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other places of safe-keeping, wheiher done by the President himself, or by the Secretary of the Treasury? Is it that this corporation has been wantonly stripped, as is alleged, of one of her chartered immunities, by the ruthless hand of Executive usurpation? that the public faith has been trampled upon by a power that acknowledges no law but the dictates of its own rash, unbridled will? I would not venture to affirm that very many in this body, and elsewhere, do not honestly entertain that opinion. But of this I am as perfectly confident as I can be of anything, that, within less than twelve months from this day, ninetenths of the people of the United States will laugh to scorn an idea in my view so utterly preposterous. Sir, the ominous speculations of a certain class of political soothsayers are destined to a most woful disappointment. The gloom, and distress, and panic, must pass away, as the incantations of the enchanter cease, and the country will rise from the pressure, if not with increased wealth, the wiser and better, and with renewed energy to withstand future trials. The independence of the people of the United States is not to be broken down; their spirits are not to be subdued by the formidable discipline, the disas. trous energies, of an overshadowing colossal moneyed power. It cannot be that the events of the last five months, and especially the scenes enacted here, will es: cape the jealous vigilance of the people. They cannot fail to perceive that the just retaliation brought upon this bank by its own gross misconduct has been met by a resisttance calculated to rouse the serious alarms of every man who would repel the encroachments of a corporate despotism that threatens to overthrow every principle of the constitution; and, in the language of one who would seem to be touched with almost prophetic inspiration, “to convey our liberties to a sepulchre of gold.”

MEMORIALS PROM WASHINGTON AND ATHENS Countles, (OHIO.) The petitions from the inhabitants of Washington and Athens counties, Ohio, heretofore presented, being next in order— Mr. VINTON, for the purpose of enabling him to give his views on the distressed state to which the country of the IDemorialists was reduced in consequence of the recent measures of the Executive, moved the following: Resolved, That the memorials from the counties of Washington and Athens, in the State of Ohio, be referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, to which has been referred the bill to regulate the deposites of the money of the United States in certain local tanks, with instructions to strike from said bill all after the enacting clause, and insert, in lieu thereof. A bill directing the deposites of the money of the United States to be hereafter made in the Bank of the United States, and for the renewal of the charter of said bank, with such modifications thereof as said committee shall deem expedient. Mr. ViNTON, having addressed the House at length, finally withdrew the resolution; and the memorials which he had presented were then referred to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and, with the names thereto, ordered to be printed. Mr. VINTON'S remarks were as follows: Mr. Speaker: I did not move at the last petition day to lay over the consideration of the memorials I then presented, for the purpose of making a set speech on the topics they bring to the notice of Congress, as the motion might seem to indicate to have been my intention; but I did so from an unwillingness, weary and exhausted as the House then was, to trespass on the patience of the members, by calling for their reading at the late bour of the day, when, by the rules of the House, it became my turn to vier petitions and memorials. Nor is it my intention now to go into any argument upon the grave subjects

