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Thus from the beginning did THE WORLD make the fact clear, that its aim and end was to insure good State government. The personality in the Governor's chair was merely an incident.

THE WORLD wrote on Jan. 4: "John A. Dix thought the Boss of Tammany Hall was more powerful than the Governor of New York, and this made the Boss of Tammany Hall more powerful than the Governor of New York. William Sulzer thinks the Governor of New York is more powerful than the Boss of Tammany Hall, and this makes the Governor of New York more powerful than the Boss of Tammany Hall.

"Everything depends upon the Governor's point of view. A forceful, intelligent Governor can always make himself the leader of his party if he wishes. THE WORLD congratulates Mr. Sulzer on his determination to be the leader of the Democratic party in New York. This is one of the most important duties that a Governor can perform.

"What the Democratic party needs in this State is leadership. It followed Murphy throughout the Dix administration only because Dix was weak enough to acknowledge Murphy as his overlord. Had Dix boldly proclaimed that he was the leader of the party Murphy would have done the Governor's bidding as meekly as Kelly did Cleveland's bidding. Governors like Tilden and Cleveland and Hill had no serious trouble with Tammany bosses, and while these men were Governor, no Tammany boss was supreme in the Democratic councils of the State."

Matters at Albany soon were responsible for the following printed in THE WORLD's editorial column April 12:

"President Wilson is having no trouble at Washington] because Washington knows that he means what he says.

"Gov. Sulzer is having much trouble at Albany because Albany does not know that he means what he says.

"When President Wilson tells Congress that the tariff must be reformed to destroy graft and privilege and extortion and monopoly profits everbody knows that the President will fight it out on that line if it takes four years.

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"When Gov. Sulzer tells the Legislature that it must reform the Stock Exchange and give New York an honest Direct Primary law, nobody knows whether he intends to fight or to compromise with Wall Street and Tammany Hall. "The great fact of Woodrow Wilson's leadership is its courage and clearness of purpose. "But Gov. Sulzer is lost in a fog of uncertainty. New York is not sure of him. lature is not sure of him." NEW YORK STATE'S SHAME. This editorial had no reference, however, to revelations that became public later on. When the Frawley committee began to probe the Governor's election expenses, and it was openly stated the committee would show that the money received for election expenses was far in excess of $5,460, the amount Gov. Sulzer declared in his sworn statement, THE WORLD refused to believe. It was inconceivable that New York's Governor was capable of such an act, in violation of the statute law. But when the accusations were made before the committee and evidence to support them followed THE WORLD said: Neither

Mur

"Gov. Sulzer cannot afford to ignore the campaign-fund accusations made against him. can he afford to make his testimony dependent upon a summoning of Murphy for examination. phy is not Governor of New York. * * There is a wide difference between the Governor of New York and the Boss of Tammany Hall in the matter of campaign funds.

"The only sensible course for the Governor to pursue is to meet these accusations."

The Governor talked volubly, but he falled to explain.

Aug. 1 THE WORLD said: "The whole truth, Governor. Nobody can destroy Gov. Sulzer except Gov. Sulzer. Murphy cannot do it. Tammany cannot do it. No conspiracy can do it.

"If Gov. Sulzer will remember this and act accordingly he can save himself from much trouble, his friends from much embarrassment, and the government of New York from downright calamity. "Mr. Sulzer's duty is to meet Tammany's charges with cold, dispassionate facts, not with hysterical denunciation. Facts are more eloquent than adjectives and infinitely more convincing.

"Asking Murphy what he did with his campaign fund does not answer the question whether the Governor suppressed contributions to his own campaign fund in violation of the statute.

"The Governor cannot vindicate himself by refusing to testify. Such charges against a Governor are charges that have to be disproved."

And again Aug. 4: Gov. Sulzer owes it to the people to give information fully, frankly, and cheerfully upon all matters that may be pertinent to the public business."

Aug. 7 there was printed an imperative demand by THE WORLD: "The Governor must answer. The Frawley committee has dragged to light campaign contributions aggregating $5,025 which were made to Willlam Sulzer personally and which he did not account for in his sworn statement of receipts and expenditures.

The committee is now trying to prove that the Governor confiscated a large part of his campaign fund and used the money to buy railroad stock In Wall Street.

"These are ugly charges. They are charges which, unless disproved, would destroy public confidence in any officer of the Government and end his public usefulness. It is needless to say that Gov. Sulzer must meet them. He canno dispose of them by making counter-charges.

