distance, and equally unknown with those whom they recommended, would be, obviously, most unsafe. It would be reposing confidence, under circumstances which would not justify trust in ordinary matters of mere pecuniary interest. The representative branch of the Government, including under this denomination the Senate and the House, afforded a mean of obtaining the information prerequisite to a decision, which promised an effectual security for the rights of all. No inference could be more legitimate than this, that they who were intrusted with the higher concerns of the people, and who were directly responsible to the people, would be safe counsellors in the administration of this interest. From these and similar views originated, probably, the rule of selecting one cadet from each congressional district, and of allowing great weight to the recommendations of the representatives of the respective districts. This rule, while it assorded to the appointing power the means of judging correctly, or rather of avoiding error, was acceptable to the representatives and to their constituents.” But, sir, I am not willing to admit that these charges are true. On the contrary, I have no hesitation in stating that nothing is more unjust than the accusation that the institution is aristocratical in its tendencies, or that the selections for it are solely made from the wealthy and influential. From the information I have received, derived from sources entitled to the sullest credit, I am warranted in saying that the rich, the poor, and the middle classes, are now and have leretofore been duly represented, and that there are not to exceed one-fifth of them selected from the sons of that class styled the wealthy; and, surely, no one will contend that they ought to be totally excluded from this privilege; for, as they bear their full share of the burdens of the Government, they are entitled, upon every principle, to enjoy equal privileges with the other classes. I have a distinct recollection of an incident connected with one of these appointments, which came under my own observation, and which I will take the liberty, with leave of the House, to relate. Some few years ago a young boy came to this city alone, with no recommendation but his own manly spirit, to ask for admission to the Academy at West Point. Hopeless as his chance of success seemed to be to all, the then Secretary of War, Mr. Barbour, gave him the appointments and it gives me pleasure to add that, although he was not. at the time when he received his warrant, sufficiently ad–
gentleman who sits near me, [Mr. J. Q. AdAMs;] and
vanced in his studics to be admitted, yet he applied him
June 14, 1834.]
self with so much assiduity, during the few months he
The midshipmen in our navy have always been selected from the young men of our country between the ages of 16 and 18 years, and yet we have never heard a word of complaint on that subject. The gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. R. M. Johnso N] has made the following judicious remarks in relation to these appointments, in his report, which I have had occasion more than once to advert to: “It is natural to remark, in this connexion, that the same system, in all its essential features, exists in the naval department, with regard to the admission and education of midshipmen. The regulations of that service prescribe that these young men, who are selected by the Secretary of the Navy, shall spend five years on shipboard, during which period of probation they shall be instructed by the chaplains or schoolmasters; and that they shall pass an examination by a board of officers before they can be candidates for the rank of lieutenants. Here, then, is a body of young men, who are selected by an individual, educated at the public expense, liable to be dismissed if they they fail at an examination through incapacity or idleness, and who alone can be advanced to the posts of lieutenants. Is there not, obviously, the same reason for the charges of exclusiveness and favoritism as there is in the case of cadets? The only difference is, that a ship is the school for the one, the Academy at West Point for the other. The consequence of this difference is, that the former are less thoroughly and extensively taught than the latter. It cannot, surely, be that the very persection of the military institution, and the many advantages it combines and holds out, occasions the objections to it and the efforts that are made to render it unpopular in the country. The impulse of true patriotism would be to extend to the navy similar means of improvement with those enjoyed by the army; to substitute, for the mere theoretical teaching in navigation which young midshipmen derive from theiri schoolmasters, and the practical acquaintance with nautical instruments they are obliged to seek from the lieutenants or older midshipmen, a naval school—a school in which they may acquire a ‘competent knowledge even of the art of ship-building, the higher mathematics, and astronomy; the literature which can place our officers on a level of polished education with the officers of other maritime nations; the knowledge of the laws, municipal and national; the acquaintance with the principles of honor and justice,” which constitute the distinction of ‘the warrior patriot.’” Sir, it is proper to remark that the appointments of the midshipmen are obtained through the influence of the members of both branches of our National