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a part of the report itself, he presumed that, by the rules evening. It was late. No person was there. The folof the House, they were required to be printed in one lowing morning (Saturday) he went there again, and

book or pamphlet. This was, he knew, done on two former occasions; the one when he had the honor to be appointed on the Committee of Retrenchment, in 1828, and the other in the case of the apportionment bill. In both cases, Mr. E. said, he had been in the minority, and had, with his colleagues, presented their views, which, when the reports were ordered to be printed, were comprised in, and formed a part of the reports. It was true that, in 1828, there was some opposition to this, it being then desired to have the minority report excluded from connexion with the report of the majority on the Committee on Retrenchment. A question having arisen upon the usage in such cases, the Clerk of the House was appealed to; but he said that such had not been the practice of the House, and he refused to order them to be printed detached from each other, unless he was specially directed so to do by the presiding officer of the Hôuse. That officer, on bein applied to for such an order, he had been told, actually declined to interfere. reports from the committee, in 1832, on the subject of the bank, were printed in one pamphlet, as Report No. 469, with a continuous paging throughout. ife, did not himself care which way this question should be disposed of; for, however it was determined, from him his constituents should hear both sides of it. With this view, he would desire to have them printed together, not merely for his own convenience in despatching them, but also for the benefit of those who, he doubted not, generally desired to have both sides, in order that they might form just conclusions for themselves. Mr. MILLER obtained the floor, but gave way at the instance of Mr. THOMAS, who remarked, that it was erroneously opposed that he intended to reflect upon the printer of the House. He had said that no inconvenience had resulted from his having given a copy of the original report for publication, and no error had been committed by the Printer of the House in consequence of that circumstance. The public printer had a copy both of the appendix and the journal, but he seemed to be at a loss to conceive why the appendix should be printed, as it consisted of extracts from the journal. This error of the printer had not, as the gentleman from Connecticut supposed, grown out of the fact that a copy of the report had been furnished to the Globe. Mr. MILLER, a second time, obtained the floor, and again gave way to Mr. MANN, of New York, who said that an explanation was due from him, having had the charge of prepaorg the documents composing the appendix for the press. if, then any person was to be blamed, he felt that he was that person. He apprehended that the error which gentlemen seemed to be possessed with, was the consequence c; two editorial articles in the Intelligencer, which conveyed some reflections on the committee. These (Mr. M. sail) he had noticed when they appeared in that paper, but he had treated them as the pestiferous idle wind which he regarded not, knowing that the censure implied by them, as it applied to him as a member of the committee, was altogether unmerited. It had been said that the report was withheld from the public printer. A short

The three

handed them to the principal person who happened to be there. And yet, said he, will the public printer tell this House, and this nation, that he had not the documents in time to be able to print them and lay them on our tables? Sir, they were thus in his possession, brought to his office by my own hands. The public printer, he believed, knew where the report was all the time—that it was in his (Mr. M.’s) possession, for he had himself been aiding in getting it ready for the press, and had corrected the proofs as they came from the Globe; after which, the papers were brought, as already stated, to the Intelligencer office. Whatever wrong, then, had been committed, he must ask the member from Connecticut to wreak his displeasure upon him. If there was to be any censure bestowed for the share he had in all this, that censure he was bound and was ready to assume. He cared little about the question whether the reports should be printed together or not. ... Mr. ELLS worTH said he would assure the honorable member from New York that he was mistaken in supposing that he meant to cast any censure upon his conduct. He was only happy to hear so many explanations on this subject. He certainly had felt some interest, that a fair view of all the matters connected with the investigation by the committee, should be presented at as early a date, and in as correct a form as possible, to the people. Having known that the order for printing these reports was made on Thursday morning— [Mr. MANN.--Evening.] Mr. E.--Well, Thurday afternoon, then: he went to the office of the National Intelligencer that same evening, when he was informed that the report of the committee had not, as it ought to have been, sent there. The next day he had gone again, and there was still no account of them. Mr. E. could state, that the printers took considerable pains to ascertain where the report of the majority and documents were. ... Yet, these persons were to be blamed, because they did not print the documents before they received them! Upon the member’s own statement, was this fair towards individuals who had always enjoyed, and deservedly, the public confidence? The member admits that he had the papers in his possession, and brought them only to the office at so late an hour on Friday evening, that there was no person to whom they could be given; and that, finally, the printers did not receive them until Saturday morning. Who, then, was the cause of the delay attributed so unjustly to these individuals? Was it not clearly apparent to be a delay caused at the gentleman’s own instance? There was a delay from Thursday until Saturday. At what time, he could not help asking, was the report carried to the office of the Globe? According to the statement, the editor of that paper must have had it at least on Friday. Although not disposed to lecture on the subject, he must say that all this had the appearance of having been done in order to give that editor an opportunity of printing one report without the other, and without the correspondence, which formed an essential part of it. However, if the explanation of the gentleman was satisfactory to the House or the nation, so be it. Mr. MILLER said that, if the gentlemen had all made