"The honor of the State is involved and the Governor must answer.

"The time has now come when only William Sulzer can save William Sulzer." Still no reply from the Governor.

Aug. 8 THE WORLD to William Sulzer: "Explatn or RESIGN.

Unless William Sulzer is prepared

to make a full and satisfactory explanation of the campaign-fund charges the sooner he resigns the Governorship of New York the better.

"On the evidence as it stands the Frawley committee will surely recommend his impeachment. "The issue cannot be evaded by attacking Murphy, or even by proving that Murphy ought to be In Sing Sing. "Nothing that Murphy has ever done or ever could do could justify the things that William Sulzer is alleged to have done.

"Murphy might be the most degraded and loathsome human being on earth, but that would not excuse a Governor of New York for having appropriated a large part of his campaign fund to buy railroad stocks in Wall Street.

"It should not be necessary to say this to the Chief Magistrate of the greatest State in the Union. Unless Gov. Sulzer vindicates himself at once he is past vindication. There are no 'facts' he need walt for. Without waiting for all the mortifying details that the committee is dragging to light he knows whether the main accusations against his integrity are true or false.

"If they are false, he needs no time to prepare a defence. If they are true, let him resign his high office and SPARE THE STATE OF NEW YORK THE SHAME AND SCANDAL OF IMPEACHMENT."

Accompanying this editorial was a dramatic cartoon: A lonely shore; a big stock ticker standing on the bank beside the quicksand-"Campaign Fund Scandal"-into which William Sulzer had sunk till he was half burled. He was still going down. One clenched fist grasped the slipping sand, the other reached up and clung desperately to the flimsy ticker tape, which unravelled at his touch. Over all was darkness lit by a cloud-streaked moon. A few birds were flying in a straight line-away. The Frawley Investigating committee ended Its sessions Aug. 9, after showing by documentary

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evidence and witnesses that William Sulzer had received thousands of dollars for campaign purposes more than the $5,460 he had declared in his sworn statement, both cash and checks having been used to purchase stocks. Gov. Sulzer's Wall Street transactions with three brokerage firms, so far as brought out by records and testimony, showed a total of $72,424.28, dating from Jan. 1, 1912. major amount of payments was made after he became a candidate for Governor and was elected to that office. All along he claimed to be a poor man.

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Commenting upon the complete showing before the committee, of which this is only a part, THE WORLD sald Aug. 9: "The best thing Gov. Sulzer can do is resign and spare the State of New York further shame and humiliation. His case now is beyond explanation. Possibly William Sulzer can live down these revelations, but Gov. Sulzer cannot live them down. The painful process of rehabilitation belongs to private life.

"The only public service that it is still in the Governor's power to render is to resign before the inevitable machinery of impeachment is set in motion."

The Assembly's Impeachment of Gov. William Sulzer for "wilful and corrupt conduct in office and for high crimes and misdemeanors"-adopted by a vote of 79 to 45-was formally recorded in the Senate Aug. 13.

The essential accusations in the articles of impeachment were: "That William Sulzer, Governor of the State of New York, made a false and fraudulent report to the Secretary of State, under his oath, as required by law, that the total contributions in aid of his campaign as candidate for the office of Governor were $5,460 and no more; and

"Whereas, in truth and in fact the amount was greatly in excess of said sum to the personal knowledge of said Sulzer; and such report further showing or tending to show

"That he converted to his own private use contributions given in aid of his said election for the purchase of securities or other private uses."

William Sulzer was convicted by the High Court of Impeachment on three of the four articles of Impeachment, voted upon Oct. 16. The three counts were in brief, filing with the Secretary of State a false statement of campaign contributions; perjury in making affidavit that this statement was true; misdemeanor in suppressing testimony by deceit, fraud, threats and menaces.

The next morning he was removed from office in the following words addressed to the members of the Court of Impeachment by Chief Judge Cullen:

"The respondent, William Sulzer, having been convicted by the vote of more than two-thirds of the members of this court on the first, second and fourth articles of impeachment, and the court having resolved that for the offences for which he is convicted the respondent be removed from office, it is the judgment of the court and it is now the duty of the President to declare that for these offences the said William Sulzer, Governor of the State, be and is hereby removed from the sald office of Governor."

HIGHWAY GRAFTERS IN THE SPOTLIGHT.

