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prepare for another civil war. To keep up perpetual jealousies, hatreds and abuses, as has been the case for the last thirty years, is only to cherish the cancer that has been gnawing at the vitals of our Republic. Shall it be done any longer? Gentlemen of this Association let us buckle on the armor, and meet the new exigency of our times. How many of us are ready to enter personally into this work? Who is not willing to aid, by his influence, in securing this as a permanent feature in the reconstruction of our government?

Before the war no Northern teacher dared to discuss the whole truth at the South. In morals there must be one code for the North, and another for the South. There could be no free discussion. In all our political contests, Southern men could come before a Northern audience--and could speak their sentiments freely-even vilify with impunity our manners and institutions. But the instant a Northern man attempted, at the South, to utter sentiments at all condemnatory of Southern institutions, or Southern life, he was forced to leave the country. Is it to be so now? Can we not as educators, go boldly into the Southern States, and teach the truth and the whole truth? If not, I pray God that martial law may prevail in every Southern State, till Northern men, or any other men, may discuss educational, political, social, moral and religious topics in any part of the South as freely as in Faneuil Hall. This right we must have.

As to physical power, it has been maintained, that we are inferior to the South,—that she nourishes more robust and athletic men

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be The employments of many of our young men have confined them within doors, and as a natural consequence, they would become physically enfeebled. A few months in the camp and field, however gave such strength of muscle to most of them as made them inferior to none. Still many broke down under the trial and the failure in their health and endurance, may, unquestionably, be attributed in some measure to a defective physical training in childhood. To meet this want, many of our schools have introduced regular physical exercises as a part of the daily tasks. Others better prepared to judge than myself, will speak upon this point..

With respect to intellectual training, the events of the war have been suggestive. They have shown the difference between that which is merely theoretic-merely bookish and that which is truly practical. They have also shown the difference between practice sustained and guided by theory, and practice without theory.

In the early part of the war practical blunders were frequent;

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the imagination all a-glow, and be almost equal to a visit to the scenes described-are passed over with nothing but petty criticisms upon inflections, emphasis, cadences, pauses, and so forth, just as though a mind thoroughly imbued with the sentiment would not express its thoughts with naturalness, or as though good reading could be taught by attention to mere external graces.

All our school exercises are liable to be affected with the blight of routine and mere technicality. No subject is taught so wretchedly as the English language. Usually all attempts at cultivation are postponed till the time to use a text-book upon technical Grammar. And then the teaching falls into the worst kind of routine. Instead of this, language as a living thing, should be taught at an early period. It should be regarded as vitally connected with every thing which the child has to attend to in school. If he speaks he vises language; if he writes, he uses language, and in both cases, either correctly or incorrectly. And what renders such opportunities peculiarly fitting and apt, is the fact that the language is the child's own-used instinctively, to express real, earnest thought which he conceives--and not the fictitious expressions which he gets up for an exercise, or the dead language of a book. On such a foundation the teacher can begin to build. No text-book can do the work which the teacher must do in this direction. The use of language is not without its fundamental laws. The most obvious of these, the pupil early learns to obey. They should be introduced, at first, neither formally nor technically ;—but the pupil should be made to use the language correctly, both in conversation and in writing.

Just so far as our teaching lacks the impress of reality, it fails of the best effect. Children enter school fresh from a world of realities. Every thing real, has its charms. But the instant they are put to learning language as such—either in the mechanical process of putting letters together to form words-or in putting words together to form abstract definitions and rules, the mind loses its interest, and is in danger of falling into that state of indurated stupidity which makes the words of the language empty fossils,—the school tasks, hard work upon the materials of which dreams are made—and the school-room itself a kind of prison, from which escape by any and all fair means, in the chancery of children is justifiable.

Now this kind of education is to be deplored. It is particularly unsuited to the times upon which we have fallen. We need to deal with practical earnest thought. All such instruction as far as possible should be eradicated from our schools. The enlightened educators of England characterize it as American. Their criticism

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is too true, and we ought to receive it, and thank them for it, though we might with great pertinency retort “ Physician heal thyself.”

It is to be deplored as wholly incompatible with the true spirit of freemen. Its very essence is a slavish deference to the mere opinions of others-the authority of a text-book; it is a complete surrender to the spirit of dogmatism-instead of that of truth and realism. Children should learn to pay homage to truth as such. They have then a sure guide. To this they should yield an unquestioned loyalty. In this way are they prepared to exercise the rights of freemen. Their education liberalizes on the one hand, and guards against unrestrained libertinism on the other. In a community thus trained, civil war could scarcely be possible. In a Republic, civil war must result from a blind deference to the opinions of a few leaders—whose aim is not to enlighten and liberalize, but to inflame prejudice, to inculcate narrow and sectional views. In confirmation, I have only to refer you to the appeals of the Southern leaders for the last four

years. We have, then, before us a specific work, to correct this unfortunate quality in our educational processes. What can such stultifying labor do towards elevating the mass of ignorance in the South, which humanity and patriotism bid us now enlighten? What can it do towards assimilating to the American character the rast influx of foreigners now, sure to seek a permanent home in a free country.