sotement would explain his agency in the matter. When their explanations, he would submit a few remarks, althe report was presented to the House it was in a rough though he regretted to protract a debate at this imporstate, and it was necessary to have a correct copy made stant period of the session. As related to the mistake that for the purpose of printing from: he obtained it for had occurred, in regard to the printing of the appendix that pn The day after it was presented, (Friday,) or correspondence annexed to the report of the majority he had been laboriously engaged in having this done, and of the committee, he did not believe that much censure having the documents arranged, at the request of the sought to attach to any one... He understood that some chairman of the committee. When that was completed, mistake had occurred, by which the journal of the comtie report, documents, and journal, were by his own mittee had been blended unin!ontionally with the corre

heads carried to the office of the public printer on Friday spondence between the committee of this House and the

H. of R.]
representatives of the bank—that it was subsequently
discovered, when the types were partly set, and the cor-
rection of this error had caused the delay. Such mis-
takes may occur without any blame being justly attached
to any person. With regard to the question immediately
before the House, that of ordering both documents to be
printed in one pamphlet, he viewed it as of very little
importance. For himself, if they were printed separate-
ly, he would send them both together to such of his con-
stituents as the number printed would enable him to sup-
ply. He was not afraid to trust them with both sides of
the question. He presumed other gentlemen would pur-
sue the same course.
The present motion appeared to Ilave no other object
than that of compelling members to send them together.
He thought this matter might be trusted to the discretion
of gentlemen themselves; and, if members were disposed
to separate them, they could do so notwithstanding they
were bound together by a small cord. In point of fact,
they were separate documents, and had separate appen-
dixes. This he knew when he made the motion, and
that had operated upon him in submitting the motion in
the form he had. He thought, if the House printed an
equal number of each report, it ought to be sufficient to
repel the charge of a disposition to print and circulate
partial information at the expense of the nation. Accord-
ing to strict parliamentary proceeding, the views of the
minority were not considered a report, and leave would
have to be obtained to present them to the House. A
different practice, however, had prevailed in the House,
and he was not disposed to disturb it. It was, perhaps,
one that was founded in good sense. But as the reports
were separate and distinct documents, he could see no
obligation on the part of the House to unite them. The
decision that the House might make on the question was
to him unimportant. He would, therefore, not trespass
longer on the patience of the House.
Mr. BURGES said, by the motion of the gentleman
from Pennsylvania, [Mr. MILLER, we are required to print
30,000 extra copies of the report of the bank committee;
by the amendment offered by the gentleman from Massa-
chusetts, [Mr. BRiggs,) it is proposed to attach the two
parts, the majority and minority report, together, and
send the whole out to the people at the same time.
Sir, I always understood that it had been the uniform
usage of the House to send forth reports of this descrip-
tion when ordered to be printed, for the information of
the public, together, in the manner proposed by this
amendment. I desire honorable members particularly to
look back to that conduct which had been pursued in re-
gard to this very institution, when, in place of a minority,
there was a majority of the House in its favor. Were not
the two reports presented by the committee, appointed
to investigate its affairs, published together? They as-
suredly were; for no man then even dreamed of commit-
ting so gross an outrage upon the intelligence and honesty
of the people; no man dared then to encounter the re-
proaches of the nation, if an outrage so flagrant had been
attempted. Was not the consequence of sending the re-
ports separate, to present to the public a partial view, a
one-side view, on this question? Was it this which gen-
tlemen desired? If so, let it be avowed. It was avow-
ed; for what did they not hear? Had it not been sug.
gested in this debate, even by the chairman of the com-
mittee [Mr. Thomas] himself, that it was almost idle to
debate the subject, when it was in the power of every
member to settle the question of sending them out sé-
parately or together, by cutting the thread that attached
them; and thus, for party purposes, to separate them?
Kind, honest, just suggestion! Sir, I deny that any hon-
orable member, I mean any member, dare resort to such
an expedient. None ought; none, I trust, would be guilty

Bank Reports.