"Government by Blackmail," as THE WORLD described It editorially, was shaken to its foundations in New York State during the last months of 1913, developments that were startling revelations following each other with the speed of a moving-picture film. This was due to the fact that DistrictAttorney Whitman was conducting a John Doe Inquiry before Chief Magistrate McAdoo, following the trail of canal and highway graft, Investigating evidence tending to confirm the charges that canal and road contractors paid both willing and unwilling tribute to Tammany.

THE WORLD, during the State campaign, made an Investigation Into the State Highways department and showed the vast sum expended; the waste and unnecessary expense. District-Attorney Whitman's John Doe Inquiry is the logical outcome of THE WORLD'S showing, which clearly pointed to the conditions now being revealed. In none of the big cases handled by the District-Attorney did he encounter the deep and powerful opposition that he has met in this political graft Investigation. High officeholders of both the Federal and State Governments, prominent lawyers, wealthy business men and the politicians and contractors on whose relations he has been trying to throw a light, have met his every move by subtle underground counter moves calculated to block him and prevent progress toward complete exposure. Every witness is an unwilling one.

Among results of the John Doe Inquiry Everett P. Fowler has been indicted by the Grand Jury on a charge of extortion; an indictment was voted against James K. McGuire, former Mayor of Syracuse, a close friend of Charles F. Murphy and Richard Croker, on the charge of trying to compel a corporation to contribute to the campaign.

Arthur A. McLean, of Newburgh, treasurer of the Democratic State Committee, has been indicted for accepting campaign contributions from a corporation, and a further indictment was found against Fowler for soliciting such contributions.

James W. Osborne was appointed by Gov. Glynn as a special investigator Into all the charges made during the recent campaign in New York. Mr. Osborne was appointed as a Special Deputy Attorney-General by Gov. Glynn. Among statements that came before him for investigation were those made by a Wyoming County Chairman. They were to the effect that he had thirty-one men sign payrolls for highway work never done, this being at the behest of the "man higher up." Every additional fact gleaned gives confirmation to the original investigation made by THE WORLD. And the work is only begun of following the trail of graft.

LEGISLATION ΤΟ CORRECT EVILS.

Disclosures of THE WORLD of evils in the commission merchant business resulted in the indictment of several commission merchants, officials of the National League of Commission Merchants and allled associations. This led to an attempt to get remedial legislation. The Cole bill was the result. It was backed by THE WORLD and was designed to put out of business dishonest commission merchants who prey on the farmer as well as the consumer. This bill was passed without a dissenting vote by the Senate.

Assemblyman Cole sald: "THE WORLD has done splendid work in exposing the crooked commisslon men. Its labors bore fruit at the psychological moment. Its effect has been most beneficial. Now, Instead of opposition, we are meeting with co-operation from the commission men's association." THE WORLD, early in March, began its exposure of dishonest commission men which ended on the one hand in the indictment of six of the dealers and on the other hand in the passage at Albany of the Cole bill.

THE WORLD showed in detail how the "fire Insurance companies have fostered incendiarism In New York." It charged that "probably one-fourth or more of the fire losses in this city can be ascribed to their careless practices in writing Insurance." The facts in this statement were proved conclusively by experiments made by members of the Fire Department." THE WORLD iterated its charges, and asked for "strict legal restraints" for the companies as in Germany. In its demand for legislation Assemblyman Walker's bill to "break the arson trust" was approved, THE WORLD making the point emphatic that "It should receive the prompt attention of the Legislature."

Ratification of the Income Tax amendment to the Constitution by three-fourths of the States. followed a thirty-year campaign by THE WORLD to this end. It kept alive interest in all parts of the country with the result that strong pressure was brought to bear in both Congress and the State Legislature. There was great rejoicing in Congress when the announcement was made February 3. It immediately became evident that enormous revenues, estimated from $60,000,000 to $100,000,000

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a year could now be obtained by levying this tax, thus offsetting to that extent reduction in duties covered by proposed tariff revision. THE WORLD'S WORK FOR TARIFF REVISION.

Eternal vigilance has been the watchword of THE WORLD on the question of tariff revision. Not an opportunity has been missed during the year to reveal the efforts and methods of the selfish monopolists who were determined to prevent honest tariff revision.

To expose the workings of the tariff lobby that was determined to prevent a Democratic revision of the tariff and defeat Its purpose, THE WORLD devoted earnest, active effort. How well it succeeded Is matter of record in Government archives.