Legislature, precisely in the same manner as the cadets procure their warrants. They are selected, too, from the same class of our citizens. And yet it is worthy of remark, that we have never heard it alleged that the navy is aristocratic in its tendency, nor have we heard charges against the Executive of favoritism in selecting and appointing the wealthy and influential solely to office. I should be glad if the honorable gentleman will name a single officer, either of the army or navy, who has any means for the support of himself or his family beyond the pay he receives. I am not acquainted with one myself, and I am clearly of opinion that there is not one of them who can save a dollar from the pay he receives, even if he lives until he is a hundred years of age, to bequeath to his wife or children. Sir, how were the appointments in the army obtained previous to the establishment of the institution, and how were they made during the late war, when our country required for its defence men of strong arms and stout hearts? I answer, in the same manner that the cadets and midshipmen are now appointed. The same mode of appointment would be continued, should this institution
be abolished; and, sir, are not all or most of the civil
appointments in the General Government obtained through the same influence? And where can the Executive look with more confidence for the information necessary to enable him to make proper selections for offices of all descriptions, than to those who are sent here by the people as their representatives? I will not say, sir, that there have been no abuses in the institution. If, however, the opponents of the Academy mean to urge, as an argument against it, an abuse with which it has no possible concern; if they mean to say that the abuse of a good thing is decisive against the thing itself, then, sir, I have nothing to say but this: they should take away all power and patronage from men and give it to the angels. The administration of power will ever be imperfect, so long as man remains an imperfect being. Sir, the same irregularities—abuses, if you please—in administering patronage, have existed, and will and must exist, in all countries, ages, and nations. You cannot, by any effort of human power, or human wisdom, or human virtue, preyent some abuses of power; yet this is no argument against the necessity of the exercise of power and authority in the government of mankind. All that is required is, that the thing should be necessary, not that it should be perfect; that it should be generally useful and salutary, not that it should never be misused. Sir, if gentlemen are going to become the pupils, or rather the disciples of perfectibility, and denounce every human faculty and power that is in the slightest degree abused by the possessor, they will make shadows of Governments and fools of mankind. Though no advocate for entailed burdens on posterity, for the sake of some present advantage, I cannot but think the best economy is that which is sanctioned by experience. It has always been found that nations entering into war unprepared have been obliged to expend enormous sums, and been subjected to the most serious disasters and losses; nay, sir, sometimes to the loss of their independence, before they would supply their deficiencies. The sums thus expended, in consequence of neglecting the warnings of a prudent foresight, have always been infinitely greater than would have been required to put the nation in a state of defence. The very losses and disasters sustained in consequence of this neglect have far exceeded the amount which would have been required to prevent them. I need only resort to the history of the late war, to establish that fact beyond all question. Hence, sir, it is that I oppose, and always shall oppose, this habit of dismantling the nation as we would a ship of war in time of peace. I would, at least, cherish the germe of the means of defence, even though defence might not be necessary at the time. I would not grudge a few thousand dollars to repair a fortress which cost millions, or to preserve from ruin a useful establishment, the loss of which would involve an expenditure of a hundred times the amount. It short, sir, I would, in the affairs of the Government, adopt the habits of prudent, economical individuals, whose experience has taught them to lay out a little that they may save a great deal; to provide for a rainy day, and to seize the opportunity of clear weather to prepare for the storm. For these and many other reasons with which I will not trouble the House, I am opposed to destroying any thing useful, because it may not be required perhaps for the moment. Large sums have been expended in the various buildings at West Point, which the dissolution of the Academy would render entirely useless, as well as without value. The whole will be lost to the Government; and though I do not think this a sufficient argument for keeping up the establishment, I cannot but consider it a strong one for preserving one, that I myself think of the utmost consequence to the future, if not to the present. The Academy at West Point is acknowl