[May 27, 1834. full of the hope that members, on the contrary, will not only be willing, nay, that for the purpose of truly possessing the public of the contents of these important documents, that they would be zealous in exertions to keep them together, to despatch them together, uninfluenced by low considerations of party. With this view, I hope that the reports and the appendix will be so printed, so attached together, that it would be impossible to separate them. That thus, if there were men so base, which I do not believe there would be in this honorable House, as to think of or to attend to the honorable suggestion of the chairman of the committee, as to send out such a thing as a garbled statement, they would be in this way prevented from executing so foul a purpose. Let them take the only means to prevent it, and send out the whole truth on a matter so important, so perilous to the nation. What, I inquire of every honorable man, would be the condition in which the country would be placed, if we withhold the truth from the people; from that people so deeply so entirely interested in this the greatest question which they ever had before them? Would it be fair, would it be honest, to this anxious community? No, no. Dare we attempt to palm off on the nation a one-sided statement, as a full representation of what passed between the directors of the bank and the committee of this House? Again, and again, I would refer them back to the former practice of the House when the bank had a majority there, and call on them to follow it. What had they not seen done, even in the getting up of this report already? Why, an open attempt to forestall public opinion; a most unworthy attempt, with the aid of a member of Congress, of the committee to put upon the public a garbled statement. Possessing himself, for that purpose, of a report, which was the property of the House when once presented, and transferring it to a party paper, for party purposes, and preventing its being handed over, as was the usual custom, to the printers appointed to do their business. I put it to the House whether, now knowing this, they would sanction such conduct? If it were denied, he asserted that it had been done. Ay, a copy of one report only, and without any of the correspondence, had been, with the aid of a member of the committee, sent out for the unwarrantable purpose of forestalling, by such foul means, the public opinion. This is all correct, no doubt, in the estimation of some men entirely devoted to party, if there be such men. It may highly become a party so to take, so to use, and so to detain public papers. The Clerk's table, once sacred, is now no security. No matter. The papers are safe; safe in the hands of an honorable member, in a secret room, and under the hand of a confidential clerk to copy such parts as the honorable gentleman shall mark as useful to be published, or proper to leave uncopied, and unprinted, and unseen by the people. These, sir, are the methods pursued under the advisement of the chairman of this high and important committee, to send out a part, a garbled part, of a report; and so to place it under the public eye, that the strongest impression, no matter whether correct or not, may be made against the bank. This question, I maintain, is one that rises above every consideration of party. It is a question interesting, deeply interesting, to public liberty itself. Here has been a foul attempt to forestall, as had been done in another instance, (the case of the presidential protest,) public opinion; and, following such high example, I doubt not another 40,000 copies will be circulated. Let me tell that honorable member this partial mode of dealing with the reports of the House will not prosper. It is not rightIt is not honest. It cannot succeed with an intelligent community. Nothing else will satisfy this country, but an honest.