Events which led up to THE WORLD'S action in the interest of tariff revision moved swiftly. They are in brief as follows: The Underwood Tariff bill, which President Wilson sanctioned as being an honest revision of the tariff downward, was passed through the House, May 8. It was the lowest tariff measure since the Walker bill, which antedated the civil war. The proposed cut of $70,000,000 under the existing revenues was to be met by the new Income Tax law.

Senator Simmons, Chairman of the Finance Committee, thus outlined the situation: "A gigantic lobby is at work in Washington trying to defeat the schedules in the Underwood bill. I have been in the Senate for some years and in all my experience I have never seen such efforts put forward by the representatives of the various Interests to disregard the will of the people expressed at the polls last November."

President Wilson then took public action in the effort to exterminate the lobby. In an official statement he excoriated the lobby then at work in Washington to defeat certain schedules in the Underwood Tariff bill. In part he said:

"I think that the public ought to know the extraordinary exertions being made by the lobby in Washington to gain recognition for certain alterations of the Tariff bill. Washington has seldom seen so numerous, so industrious, so insidious a lobby.

"There is every evidence that money without limit is being spent to sustain this lobby.

"It is thoroughly worth the while of this country to take knowledge of this matter. Only public opinion can check and destroy it. The Government in all its branches ought to be relieved from this Intolerable burden..

"I know that in this I am speaking for the members of the two houses, who would rejoice as much as I would to be released from this unbearable situation."

"Expose the lobby" at once demanded THE WORLD editorially, dwelling on the reasons for such action. Why not investigate?" It questioned. The Senate promptly voted the most drastic investigation of its own members and the lobbyists ever made of the United States Senate, as its reply to the challenges received.

The result was the Senate lobby investigating committee. Testimony was taken but nothing particularly new developed. Work on the tariff schedules continued. Matters dawdled along for a month.

Then THE WORLD took action, in the Interest of tariff reform, and in response to the call for aid from President Wilson.

It turned over to the Overman lobby Investigating committee Col. Martin M. Mulhall, for ten years a lobbyist, field worker and strike breaker for the National Association of Manufacturers. Throughout that time he "was constantly active, though deliberately inconspicuous, in his daily undertakings and achievements of the lobby." He had given THE WORLD his personal narrative of these activities and turned over to it his voluminous correspondence, which gave the corroborative proof to the narrative.

These combined established the following facts:

That the National Association of Manufacturers has a membership of 225 organizations, embracing 4,000 individual members, employing more than 5,000,000 of persons, and representing an approximate capital of $10,000,000,000 and claims to be a non-political business and trade organization.

That, in reality, this association has for more than ten years secretly played an important and frequently decisive part in promoting tariff, labor and general business legislation favorable to its own

interests.

That, together with a "paper organization" called the National Council for Industrial Defence, It has also maintained a lobby at Washington for the purpose of defeating all legislation hostile to its own interests.

That, for these purposes It has always sought, and often managed to secure control of the Committee on Labor and the Committee on the Judiciary of both the Senate and the House of Representatives.

That the National Association of Manufacturers was solely responsible for the creation of the Tariff Commission during the Taft Administration, the object of the association being to forestall revision of the then existing tariff.

Col. Mulhall gave the names of the men who received financial reward for services rendered for political purposes. His story was backed up by more than 20,000 letters, telegrams, reports, expense accounts, all corroborative memoranda. It was an amazing story revealing the secrets of the lobby at the capital of the Nation.

LOBBY DRIVEN FROM THE DOORS OF CONGRESS.

Col. Mulhall's story, first told in the columns of THE WORLD, was re-told even more fully, before the Overman lobby investigating committee, which subpoenaed him to appear, repeat his statements and answer any question that might be asked of him-as THE WORLD intended should be done. Among the charges made by Col. Mulhall was this: That the N. A. M. put on its "black list" members of Congress who worked for legislation it did not want and succeeded in retiring many of them to private life.

As a lobbyist Col. Mulhall stated he spent $200,000. Under orders he helped re-elect legislative friends of the association and fought Congressmen who were on its "black list," he made payments of money to Legislators who voted on bills as the association dictated; for the N. A. M. he bought union labor leaders and sought to enlist the aid of clergymen in wage controversies; he stated that an agent of the N. A. M. plotted to break up the American Federation of Labor by bribing its leading officers and said seventy-five pages in the House of Representatives acted as sples for the lobby under the direction of the chief, who was in the lobby's pay. The above are only a few of the startling charges made by the lobbyist. He furnished the names of the men involved and his letters and other data gave the proof of the statements made.