be an admirable school of military science and discipline, both of which are indispensable to the safety of a nation. Sir, I want no great standing armies to defend and afterwards enslave the country. But, at the same time, I cannot but know, from experience as well as history, that though courage and patriotism may enable a people to achieve and maintain their liberties, it will be at a cost of life and property far greater than they would have sustained had their courage and patriotism been directed or aided by a reasonable degree of military skill. I am not inquiring whether the people of the United States are capable of defending their rights and liberties against any power but that which holds in its hands the destinies of the world, but into the best and cheapest mode of defending them. This I firmly believe to be the preservation of an institution for educating a certain number of the young men of the country in such habits of military discipline and such scientific acquirements as will serve to retain and preserve among us a sufficient knowledge of the art of war, to prevent our relapsing into that state of perfect ignorance which never fails, some day or other, to be followed by great disasters, if not by inevitable ruin. 1 have the honor, sir, it is true, said Mr. W. in conclusion, of being one of the representatives from the State where this institution is situated; but I am not governed by personal or local considerations in giving it my support. I would be as strenuously opposed to its destruction were it situated on the remotest borders of our country, as I am now. It is not, therefore, the small amount of the public money expended in that State in sustaining it that would influence me in the slightest degree; because, if all the money which this bill appropriates were withheld from this day forth for ever, the loss would not be felt in that great State, any more than the loss of a drop of water from an overflowing fountain. When Mr. W.And had finished his speech— Mr. SMITH, of Maine, said he was desirous of offering another amendment, which went to repeal the laws by which the establishment had been remodelled and extended in its present plan, and reducing it to its elementary form and dimensions, as a school for the instruction of a small corps of military engineers. Mr. DICKINSON insisted on his amendment. Mr. BROWN said: The motion of the honorable gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. Dickinson] to strike out the enacting clause of the bill, and the amendment which the honorable member from Maine [Mr. SMITH] declared he would hereaster submit, involves not only the fate of the bill under consideration, but the existence of the Military Academy itself. He rose to express his regret that this important question should be discussed at this time; and he would ask his honorable friends to pause before they proceed further. The Military Academy had been established more than thirty years. Its establishment had been repeatedly and earnestly recommended to Congress by General Washington, while President of the United States. It has been sanctioned and sustained by every adminstration, (commencing with that of Mr. Jefferson,) down to the present time; and, he ventured to say, it had at all times enjoyed the confidence and approbation of a large majority of the American people. . He would remind honorable gentlemen that the faith of the nation was concerned in the duration of the institution for some time yet to come. Did they mean to deprive its professors and teachers of the places to which the Government had invited them, and for which their learning and attainments so eminently qualified them, without a moment’s notice, or the slightest opportunity for preparation? Did they mean to cast loose upon the world 250 young men, selected from every part of the Union, whose education and hopes of future usefulness had been conmitted to the care and guardianship of the nation? He
edged on all hands, by the most experienced soldiers, to
trusted he knew too well the high motives and generous Jus E 14, 1834.]
t Gold coin Bill. - [H. of R.
impulses which guided the action of honorable gentlemen upon this floor, to believe for a moment they could be accessary to such a gross and flagrant violation of the public faith, as these propositions (if adopted) would most surely accomplish. He begged it might not be forgotten that the bill under consideration was one of the usual annual appropriation bills. And had not the House over and over again, in the course of the session, reprobated the practice of creating or destroying offices by means of bills of this character? And if the practice was pernicious when applied to offices alone, he begged to know if it would not be dangerous and pregnant with mischief when applied to the longsettled and permanent institutions of the country? It had been his fortune to reside in the immediate vicinity of West Point during the greater part of his life. It was within sight of his home, and formed a part of the district which he had the honor to represent. And he hoped he would be pardoned when he declared he felt an unfeigned and anxious solicitude for the preservation of an institution which he regarded as a necessary and essential part of our system of public defence, and an honor and an ornament to the nation. If the question must now undergo discussion, whether a military school for the instruction of our officers in the elementary principles of military science should exist hereafter, he must insist upon his right to be heard, reluctant as he was to examine so grave a question within the last fourteen days of the session. He wanted the subject examined (as it should be) upon a bill or resolution introduced expressly for the purpose. And he would