of such a deed. No man would be found so base, I am

fair-dealing distribution of such papers as are intended

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by the House for their full information, whilst they believe that the arm of force is so stretched out over the liberty of the country that no man can be deemed safe, either in his person or his papers, from the outrageous, revolting, and unconstitutional exactions and assumptions of those in high office, now assuming irresponsible and unlimited power. After a few remarks from Mr. CHILTON-Mr. MILLER said the discussion on what was in itself so unimportant, was becoming so interminable that, with a view to obviate all further objections, he would accept of the amendment proposed by the member from Massachusetts as a modification of his own. The question thereon being on the motion of Mr. MILLER as modified— Mr. PINCKNEY was in favor of printing the largest number of both reports. He was desirous that the minority report should be extensively circulated, as, in his opinion, it contained, as far as it went, sound and correct constitutional vic w8. Mr. MASON inquired whether it was in order to discuss the contents of either of the reports upon the motion before the House? The CHAIR replied, upon a question of printing a document, the subject of it was open to discussion to a certain extent. Mr. PINCKNEY proceeded: He wished to assign his reasons for voting to print the largest number. They were, perhaps, not the same reasons which would influence other members; and if he was not allowed to state them, such as they were, it would be to deny to him the right of speaking upon the question at all. The only objection he had against the report of the minority was, that it did not go far enough in its constitutional views. But he particularly wished the largest proposed number of the report of the majority published, that the people might see and understand the monstrous powers arrogated for this House--arrogations which, if sustained, deeply involve the liberties of the people. If they had a particle of regard for their liberties left, it might be expected that they would resent and repel this attempt to subjugate them to unwritten and undefined power. Mr. P. said he was anxious that the report of the minority of the committee might be extensively circulated in the State of Pennsylvania. It was that State, principally, which had placed General Jackson in the presidential chair. He wished that State to see this proposition to prostrate her sovereignty, and drag fourteen of her most respectable citizens before the bar of this House. Her citizens would be able, by this attempt to degrade that State, to understand the tyranny of those who now hold the reins of power. The people of that State already know that every class is involved in unprecedented distress by the measures of the Executive. They had seen the attempt made by the President to disgrace the Setiate. [The Sreak on called the gentleman to order.] Mr. P. submitted to the Chair. He said he was assignreg the reasons why he should vote for printing the largto number of this document. The citizens of Pennsylvania might not know that it was now proposed to give this House power over the personal liberty of her cititens. They well knew their property was at the disposal of congress--they might not be aware that their personal lib-rty was also supposed to be at its disposal. They know that their meritorious sons, Messrs. Ingham and Duane, had been ignominiously dismissed from office without a cause; but they may not know that it was contemplated to drag fourteen of her most distinguished citizeros as criminals before this House. He wished the People of that state to read the reports and determine whether they would permit this to be done. Whether that cate might not think proper to interfere and rescue the

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personal rights and libertiesof her citizens to be invaded in the manner proposed— [The Cli AIR interposed. This was a question of printing merely. The debate at large on the subject was postponed until Tuesday, and could not be thus incidentally entered into.] Mr. P. said he would not pursue the topic at this time. The grounds taken by the House in the adoption of the resolution ought to be understood. The people should know the flagrant violation of their rights that had been committed by the House. [The CHAIR said, no reflections upon the proceedings of the House were in order. Mr. Pattox hoped the gentleman would be permitted to proceed, and that an opportunity would be afforded for reply. The Chai R said, order must be preserved.] Mr. PIN cRNEY wished the doctrines in these documents to be disseminated universally throughout the State of Pennsylvania, and that her citizens might determine whether the proceedings of this House, and the measures proposed by this committee, do not involve an assumption of power which it may be the duty of that State to resist. If her citizens should be brought to the bar of the House, under the resolution reported by the committee, he could not say which idea would be most mortifying to him—that the House should have so far transcended its authority, or that the State of Pennsylvania should have tamely submitted to such a usurpation, &c. Mr. MASON had not seen the report of the minority of the committee, but had no manner of objection that it should accompany the report of the majority. He trusted the example of the gentleman from South. Carolina [Mr. PINckNEY] would not be followed. He was not disposed to forestall public opinion as to the merits of either of these reports. As to his own share in the proceedings, he was prepared to abide the severest scrutiny to which his conduct could be subjected. A day had been assigned for the consideration of this subject; when that arrived he hoped a full discussion would be gone into; at this time he hoped the question would be taken without going into any further irregular discussion. Mr. BYNUM said he was sorry that the honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania had consented to accept of the amendment of the honorable member from Masachusetts, as he conceived that amendment to have a partial reflection on a certain party in this House. . He was prepared to vote for the original motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania. He stood on his own responsibility, and held himself amenable to no earthly power for his acts, except to that portion of the people whom he alone directly represented here. [Mr. B. was about to enter into an argument on the merits of the amendment, when the Speaker stated the amendment had been acted on, and his remarks in relation to it would be out of order.] Mr. B. then said his principal object in rising had been to reply to the extraordinary remarks of the honorable member from South Carolina [Mr. PIN cRNEY) who had just taken his seat, and asked if it would be in order to reply to some remarks that had just fallen from that honorable member. The SPEAKER replied it would, and asked Mr. B. to proceed. Mr. BYNUM then said that it was strange that the gentleman had been guilty of the very thing that he, and the party with which he acted, had just complained of. It had been said that the object of the majority of the committee, in their report, was to forestall public opinion. Now, he asked, what was the object of the gentleman in denouncing, in advance, the report of the majority of the bank committee? What was it done for by the gentleman, if it were not to prejudge it? The report of the