presented by the memorialists; but the memorialists themselves are entitled to some notice from me, and I cannot, in justice to my own feelings, pass them over wholly in silence. These memorials come from the counties of Athens and Washington, in the State of Ohio. They are each signed by about eleven hundred freemen. From the county of Athens, I am informed that, on account of the advanced period of the session of Congress, their memo rial was transmitted while it was yet in circulation in a portion of the county. At the last presidential election, that county gave 1,344 votes, of which the Clay candidates claimed a majority of ninety votes only over the Jackson electoral ticket. The vote in the county of Washington was somewhat greater, with about the same division of parties. These facts are stated for the purpose of showing the unanimity of sentiment in those counties in respect to the policy and legality of the recent attempt of the Executive, by means of his action upon the public revenue, to con trol the currency and exchanges of the country, and, through them, the credit, the business, the markets, and the price of labor and property in all parts of the Union. This is an exertion of power, and these are interests which the memorialists do not think have been, and cannot be safely, committed to the will of any one man, since it would make that man their master, and not their servant. I will not detain you by an enumeration of the embarrassments and difficulties under which the memorialists state they are now laboring, since, with the exception of some local peculiarities, the result of their geographical position, and the course of their trade, they are substantially those which have disordered the industry of all parts of the Union. The memorial from the county of Athens, which is drawn up with a peculiar felicity. of manner, introduces their statement of their grievances by saying, “they are sensible that, in ordinary times, patriotism is best manifested by the discharge by every individual of his own appropriate duties, leaving, in the exercise of a liberal confidence, the management of the public and general interests wholly in the hands of those to whom they have been constitutionally delegated.” I avail myself of this opportunity to bear testimony to the truth of this declaration in respect to the people of the county of Athens, and to the rest of the district that sent me here. In all the conflicts of interest and policy, so agitating to the country, which have been fought here for the last eleven years, during which I have had the honor of a seat on this floor, they have never sent up a memorial to this House, or instructed me as to their wishes, on any subject involving the general interests of the country. They have acted upon the principle which they avow; and it is with gratesul pride of feeling that I am able to declare that they, “in the exercise of a liberal confidence,” have, during all that time, left me to act for them, as a freeman, according to the dictates of my own unbiased judgment. They have not remained silent from indifference to the great questions which, during that period, have so deeply agitated the whole community, nor from ignorance of what has been transacting here. They are a reading, thinking, hard-working people; and in respect to the counties of Washington and Athens, whose memorials I now present to you, I can truly say, without disparagement to any other district of country, that there is not, beyond the Alleghany mountains, a people more eminent for sobriety of habits, social order, and general intelligence. I left them a happy, prosperous, and contented people. Their past silence bears them witness that they have not come up here now to give countenance to an idle clamor, or to enjoy the empty gratification of being presented to the notice of this House. When, therefore, they lay their complaints, for the first time, before this House, and instruct me, as one of those counties has done,

as to their wishes; when they in substance say that sudden H. of R.] and unlooked-for derangement and distress have come upon them; that their labor has been robbed of its reward; their hopes blighted, and their prosperity stricken down by the strong hand of power, I am bound to believe they are in sober earnest, and speak to us of solemn realities. The memorial, sir, from the county of Washington, aside from its own intrinsic merits, is entitled to the respect of Western gentlemen, from the place whence it comes, and from the names that are upon it. It comes from the spot where, and it has upon it the names of men who, at the close of the Revolution, made the first lodgment in that then distant wilderness: of men who, under the auspices of the old confederation, helped to put in motion the machinery of Government over a wilderness of almost boundless extent and unrivalled fertility: of men who assisted at that spot to plant deep in its fruitful soil the germe of social order, of industry, of law, and of religion: of men who, by the blessing of God, have lived to see the infant community they then planted, in the midst of toil, of suffering, and of peril, grow up into maturity, divide itself into several independent communities, with a physical power little inferior to the united strength of the American colonies at the period of the Revolution. It is by such men, and the sons of such men, that this memorial is made up. They are entitled to be listened to with respect. They have never come here as complainants before; nor would they complain now, if “the Government” would let them alone, and desist from its “experiment” upon their affairs. My constituents cannot but know that the President has only to will it, and they are restored to their lost prosperity and happiness. But they have sent no petition to him, who is the author of their grievances, doubtless from a conviction it would avail them nothing. For, sir, they cannot but have heard that the hand which seized upon the public treasure has shut the doors of the Executive mansion in the face of the people, who come to pray for mercy and for relief—that “he did not want to be pestered with their complaints.” But, after all, the hard-working, straight-forward, singleminded people, who have sent their memorial here, have no adequate conception of that obstinacy which, , sooner than yield a point of personal feeling—sooner than correct the evils ..]". mistake committed, perhaps from an error of judgement—sooner than waive, in any particular, the claim set up to Executive infallibility, will sit by in sullen coldness, and, with the power to relieve, suffer the business of millions to be disturbed, and ruin to come upon thousands. Yet this is a faithful portrait of what is now passing before our eyes. They have sent their memorial to this House, knowing also that there is here a legal power of relief; no doubt from a hope that something will yet be done; indeed, from an incredulity that Congress can have the heart to adjourn without attempting to do something to restore the country to its wonted prosperity. Men who are suffering, perhaps threatened with ruin, have no conception that, if their condition is rightly understood, this House will not relent—that relief will not be granted, where the remedy is plain, easy, and at hand. And it was, I presurne, upon this supposition, that the respectable meeting which adopted one of these memorials sent up a request to me to use my exertions in their behalf. My private correspondence also shows that the people at a distance will not, and cannot, believe that no relief is to be granted. To my constituents, who, as their immediate representative and protector here, have called on me for aid, I tender my sincerest sympathy; but I am constrained to say that I have no power to help them. If they think the majority in this House will relent—if they hope for relief, or look forward to an end to their sufferings while the power of the country remains in the hand where it is now deposited, I desire here, from my place, to undeceive them.