At Senator Overman's request the voluminous mass of correspondence was turned over to him by THE WORLD as the basis for the committee's investigation. He announced promptly that he would subpoena all those involved in the Mulhall narrative and correspondence.

THE WORLD's exposure of the secrets of the powerful lobby of the National Association of Manufacturers stirred official Washington as it has not been stirred in years. The facts brought to light changed the entire programme of the Senate lobby investigating committee.

On all sides men named in the Mulhall charges, appearing from day to day in THE WORLD, were busy explaining and denying.

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The lobby that was working to defeat the Underwood Tariff bill was defeated. Even before the committee began hearing Col. Mulhall's testimony THE WORLD'S revelations assured that fact. The House of Representatives next voted without a dissenting voice to begin a searching lobby Investigation Independently of the Senate investigation. Thus two investigations of the Mulhall charges were made, the Senate committee beginning the work, all the Mulhall documents having been turned over to this committee by THE WORLD. Senator Reed was the Mulhall inquisitor before the Overman committee. The lobby probe went deep into funds spent in the capital, names of statesmen of high and low degree; commanding political bosses and their subservient heelers; disloyal trade unlonists, and men of established business integrity, as well as of prominence in the National Associa tion of Manufacturers were dragged to the surface by the probe of the committee into the Mulhall papers. And Col. Mulhall Identified and explained letters, telegrams and reports. Great was the turmoil in Congressional circles caused by the Mulhall charges.

The lobbyist's cross-examination ended with not one document out of nearly 5,000 being Impeached. "The Mulhall documents speak for themselves. The case rests on the letters and papers; the story has not been broken down," said Senator Reed of the committee.

The House Committee had as its star witness James A. Emery, commander-in-chief of the WashIngton lobby forces and general counsel for the National Association for Industrial Defence. He was confronted with some of his own correspondence, which had been requisitioned by the committee. This correspondence corroborated Mulhall's letters; showed attempts to influence tariff and currency legislation; and contained a plan intended to Influence President Wilson. The reading and discussion of this correspondence compelled many admissions on the part of Mr. Emery to substantiate statements contained in the papers turned over to THE WORLD by Col. Mulhall and surrendered by it to Congress. "I have read practically every letter produced by Col. Mulhall and I have no reason to question the authenticity of a single one," James A. Emery testified.

Louis Seibold of THE WORLD staff told the committee that THE WORLD pald $10,000 for the use of the Mulhall data and paid Col. Mulhall to do certain work in connection with the printing of the matter; that THE WORLD published the Mulhall correspondence because it "provided valuable information and evidence regarding undesirable conditions that had long been suspected as existing at Washington, which was obtainable in no other way.

"That THE WORLD belleved it was rendering a public service by printing the disclosures contained in the correspondence."

Col. Mulhall testified before both House and Senate committees intermittently for eight weeks. He was excused by the House lobby investigating committee September 5.

The Underwood-Simmons Tariff bill passed the Senate September 9 by a vote of 44 to 37. A majority of seven was more than had been expected.

President Wilson said: "A fight for the people and for free business, which has lasted a long generation through, has at last been won, handsomely and completely."

Yes, the fight was won, and won without the annoyance of a lobby. It will ever be historic because of that fact-due to THE WORLD and its Mulhall revelations. "Mulhall's story and the documents by which it was supported drove the mercenaries from the doors of Congress, relleved honest members of their importunities and put subservient members upon their good behavior" said THE WORLD when summing up results.

The Senate adopted the conference report by a vote of 36 to 17, October 2. President Wilson signed the Tariff bill the following day.

Thus the first promise of the Democratic party was fulfilled in less than a year after the election. While Col. Mulhall was continuing his testimony In August the Clapp bill was being approved by the Senate Committee on Privileges and Elections. This bill, the outcome of THE WORLD'S exposures through Mulhall and others of the campaign activities of the National Association of Manufacturers, prohibits any person or corporation from sending into another State money to be used in Federal elections for any purpose other than certain legitimate campaign expenses specified in the

measure.

SUCCESS OF THE PARCEL POST SYSTEM.