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committee was not now under consideration. The gen-
tleman must have had an object in doing what he did;
then if it was a reasonable object, it certainly was to
prejudice, beforehand, the people of the country against
that report. He considered such a course unfair and un-
justifiable.
The honorable gentleman had called on Pennsylvania
to wake up, and resist the outrageous usurpations about
to be practised on her citizens. He had no doubt that
the poor, ignorant, benighted Pennsylvanians would be
greatly obliged to that honorable gentleman for taking
charge of their interests on this floor, and for the great
solicitude that he had expressed to have for them—-poor,
ignorant creatures, unenlightened, uninformed as they
were of the course they ought to pursue, as was thought
by the intelligent gentleman from South Carolina. He
asked if a poor farmer had treated with contempt the man-
dates of the representatives of this House, if there would
be, in all probability, so many tears shed by gentlemen,
when the simple process of arrest was proposed by this
House to be served on him? He doubted very much if
he might not be dragged here, without a single sympathy
of honorable gentlemen who now manifested so much
sensibility with regard to Nicholas Biddle and his bank
associates.
It was now evident, and it was unnecessary to attempt
to conceal it longer, that there were only two great par-
ties in this country: one arrayed in favor of the govern-
ment of the bank, and the other in favor of the govern-
ment of the people. Gentlemen had shown their cloven-
foot too plainly to be misunderstood by any intelligent
mind; their object was to defend the bank, and protect
it in whatever course she might pursue. His object was
the reverse; he was determined to defend and protect,
as far as he was able, the Government and tire people, in
defiance of the bank and its mercenary advocates. He
bowed to and recognised no tyrants nor tyrannical insti-
tutions, but to the tyrant, people; they were the only ty-
rants to whom he would bow or obey.
The gentleman from South Carolina had, in his usual
course, denounced the President as a tyrant and usurper.
Indeed, if a stranger were present, and not accurately
acquainted with the proceedings of this House, and with
the nature of the subject before it, he would take it for
granted that the President had drawn up the tyrannical
report of the majority of the bank committee. What
had the President to do with that committee, or its re-
port? He really did not see in what manner the gentle-
man could reasonably make the President guilty of the
tyranny and usurpation which had been committed on
the bank by the enlightened and intelligent committee,
appointed by an overwhelming majority of this House,
to investigate its concerns. The gentleman had said, too,
that the President had made war on the Senate. He de-
nied it. It was the reverse. The Senate had made war—
[[iere the SPEAKER said that he called the gentleman from
South Carolina to order when he made that remark, and
it was out of order to reply to it.] Mr. B. then said that
there was a desperate, reckless party, that had, not only
in this House, but in other places, seized every occasion,
however irrelevant, to abuse and denounce the President
of the United States as a tyrant and usurper. It was
done to produce a revolution in public sentiment, with
the sole purpose of bringing into power those reckless
persons who were ready to produce any revolution in
order to turn themselves uppermost.
Yes, they were willing to see the fairest and happiest
country deluged in blood and desolation, the world ever
saw, to wreak their vengeance on that venerable old pa.
triot who now occupied the White House to their exclu-
sion. But for him, they thought their unbridled ambi-
tion might have been long since gratified. He was the