Jones county (Miss.) Memorial.

[MAY 26, 1834.

1 consider it my duty frankly to tell them that, in my opinion, there is in the majority no disposition to relieve them; that nothing will be done for them; that it is the settled intention to leave things as they are, regardless of the ruin that must follow; that near six months of the session have passed away, with less hope now of relief than when Congress convened; that argument, reason, and entreaty, have been employed, and exerted their utmost power in vain; that their memorials had been preceded by like prayers for relief, of from one to two hundred thousand of their suffering fellow-citizens from all parts of this extended country, which lie lifeless and unheeded upon your table. And, finally, I desire to say here, from my place, to my constituents, and to all whom it may concern, that they must look to themselves for relief; that they must, at the ballot-boxes, dislodge from place those who now oppress them, and to whom, in a confiding and incautious moment, they intrusted the keeping of their dearest rights, and that power which has been turned against them; that they must make up their minds not only to suffer, but that the condition of the country will grow graudally worse, till a remedy can be obtained in that way. If, Mr. Speaker, I shall have satisfied my constituents, or any body else, of the truth of what I have now said, I shall have accomplished the only end I could hope to attain by throwing myself upon your attention.


The memorial of the inhabitants of Jones county, Mississippi, sustaining the course of the Executive in its recent measures against the Bank of the United States, coming up—

Mr. PLUMMER rose, and said that a voice had at length been heard from the working men of Mississippi. His predictions on that floor a few weeks ago had been verified. The democracy of that State, he said, had arisen in their might, and had resolved to live free or die. They have resisted the temptations held out to them by the bank. They have indignantly refused to sell their liberties, so dearly purchased by the blood of their fathers, to a moneyed corporation, for a few millions of rag-money dollars. They have, like the patriots of the Revolution, borne the pressure of the times until the last turn of the screw, without a murmur or a groan; and then, as if by enchantment, burst asunder the whole machinery by which the United States banking institution sought to cramp, confine, and enslave them; and added another chapter to the evidence already adduced to prove that the people are the source of all power. The voice of that portion of the people of Mississippi, who had at all times stood by him and sustained him in his efforts to put down the aristocracy of the State, and raise the standard of equal rights and equal privileges on its ruins, has at length been raised, said Mr. P., and the echo has reached the halls of the national Legislature. The citizens of the county of Jones, in that section of the State of Mississippi where there was as much patriotism, as much love of liberty, as much devotion to our free institutions, and, he would venture to assert without the fear of contradiction by any one who knew the people as well as he knew them, in that section of the State, where the people were more ready to defend from violation the principles of that constitution handed down to them by the sages of '76, and more ready to resist the encroachments of power upon their rights and liberties, than any portion of the people of the Union, convened at the court-house, on the 19th day of March last, and resolved: That they had unshaken confidence in the integrity, firmness, and patriotism of the present Chief Magistrate, who has so often received the unqualified approbation of a large majority of his fellow-citizens; and that the course which he has pursued in relation to the United States Bank, particularly as evidenced by the removal of