respectfully assure honorable gentlemen that the friends of the Academy would not shrink from nor shun the inquiry. He would forbear to say more at present, until he saw whether the honorable gentleman from Tennessee would not withdraw his motion to strike out, and suffer the bill to pass through the committee. And should the discussion be renewed hereafter, he trusted the House would afford him an opportunity to be heard. Mr. JONES moved that the bill be laid aside; but The CHAIR pronounced this motion not to be in order while an amendment was pending. Mr. DICKINSON made a brief rejoinder to Mr. WARD, explaining some of his former remarks in reference to the cadets who had left the institution. Mr. R. M. JOHNSON said he had desired briefly to present his views of the advantages and disadvantages of the Academy, but, on account of the lateness of the hour and the advanced period of the session, he should abstain from doing so. After adverting to the sentiments of Washington, Jefferson, and Madison, respecting the school, he observed that, if the propriety of continuing the institution was to be regularly debated, it would be best to do so in a report upon the subject which had been made by the Military Committee. Mr. McKAY hoped Mr. Dick is son would consent to withdraw his motion, as it only tended to weaken his cause as an opponent of the Academy. Mr. DICKINSON declining, The question was taken on his amendment, and prompt. ly negatived without a count. So the House refused to strike out the enacting clause of the bill. Mr. HAWES, having modified the amendment he before offered, now moved it again, proposing that no student be in future received into the Academy; and that, so soon as the students now in it should have completed their regular course, the institution be discontinued. Mr. SMITH, of Maine, now offered, as an amendment to the amendment of Mr. Hawes, a proposition that, from and after the 1st of January next, the 2d section of the law of 1803, and the 2d, 3d, and 4th sections of the law of 1812, respecting the Academy, (viz: the law which
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extended the number of the students from 20 to 250, and enlarged the plan of tuition,) be repealed. Mr. HAWES hoped Mr. SMITH would consent to withdraw this amendment until the question had been taken on that proposed by him. Mr. SMITH declining, Mr. EWING opposed the amendment of Mr. HAwes, as not being based on good policy. If the school was to be put down, let it be done at once: a gradual and prospective abolition would only furnish cause of dissension. As to the abuse of the patronage of the Government in relation to this institution, it was chargeable mainly on the members of the House themselves. The question being put on the amendment proposed by Mr. SM1th, it was negatived without a count. Mr. HA wes's shared the same fate. Mr. HAWES thereupon moved another amendment, proposing that no cadet should, in future, be admitted, until his father or guardian had executed a bond to return the expenses of his education, unless his son should serve in the army. This was also negatived, without debate; As was another, in nearly the same terms, offered by Mr. BU R D. Another, moved by Mr. DuxcAN, reducing the number of students to 50, was, in like manner, rejected. Another, by Mr. PIN cKNEY, proposing that the school be abolished from and after the 1st of January next, haying been rejected, The bill was laid aside. Mr. ASHLEY now moved again his bill to continue the Cumberland road to Jefferson city, Missouri; but the committee refused to take it up at this time: Ayes 63, noes 65.
GOLD COIN BILL.
On motion of Mr. WHITE, of New York, the committee then proceeded to consider the bill “regulating the value of certain gold coins within the United States.” The bill being read by sections, Mr. BINNEY expressed his approval of so much of its provisions as went to fix the relative value of gold and silver; but as strongly dissented from the remaining features of the bill in relation to the fractional coins of the eagle and the dollars. These the bill proposed to debase by too large a portion of alloy, thereby giving the country a base currency in part. He considered it quite too late in the session to enter on the discussion of the delicate and difficult questions involved in this part of the subject. The opinions of the late Secretary of the Treas. ury, of Mr. Gallatin, and of the director of the mint, were all decidedly opposed to the policy of debasing the currency. He admitted that there was an able report in its favor, but he could not assent to its policy. Mr. WHITE briefly explained. This part of the bill went on the principle of allowing to the Government a seigniorage to cover the expense of coining. . He denied that it was debasing the currency. The legal tender was restricted to 10 dollars, and the principle involved dif. fered in nothing from the conventional value of a bank note. Mr. SELDEN agreed to the views expressed by Mr. BiNN ex, but hoped the bill would be carried into the House, and discussed there. Mr. BINNEY, assenting to this course, withdrew an amendment he had prepared and proposed to the com. mittee. Mr. JONES signified his intention to move several amendments to the bill, when it should come into the House. It was then laid aside, and the committee took up the bill regulating the value of certain foreign gold coins within the United States; which, after some conver