The Parcel Post system went into effect Jan. 1, 1913, Inaugurating a new era in the development of the United States Post-Office Department. THE WORLD'S expert in economics long had given the best in the way of suggestion, advice and information in the effort to induce the Post-Office Department to inaugurate this system. Proving that THE WORLD'S arguments were sound and logical, the system was a success from the start throughout the United States. That all the rules were given detalled publicity accounted in large part for the fact that the innovation worked so smoothly from the beginning. THE WORLD printed all the regulations, made a point of informing the public fully in order to reduce any possible trouble to a minimum. Thus there were no rejections of parcels by the General Post-Office in New York, the public being well informed on the rules. Two hundred parcels were received at the General Post-Office at 4 P. M. Of the parcels in the first day's business 4,083 were for local delivery. A total of 330 were handled during the two morning hours at the branch stations. Three hundred and sixty-three outgoing parcels were handled the first day in Washington. The total sale of stamps amounted to $60.

WALL STREET AND THE BANKERS.

Reform the Stock Exchange; compel it to stop gambling with the deposits in national and State banks. Let Wall Street gamble if it chooses, provided it gambles with its own money. Put an end to "bookmaking tactics.' Do not waste time discussing "minor reforms in the presence of unequal law, but concentrate all effort against the fundamental wrong which is privilege."

Thus may THE WORLD'S fight against Wall Street methods be summarized.

THE WORLD sald editorially Jan. 5: The Stock Exchange is favored because, unlike other financial institutions, it is not incorporated. It is favored because by the laws of the State usury may be practised there and gambling debts collected. Wash sales, short sales, over-certification of checks and other abuses naturally spring from these conditions. The law is bent and twisted in behalf of Wall Street."

The compulsory Incorporation of the New York Stock Exchange before Sept. 1, 1913, along Mnes suggested by THE WORLD, was provided for in one of three bills designed to correct the evils of speculation. These were introduced in the Legislature in February. Of eleven bills presented to the Legislature designed to correct evils of speculation in the New York Stock Exchange eight were passed and three killed. The Incorporation bill is still to be fought for. The other bills suggested by THE WORLD were passed.

THE NEW YORK WORLD," said Assemblyman Levy, "has done excellent work in championing this legislation. It is to be commended." THE WORLD'S Work of enlightening the general public on the ramifications of the banking and currency question in these United States, and throwing light on the inner workings, was continued during the year with vigor.

That THE WORLD'S arguments against concentration of power in the financial world in the hands of a few men are logical and based on facts received striking confirmation when President George F. Baker of the First National Bank testified before the Pujo committee. Mr. Untermyer's questions

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and the banker's replies are taken from the verbatim report of the hearings taken by THE WORLD and printed Jan. 4.

Q. I suppose you would see no harm, would you, in having the control of credit, as represented by the control of banks and trust companies, still further concentrated? Do you think that would be dangerous? A. I think it has gone about far enough. Q. Do you think it would be dangerous to go further? A. It might not be dangerous, but still It has gone about far enough. In good hands, I do not see that it would do any harm. Into bad hands it would be very bad.

If it got

Q. If it got Into bad hands It would wreck the country? A. Yes, but I do not believe it would get into bad hands.

Q. I am not speaking of Incompetent hands. We are speaking of this concentration which has come about and the power that it brings with it getting into the hands of very ambitious men, perhaps not over-scrupulous. You see a peril in that, do you not? A. Yes.

Q. So that the safety, if you think there is safety in the situation, really lles in the personnel of the men? A. Very much.

Q. Do you think that is a comfortable situation for a great country to be in? A. Not entirely. With these important admissions the lawyer was entirely satisfied. His examination stopped and the committee excused the banker from further testifying.

Pages might be written showing why THE WORLD has made a systematic effort to reveal the hidden transactions of the banking business, but this section of Mr. Baker's testimony as an illuminant is all that is necessary. And this testimony is so much the stronger because It came from within -was the final word of one of the bankers most vitally interested; one of the two men-the late J. Pierpont Morgan being the other-whose flotations represented in figures $1,368,258,000.

Woodrow Wilson, then President-elect, when speaking before the Chicago Commercial Club Jan. 11, thus tersely added his confirmation to all that THE WORLD had printed: "I am not indicting the banking methods of America. Our banking system does not need to be indicted. It has been convicted." JUSTICE COHALAN'S "VINDICATION."