the deposites from that institution, increases and strength

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ens his claims upon the gratitude and admiration of his countrymen: That they approve of the course pursued by the Secretary of the Treasury (Mr. Taney) in removing the public deposites, and that the removal of the people's money from an institution so dangerous and corrupt was but an act of justice to the outraged, moral sentiments of an abused and unsullied people: That they view with contempt the conduct and course pursued by the bank party at a public meeting lately held at Natchez, which they conceive to be a prelude to worse times, if the bank should succeed in obtaining a recharter: That the recharter of the United States Bank was, in their opinion, dangerous to our present democratical form of Government, to the rights and privileges of the people, and should be opposed by all good men. And they further resolved, that they viewed with regret that some of their public men had become like cattle in the field, subject to be bought and sold. The working portion of the community, he said, were the last to become excited upon a question of great national importance, and the last to make a movement towards expressing their sentiments in relation to the af. fairs of Government; but when they do move, said Mr. P., their course is like the rushing of the mighty winds; their might is fike that of the waves of the ocean; the force of their opinions is like the power of the boisterous hurricane, driving every thing before it, and humbling to the dust the haughty oaks of the political forest that refuse to bow submission to their opinions. There is no power on earth that can withstand their influence. Neither the officers of a free Government, “ clothed with a little brief authority,” nor the monarch on his throne, with absolute sway, can resist their mandates. There was, he said, a Latin maxim which he had often heard quoted by those who had a knowledge of that language, the meaning of which he understood to be, “the voice of the people is the voice of God.” If such, said he, is the power of the people, who can stand out against their expressed opinions? It is true, sir, said Mr. P., we hear those who set themselves up as the rulers of the people, but who in fact are their mere servants, declare their intention “to discard everything like party action, when they shall be called to decide upon the great leading principles of Govern. ment;” notwithstanding, however, their declarations and professions, when they see the expressions of the working men of the country written on the wall, they will tremble before the omnipotent political power of the people, and their knees will smite together like Belshazzar's. Standing as he did, by himself, in opposition to the aristocracy of the State, professing to advocate the principles of the working men, at a time when it seemed that the bank had purchased the liberties of the people, so far as individuals could be found to sell themselves, and had forced others, by the exercise of her all-controlling influence, to bow submission to her mandates; it was, he said, gratifying to his feelings to find, when opposed, abused, persecuted, and vilified by the advocates of the bank, and frowned upon by the blind followers of men disregarding principle and professing to support the measures of the present administration, that he was sustained by those who had stood by him in all of his political struggles for principle in opposition to the combined influence of Na. tional Republicanism, Nullification, and Jacksonism. The maine of Jones county, and her old and faithful represent. ative, (Samuel Ellis,) the chairman of the meeting, with whom he sought side by side, in the Legislative councils of the State, for those democratic principles now recogmised as the constitutional law of Mississippi, operated on him, he said, like a charm, was music to his soul, and encouraged him to redouble his exertions in support of the efforts of the Chief Magistrate to relieve the people from the rag-money bondage of the bank, and the haughty pow

er of an irresponsible moneyed corporation, calculated to

- --> prostrate the rights of the States and destroy the liberties of the people. The people who composed that meeting are not man-worshippers; they are not the blind followers of any man or set of men; they support the measures of the administration when right, and oppose them when wrong; they have decided that the body politic has not become so debilitated, nor the energies of the people reduced so low, that the Government cannot continue to exist without a moneyed monopoly to lean upon for support. They have said that they are not prepared for slavery; they have shown themselves worthy of that rich inheritance handed down to them by the patriots of the Revolution; they have declared themselves capable of self. government. Public meetings, Mr. P. said, had been held by the people, in different parts of the State, got up by the aristocrats, the National Republicans, Nullifiers, Tariffites, and those indebted to the bank, denouncing the administration and his course on the bank question, and sustaining the rest of the delegation. False representations have been made to enlist the people on the side of the bank. Public meetings have also been called by the office-holders, office-seekers, and the Jacksonian aristo. crats, and man-worshippers, self-styling themselves the democratic republicans of the State, condemning the whole delegation, without distinction of persons. But this, he said, was the first movement made by the bone and sinew of the country, uninfluenced by partisan feelings or sinister motives, for the purpose of approving of the course pursued by the administration in relation to the United States Bank. The people have been excited to action, and the political waves put in motion by the panic-makers of the bank, and nothing can appease their wrath, or calm the troubled waters, short of a total abandonment of the unconstitutional and oppressive banking system adopted by the General Government. A few weeks ago the most of the leading politicians of the State had taken a stand in opposition to the course pursued by the President, or seemed to hesitate on which side to enlist, whether on the side of the people or the bank. But one man among the literati of the State, he said, had had the firmness and independence to encourage him to stand firm in the course he had taken during the present session, and the office-holders and man-worshippers had even succeeded in destroying the confidence of the Executive in him. Things were, he said, however, getting right. The leaders would be compelled to bow submission to public opinion. The citizens of Jones county are not office-seekers. They have no other object in view than the good of their country. They have spoken the honest convictions of their hearts, without fear, favor, or affection of men, and without any reward, hope, or promise thereof. They have spoken the language of freemen, and the sentiment of the democracy of Mississippi. These things, he said, were not confined to the State he had the honor in part to represent. They are spreading to the remotest corners of the Union. The working men of Massachusetts are awakening from their lethargy. The democracy of the ancient Commonwealth, who were the first to resist the tyranny of Great Britain, are resolved not to be the last to resist the encroachments of a purse. proud aristocracy. The republicans of Berkshire, the Congressional district represented by the honorable gentleman before him, [Mr. Burggs,) which he, Mr. P., claimed as his birth-place, were determined, he said, not to be outdone by their sister States in the race of patriotism, on the great question now convulsing the nation. They too, as well as the people of the South, have discovered that the tides of moneyed influence have been for many years undermining their original principles, and washing away those rights, and privileges guarantied to them by the great magna charta of their liberties, before the foundations of the republic have crumbled from beneath them, and while it is yet in their power to redress