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ambition. Mr. B. said that the President had been placed there by the People, by a most overwhelming majority, and he hoped, in spite of the efforts of such a party, and their bank government to aid them, the people would sustain him so long as he so nobly adhered to their rights and interests, in defence of which he was now willing to sacrifice his all. He was glad that the gentleman had thought fit to arraign this House for the exercise of ty. ranny and usurpation towards the bank government. Yes, the representatives of the whole people had also been guilty of usurpation and tyranny towards, the bank. But who were those that had been guilty of this usurpation? the members of this House, and many of them the warmest friends of the bank, for many of them voted to clothe this very committee with the very power that they had exercised, and proposed now to exercise. , Were they, then, not as culpable as the committee, who only proposed to execute the powers granted them by the House? certainly, he thought that those who gave the powers to the committee were the persons guilty of the usurpation, and among them was, he believed, a majority of the warmest friends of the bank in the House. But the cry of usurpation and tyranny had been set afloat to gull and impose on the poor ignorant people, no doubt as gentlemen thought, and he expected next to hear that the people themselves had become the tyrants and usurpers of the powers and rights of this precious monopoly; of this most arrogant and corrupt institution, that is now bidding defiance to the Government of the whole nation and its authority The gentleman from South Carolina seemed much alarmed as to the power of the House to arrest a citizen in Pennsylvania, and bring him here to testify before this body. He thought there was no more cause for alarm than there should be in case the court of the United States were to issue a subpoena to arrest an individual to appear before it in this city. The same power that had given this right to the court of the United States, had given it to this body, as a collateral branch of the Government. He could not, then, see why such extraordinary sensibility should be felt by honorable gentlemen on the present occasion, except for the extraordinary interest taken on behalf of the bank and its officers.

what had we heard, said Mr. B. Had not the gentleman called upon the good people of Pennsylvania to resist the civil authoritics of the Government? Had he not here, and on this floor, endeavored to excite the good people of that patriotic State to rebellion? Yes, sir, to rebellion.

out a surmise that she might think it her duty to do so, if
the House should transcend its just authority.]
Mr. By NuM resumed.
the gentleman had disavowed his assertion, as he certainly
understood him to have said what he had stated, most
distinctly; but he was glad that the gentleman had now
qualified his remarks on that subject. He hoped no
member of this House was capable of wishing to excite a
rebellion in this country, however desperate might be
the fortunes of their political party. It had already conne
to this, that the House of Representatives was accused
usurpation and tyranny: he supposed the next step would
be to accuse the people of being tyrants.
[Mr. WATMOUGH interposed, and inquired if this
had reference to the subject?
Mr. LYTLE said the gentleman should take down time
exceptionable words.
The CHAIR did not sustain the objection of Mr. WA-r
Mough, but entreated Mr. By NUM to keep within the lyrin
its of order.]
Mr. Bynum continued. He should like to know w ł.

only barrier between them and the great object of their

such alarm should be felt at the proposition of the cond

He said he was very glad that

[Mr. PIN cRNEY rose in explanation. He denied having called upon Pennsylvania to resist; he had only throw in

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mittee simply to arrest persons at a distance and have them brought here to testify, when almost every judicial tribunal in the country, of any consequence, had exercised this power almost a thousand times over, without the least alarm or complaint being made in any quarter. Were the persons connected with this bank to have su. perior privileges to any other class of citizens of this country’ He hoped not. He hoped that the freemen of America would never consent that a few bankers should be more exempt from arrests, or any other regular process of the laws of this country, than any other plain inen of the community. He saw nothing in the report of the majority of the committee that had alarmed him in the least. The powers which it proposed to be exercised, had been exercised by bodies of much inferior dignity, a hundred times over, without prejudice to the citizen, or material injury to any one. He thought the charge against the committee, of usurping arbitrary power, of the same class with those that had been so profusely made against the Executive, both of which were equally, he thought, unfounded, and coined with the same intent. The people were not so blind, he hoped, as not to see through the game that certain political jugglers were endeavoring to play on them here and elsewhere. It was in vain to try to screen the conduct of the bank, by attempting to draw off from it the attention of the people, by setting up a cry of tyranny and usurpation against all who dare to question the purity of its conduct, and who will not consent to bow before its golden altar. The keen-sighted people would never be diverted from their object by such shifts to avoid a strict investigation into the conduct of the bank; and those who expected to succeed by resorting to such means, his life upon it, would be wofully deceived, when fairly confronted before the mass of the great body of the American people. The honorable gentleman and his party deceived themselves, if they thought that they were to succeed by imposing on the honest freemen of this country, philipics and bitter denunciations of all who presumed to differ from them, as being the advocates of tyranny and usurpation. The people were not so ignorant as not to require proof of such charges, before they proceed to condemn some of the best and purest of men. He had submitted his views in reply to the honorable gentleman, simply to let him know that there were others in this House who entertained opinions directly at variance with those the honorable gentleman entertained, and who were as tenacious and as conscientious of them as the honorable member could possibly be of his. Mr. HAW E3 said, from appearances, if the discussion were not stopped, it would occupy the whole day. There was other important business before the House. Ise therefore Inoved that the motion be laid on the table. On this motion, Mr. PLUMMER called for the yeas and nays, but the House refused to order the m. The notion was negatived without a count. Mr. LYTLE felt an imperative obligation to make a brief explanation for the satisfaction of the House as well as himself. The committee were unanimously of opinon that both reports should be printed in the same volune. Every individual expressed an entire willingness that the views of both sides should be presented togettier. He had been amazed and confounded at the course of this olebate. The House had been told that the majority of the committee had desired to “forestall” poic opinion. The CHAIR said no such charge had been made to the understanding of the Chair. w Mr. LYTLE said such a charge had been made by the gentleman from Rhode Island, [Mr. Bunges.] The CIHA11t said it could only have been stated hypothe traily, or that gentleman would have been called to order.