Another lesson too obvious to have escaped the attention of the most casual observer, appears in the very general neglect to exhibit clearly in our schools the genius of our government, and the forms of our political institutions. The vigorous teaching of political heresy, on the one side, has been set over against a wide-sprcad neglect on the other. I may be wrong, but it does not seem to me, that it is military tactics that we want,-—but the universal diffusion of a correct knowledge of our government, national, State, and municipal. It is true that in some of our text-books, there are abstract statements respecting our forms of government. They may have been committed to memory. But to what purpose ? Only to serve as an illustration of what has just been said. They have been useless lumber. A few oral lessons showing how a democratic government, like ours, springs up from the people—showing the relation of the people to the state, and to the general government, -of the States to each other, and to the general government, would do more than a thousand such lessons. This defect calls for an immediate reform.

Permit me to call your attention to one lesson more, which, it

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seems to me, the war has taught us. It is this; that by whatever influence, personal, political, or religions, men attempt to foster principles and practices which contravene the eternal laws of right, God, in his providence, will over-ride them all, and lay bare the subterfuges, and specious arguments by which they are maintained, that mere customs which can be defended only on the ground that they have descended from pious ancestors, or have been, and are now supported by the influential, and the good, have been made to melt away like dew before the morning sun. When cupidity and selfishness shall presume to interpret for themselves the laws of God's government, He comes forth his own interpreter, and tears down by one breath of his displeasure, the proudest monuments which human beings presume to rear upon injustice and oppression. He overthrows the very foundation which a false philosophy lays to perrert the general sense of right. This has been done in the complete destruction of the system of human bondage, which has cursed our whole country, North and South.

But the events of the war have given us intimation of something more. God has shown us, not only that he lives in the history of the nation, and is ever present by his providence with the people as with the individual, but that he will be acknowledged Supreme. The people shall not only know, but shall declare, that “the Lord, God omnipotent reigneth.” Our fathers, in the establishment of this government, for wise and good reasons, made a complete divorce of Church and State. They drew a distinct line between that which belongs to the civil and that which belongs to any merely ecclesiastical establishment,—and yet they did not mean that because a man was in civil life, he could not be a member of the church, nor speak and act on any and all occasions as becomes a Christian man. On the other hand, because a man was a member of the Christian Church, it was not intended, even though high in office, that he should not be heard in civil affairs. He was supposed capable of being an honest Christian and an honest citizen at the same time. Nay, he might hold office in the Church and in the State at the same time; not the latter because he belonged to the former, but because he was personally, and as a citizen, worthy of office. In these distinct capacities, he claimed protection of the Statenothing more. Now, how sadly the abuses which have grown directly or indirectly out of these well-defined relations. Our statesmen have seemed to feel and act in many of their public papers and addresses as if any thing morr than a mere cold and formal recog- . nition of the Divine Being or of his providence, was illegal, or, to

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is too true, and we ought to receive it, and thank them for it, though we might with great pertinency retort “ Physician heal thyself.”

It is to be deplored as wholly incompatible with the true spirit of freemen. Its very essence is a slavish deference to the mere opinions of others—the authority of a text-book; it is a complete surrender to the spirit of dogmatism-instead of that of truth and realism. Children should learn to pay homage to truth as such. They have then a sure guide. To this they should yield an unquestioned loyalty. In this way are they prepared to exercise the rights of freemen. Their education liberalizes on the one hand, and guards against unrestrained libertinism on the other. In a community thus trained, civil war could scarcely be possible. In a Republic, civil war must result from a blind deference to the opinions of a few leaders—whose aim is not to enlighten and liberalize, but to inflame prejudice, to inculcate narrow and sectional views. In confirmation, I have only to refer you to the appeals of the Southern leaders for the last four years.

We have, then, before us a specific work, to correct this unfortunate quality in our educational processes. What can such stultifying labor do towards elevating the mass of ignorance in the South, which humanity and patriotism bid us now enlighten? What can it do towards assimilating to the American character the vast influx of foreigners now, sure to seek a permanent home in a free country.

Another lesson too obvious to have escaped the attention of the most casual observer, appears in the very general neglect to exhibit clearly in our schools the genius of our government, and the forms of our political institutions. The vigorous teaching of political heresy, on the one side, has been set over against a wide-spread neglect on the other. I may be wrong, but it does not seem to me, that it is military tactics that we want, but the universal diffusion of a correct knowledge of our government, national, State, and municipal. It is true that in some of our text-books, there are abstract statements respecting our forms of government. They may have been committed to memory. But to what purpose? Only to serve as an illustration of what has just been said. They have been useless lumber. A few oral lessons showing how a democratic government, like ours, springs up from the people--showing the relation of the people to the state, and to the general government-of the States to each other, and to the general government, would do more than a thousand such lessons. This defect calls for an immediate reform.

Permit me to call your attention to one lesson more, which, it

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