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their wrongs by legal and constitutional means. They, too, are resolved not to sleep while the chains of domestic slavery are being riveted on their limbs by a haughty moneyed aristocracy. They, too, have discovered that the day is fast-approaching when to assert their rights as freemen will subject them to the stigma of traitors and punishment of rebels; and that they are already denounced as tories and enemies to their country. He said he held in his hand a letter received a few days since, from a friend and relative, dated at Richmond, Massachusetts, on the 6th instant. The writer, he said, was a democrat of the old school, dyed in the wool. He is, said Mr. P., a working man in principle as well as practice. He is a carpenter and house-joiner by trade, and, by the fruits of his industry, has been enabled, for a few years past, to cultivate a farm, the proceeds of which he depends upon to support his family. He is no office-seeker, no political juggler, and has nothing but the good of his country at heart. Although the letter was not intended for the public eye, it accorded so well with his own opinions, that he could not refrain from reading some extracts there from, believing, as he did, that it spoke the language of the working men of old Berkshire. Mr. P. then read the following extracts: “Permit me to return you my sincere thanks for the favors shown in sending me public documents. It has furnished me with some interesting intelligence, which I could not otherwise have obtained. You will excuse me for the liberty I take; I am neither a writer nor a politician; that you know by my writing; therefore it would not become me, as a plain farmer, or a laboring man, to write to a gentleman in the Congress of the United States, giving my views on any particular subject which they have in their trust; but having confidence, sir, that you will make allowance for my inabilities, and not expose them, I will give a few ideas of my own, however they may differ from any one else. I have just read the President’s protest against the usurpation of the Senate. It is noble, patriotic; like all others of his writings, worthy of the highest place in the pages of our history. I am not master enough of language to give it the exalted station it merits. That, together with the veto, ought to be engraved in large letters of gold, and raised so high in the heavens that it can be read by every individual that inhabits this globe. I have read a small pamphlet which was sent to my friend, pretending to prove that credit is preferable to coin. When our farmers read any thing that is trying to substitute paper or credit in place of gold and silver, there is a kind of inaction and gloom upon their faces, which renders them very unpleasant. But when they read of a scheme that will do away small bank notes, and substitute specie in their stead, there seems to be a lively action, and their countenances are like the spring blossoms after a long winter. “People in this place, I think I may safely say, are getting more and more in favor of the measures pursued by the President in relation to the bank. His most bitter enemies say they do not like so powerful an institution as that of Mr. Biddle's bank, and that it ought not to exist any longer; but do not wish that President Jackson should have the honor of pulling it down under his administration. As I view the subject, I hope and implore the goodness of Almighty God, that so powerful, overbearing, and corrupt an institution, that can give into the hands of a small class of people the power as well as influence to distress a whole nation, might in this our day be purged from our republic. If these are not your views, permit me, sir, as you have a better opportunity to form a more correct knowledge of the subject, to ask of you to give me a slight view, by way of letter. Perhaps, sir, you may think I take a great interest in this bank concern for a man in my capacity and occupation of life. I certainly do. There has never been, since 1816, in my opinion, a