Mr. LYTLF said that between the Speaker and himself an honest difference of opinion might exist; but the obvious tendency and design of the remark of the gentleman from IRhode Island was to make that charge. If it was not, he could deny the fact. He threw the charge back with scorn and contempt, from whatever source it might emanate, as a gross libel upon the motives and conduct of the committee. So far srom any portion of the committee desiring to “forestall public opinion” by printing these reports separately, it was their unanimous opinion that they should be printed together. If the public printer has printed separately the copies designed for the use of the members, it was a matter which, so far as he knew, rested entirely between the Clerk and the printer. IIe fully agreed with the gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. PINc kN Ey,] that the largest number proposed should be printed. Ise wished the people of this country to understand the position which had been taken by the bank. A new and distinct issue had been formed. It was no longer a mere question of bank or no bank. It was one of infinitely greater importance—whether a moneyed corporation was stronger than the Government which gave it existence; and whether the representatives of the people did or did not possess the right of examination, expressly reserved in the charter. This was the true issue which had been raised by the directors of this corporation. It had afforded the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. PINck N ey] an opportunity of urging upon the minds of the people of Pennsylvania the odious doctrines of nullification. It would, no doubt, be exceedingly agreeable to that gentleman to associate Pennsylvania with South Carolina in such a cause. But, if he expected to effect this, he had misconceived public opinion. The effervescence of feeling which had been displayed upon a late festive occasion was limited and superficial, and can be traced to causes altogether distinct from political partialities or sympathies, on the part of the people of that great State. The State of Pennsylvania was still sound to the core. She could not be deluded or seduced from her devotion to the constitution. She was still the key-stone of the Union—bank or no bank. He did not propose to go into a discussion of the report at this time, but was prepared to defend every inch of ground taken by the committee. The report was a naked chronicle of their proceedings, concluding with resolutions which were intended as a mere synopsis of what the committee considered neces. sary, in order to vindicate themselves and this House from the insults heaped upon them by the managers of the bank. The attempt that had been made, soon after the appointment of the committee, to “forestall” public opinion, by the bank organ in this city, he should consider to be a proper subject of future inquiry. The conductors of the National Intelligencer had dared to asperse the motives and conduct of this committee. As the official organs of the bank, they had, “by authority,” (he quoted from memory,) announced to this House that it should be protected, through the well-known purity and elevated character of the president and directors of the bank, from the unworthy scrutiny and nesarious designs of the committee of their own appointment. Thus, it appears that the first attempt to “forestall” public opin: ión was made by the printers to Congress; and we all know that the same line of conduct has been industriously pursued by the other pensioned presses of the bank throughout the Union. - He hoped the two reports, in accordance with the opinion of the committee, would be printed together, and that the largest number would be printed. Mr. SUTHER1. AND said he felt very thankful, so far

as he was concerned, as an humble member from the

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