THE WORLD printed in May the J. A. Connolly charges that Supreme Court Justice Daniel Florence Cohalan, the legal and political advisor of Charles F. Murphy, took a note for $4,000, when the two men were personal friends, the return for it to be a lucrative political post for Connolly. Justice Cohalan failed to keep that promise made more than two years before Connolly's charges. Threatened with action at law, Justice Cohalan surrendered the note, as the alternative offered him, the note with the estoppel affidavit that accompanied it was surrendered to Lyman E. Warren, attorney for Connolly. Back of this note was a series of transactions during the years 1904, 1905 and 1906 between Connolly and Justice Cohalan which involved the payment of various sums to the latter by Connolly, aggregating $3,940.55. Connolly claimed that D. F. Cohalan demanded and obtained from him 55 per cent. of the net profits on all city work that came to Connolly's company through Cohalan's political influence and the payments made to him were calculated on this basis; and that their friendship ceased when D. F. Cohalan demanded $1,500 more than Connolly calculated was due him.

The Grievance Committee of the Bar Association held a meeting on the matter of the charges preferred against Justice Cohalan by Connolly. They decided to proceed immediately with an Inquiry on the charges, and the circumstances surrounding them. The Bar Association Grievance Committee as a first step obtained from THE WORLD the necessary documents in the case and asked THE WORLD to give such assistance as was possible in the efforts on the part of the committee to get at the facts.

This request, coming from the most influential legal investigating body in the city of New York, was granted. THE WORLD turned over to the committee a number of papers and photographs of documents connected wià the Cohalan charges.

Justice Cohalan ignored the Bar Association's request to appear before the committee, declaring that the association had no jurisdiction over the subject matter of the charges and that he would present the matter to the Governor. The Bar Association Committee held its investigation and the report confirmed every charge made against Justice Cohalan. He in turn requested the Governor to submit the accusations made against him to the Legislature. This was done by Governor Sulzer in a special message, together with the report of the Grievance Committee of the Bar Association, dealing with the charges of John A. Connolly, the former friend and business associate of Supreme Court Justice Daniel F. Cohalan. The Legislature ordered a trial before the Joint Judiciary Committee. William D. Guthrie, representing the Bar Association, threw an unexpected shot into the Tammany camp when he arrived in Albany to attend the sessions of the committee. In behalf of the Bar Association he framed a specific set of charges, charging Justice Cohalan with being a party to three unlawful conspiracles; and in conclusion called upon the Justice to show cause why he should not be removed because of the allegations. The legislative committee received Mr. Guthrie's charges. These brought the facts presented into the activities of Justice Cohalan as a member of the Supreme Court bench. The trial speedily followed. Justice Cohalan admitted on the witness stand that he made a great mistake; that the money he pald Connolly was black mall and that he was willing to pay it to hush up the charge made when Connolly brought sult, for the sake of his party." When all the testimony was in the Bar Association was satisfied that it had made out a complete William D. Guthrie in a cold, calm, merciless presentation of the case demanded the removal of Justice Cohalan "in the best interests of the whole State." Assemblyman Hinman, Republican, made a strong speech urging that the charges be upheld. It was of the utmost importance he argued, "that Judges should furnish no just ground for suspicion. The acts admitted by Justice Cohalan," he continued, "are the familiar devious methods of prac tical politics, against which the community is justly revolting, such acts do not result in honest servic to the city and no one knows it better than Mr. Cohalan himself. The light of the greatly elevated standard of political thought of to-day brands him as notoriously unfit to sit as Judge."

case.

The committee's report recommended that the case be dismissed though admitting that Justice Cohalan made a "mistake."

The "vindication" was effected by the votes of 143 Legislators in favor of the Joint Judiciary Committee's report as against 26 who held he should be removed from the Supreme Court bench. The totals include the votes of both Senate and Assembly.

SUBWAY CONTRACT JOKERS.

That the public will have a 5-cent fare to Coney Island is due to THE EVENING World. That this change will go into effect on the subway upon the completion of the West End and Culver linesthe estimated time for building being eighteen months-is due to the alertness of THE WORLD in the matter of the subway contracts. The joker which provided for the continuance of a 10-cent fare until 1917 was first revealed by THE WORLD and was bared in detail in the protest against the contracts published Jan. 20. Under the draft of the contract upon which the public hearing was held the Coney 5-cent fare did not go into effect until the completion of the West End and Culver lines and the connection of the Brighton Beach line in a Coney Island terminal. This would have meant a delay of at least three years, The change was made when sitting as a committee of the whole the

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