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subject brought up before the people of the United States, that ought to wake up and call the attention of every individual citizen like this. I hope that inst 'tition, which has been called by the name of the United States Bank, will never be rechartered for any term of time, however short, upon any conditions or modifications whatsoever; for I do not think that that institution was ever properly entitled to that name. My reasons for this are, the people generally have not been led to the inquiry of the principles and situation of the bank, as they otherwise would, had it not been called by that name. Our good honest farmers have supposed, until very lately, that bills on the United States Bank were as safe, to be locked up in their chests, as the gold and silver—Supposing the United States accountable for all the bills issued from that bank, and would redeem them at any future day. Now they begin to see their trust is in the hands of a class of individual speculators. Let every institution be called by the name of its proper owners. Just as I was about to close my scribbles, Mr. called on me; after passing the usual compliment, I inquied how the administration stood in his estimation’ (not expecting any very favorable answer, knowing that he had been, ever since Jackson's election, violently opposed to his administration.) He said, he supposed I had reference particularly to the removal of the public moneys from the United States Bank. Thus far, said he, I can say, the people of the United States will yet bless Old Hickory for the decided measures he has taken with that bank. If that institution can cause so great a pressure, and create such a panic, throughout the whole United States at this time, what could it not do in a few years more? He not only spoke his own mind, but the minds of many others of the same stamp. These sayings confirm what I have already said.” Such language might not be very acceptable to those who differed with him in opinion, and those who charged every one that sustained the administration, on the bank question, with being under the influence of improper motives, and particularly to those who intimate that all who support this measure of the Executive are the “slaves and vassals of Andrew Jackson, and that they are ready to exchange the constitution and the law for the will of a weak old man.” Such language needed no reply. It was, in his opinion, unworthy of that character which every gentleman on that floor ought to maintain. It was not, he said, the voice of prudence and discretion, aiming at the good of the country, but it was the language of mad ambition, reckless of the interests of the people, and every thing else, save the prostration of the popularity of the present administration, the elevation of their political god to power, and the division of the “loaves and fishes” among the hungry curs of their party. They are the fulminations of a crazed brain, distracted by being disappoint: ed in his political aspirations. They are the ravings and rantings of that party who threaten one day to destroy the Union, rather than submit to an unconstitutional and oppressive system of taxation, which they themselves are the authors of, and the next day attempt to excite the people to rebellion, because they will not bow submission to an irresponsible corporation, about to enslave a free country, which they themselves admit to be in violation of the constitution. Mr. PLUMMER then moved that the other series of resolutions, presented by him from Holmesville, Pike county, be postponed. The motion being negatived—— Mr. PLUMMER delivered a speech of considerable length on the subject of these resolutions, and then moved that they be laid on the table and printed. Agreed to.

HALLOWELL (M.E.) MEMORIAL. Mr. EVANS said he was happy, after so long a time, Mar 26, 1834.] Franklin county

(Mass.) Memorial. [H. of R.

in having it in his power to present to the House a series of resolutions, and a memorial, from the citizens of the town of Hallowell, in the State of Maine. These papers had been in his hands (Mr. E. said) several weeks; but this was the first opportunity which had occurred to him to bring them to the notice of the House. The memorial is subscribed by a large proportion of the qualified voters of the town, and by none but qualified voters; and the occupation of each signer is affixed to his name. From my own knowledge of the larger portion of the persons whose names are appended to the memorial, I have no doubt that the descriptive character of the signers is truly set forth. It will thus be seen, sir, that the memorial proceeds from persons of every pursuit and occupation common to our citizens; and I can add, with perfect truth and sincerity, that it proceeds also from persons of the highest respectability in the town from which it comes—a town among the most important in point of population and business in the State to which it belongs. The memorialists represent that “they have fallen from a condition highly prosperous, to one of no ordinary degree of distress;” and it proceeds to state wherein their business has been depressed, and the occasion of the evils which have fallen upon them; and it prays the prompt interposition of Congress to arrest the progress of the calamity which is spreading over the land, and to restore again peace, and prosperity, and confidence. The embarrassments which now pervade the country are attributed, in the resolutions which I offer, to the “unauthorized interference of the President with the currency of the country;” and the memorial protests against all experiments upon the currency, unless made by Congress, upon the fullest and most mature deliberation. . Sir, I have already, to the extent of my humble powers, co-operated with honorable and able gentlemen of this House, in resisting this unauthorized interference of the President, and in endeavoring to bring back to the control of Congress the currency and the treasure of the nation. Would to heaven that these efforts had been more successful, or that even now, after so much distress has been suffered, I could discover any beam of hope to cheer my suffering friends and constituents in the present gloom and depression. But, sir, there is none. The petitions of the people are unheeded. They will receive no relief, until they take into their own hands the administration of their own affairs. I can do no more, then, than to present to the House such demonstrations of public opinion as are confided to me, and to solicit and entreat the attention of Congress to the grievances under which the people now labor, and to beg, in their name, for relief, and to hold myself in readiness to co-operate in any measure, come from what quarter it may, which furnishes a reasonable ground of belief that it will mitigate the severity of the pressure which now weighs down the interest, the happiness, and the hopes of the people. I move that the resolutions and memorial be laid upon the table and printed, with the names annexed. Mr. SMITH wanted to know if it would be in order to move a reference of the memorial with instructions? The CHAIR decided in the negative, and the memorial was laid on the table.

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The motion was, after some conversation, laid on the table till to-morrow.


Mr. GRENNELL said he rose to bring to the attention of the House, a memorial from 1,200 legal voters of the county of Franklin, in Massachusetts, in reference to the removal of the public moneys of the United States from the places established for them by law; the currency of the country and a national bank. They complain (said Mr. G.) of the acts of the Executive in all this matter, as producing deep, extensive, and enduring distress in the country; but they are chiefly concerned that these acts are in violation of the public faith, of the law, and constitution; and they pray for the interposition of Congress, to arrest the public evils and redress their grievances. The rules of this House may allow me to say a few words of these memorialists, and of their interests and occupations. I can do this, sir, with confidence, for I am native with them, was brought up among them, and shall ever be ambitious to partake of their spirit and character. Their section of country is in that part of Massachusetts well known as the Valley of the Connecticut, and the hills that rise from it on either side; a fairer and more fertile region is nowhere found in New England. Agriculture is their principal occupation; and these memorialists, with their neighbors of the counties of Worcester and Hampshire, forming my constituency, compose a body of Whig yeomanry, as intelligent, industrious, virtuous, and patriotic, as exists in any part of this Union. In aid of their leading employment, manufactures and the mechanic arts are carried on with enterprise and success. And thus is created a community of interests, imparting mutual strength and support, and producing an unusual share of social and individual content and prosperity. Such a community, from their habits and pursuits, as well as by their geographical position, must be, ordinarily, free from the pressure of the national Government. Its action, has heretofore, indirectly, though favorably, affected the products of their labor, but never has its hand been severely felt. But, in the present novel and appalling state of things, and in view of their adverse condition, the memorialists feel it to be their duty, as it is their constitutional right, to address the Legislature of the Union, not in violence, but in concern; not as the special friends or opponents of the President, but in the plain character of American citizens, for whom, in common with the people of these States, Congress is bound to legislate impartially, justly, and paternally. Sir, the people who address you state their case with plainness and decorum. They have an intelligent view of their rights, and of the duties of the public servants; for they are an educated, reading, reasoning people: less influenced by their passions than by their understandings, and having no motive to misrepresent their condition. Free from the corrupting influence of office and patronage, their simple desire at the hands of this Government is, that our republican constitution and laws may be so administered as not to endanger our free institutions, nor disturb the lawful pursuits of their industry, nor the moral order of their society. And are not men of the character I have described, worthy of a respectful hearing before this House? The memorial states, and I am witness of its truth, that, a few months ago, they were in the enjoyment of unparalleled prosperity. A bountiful Providence had crowned the varied labors of the past year with ample rewards; and that whole community exhibited one general scene of life, industry, and joy. But a paragraph from their own aper will give a better view of their condition than any fog. I can use: “It is true we were not rapidly grow

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