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VOL. III.

T. W. WHITE, PROPRIETOR.

RICHMOND, FEBRUARY, 1837.

AN ADDRESS,

Delivered before the Virginia Historical and Philosophical Society, at its late Annual Meeting, held in the Hall of the House of Delegates, on the Evening of the 14th instant: By Thomas W. Gilmer, Esq. Published by request of the Society.

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Society:

No. II.

FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.

the sphere of individual usefulness and responsibility; they have exalted the moral and intellectual condition of man. Each member of society has now an interest in so acting his part through life, as to contribute his mite to the materials of a history, worthy of being recorded for his country, and of being remembered by posterity. Every man now stands before this great mirror of ages, and while he contemplates the instructive picture of the past, he is constrained to look forward, and to desire that the historian of his own age and country, may be able to exhibit a less revolting portrait of both, than he sees reflected from the melancholy wreck of human ambition.

In attempting to perform the task which the kindness of this society has assigned me, I feel much embarrassed. I am unable to add any thing to the treasures of history and tradition which your researches have accumulated. Rich and ample as the field of our history is, you have gleaned its recollections with so much industry, distinThe great lesson which history teaches, is, that pubguished as our country has already become by its attain-lic virtue is the first, chief cause of national happiness ments in art and science, you have gathered the trophies of American genius with such fidelity, that I should endeavor in vain to contribute any thing to your store of facts, or to illustrate the services you have rendered to philosophy. I would, therefore, only ask your permission, to tender my grateful acknowledgments to the founders and patrons of this society, for the great public benefits which they have conferred, and to exhort you to persevere in the praiseworthy design which has been so auspiciously commenced and prosecuted.

and glory. That history is sometimes profaned by venal adulation, is too true; but the verdict of posterity is generally just; it is always impartial; and soon or late mankind are sure to render that applause or that censure which is due to good or to bad men and measures. The voice of history is heard only by posterity. It is difficult, if not impossible, for men to form an impartial estimate of cotemporary public characters or events, so apt are the judgments of the wisest and the feelings of the best to be deceived and betrayed. But when time The value of history to mankind is now so obvious, has allayed the turbulent passions of the momentthat it is regarded as indispensable to the progress of when death has fixed its seal on the busy agents in the civilized society; its rudest traditions are cherished great drama of life, history comes like the beam of a even by barbarians, with pious solicitude. Its scope bright sun to dispel the cloud, and to record its verdict and objects are far more comprehensive in the present on the adamant of eternal truth. The general imparage, than in those periods of remote antiquity, when tiality of history is abundantly attested by its sketches the historian was a mere chronicler of battles and war- of the most illustrious examples of our race; for there like adventure. History is now associated with philo- are few of that small portion of mankind who have besophy; with that philosophy which scans with micro- come subjects of historical allusion, who, if they could scopic severity the deep current of public events; see their own images as they are reflected from this which traces out moral effects to their causes and their faithful mirror, would not prefer the oblivion of the consequences; which analyzes the mysterious and com- multitude to the bad eminence which they have reached. plex fabric of society; which investigates and estab- That more men are remembered for their vices than lishes truth; which discriminates justly between the their virtues, is a truth which human pride cannot contransient prejudice of an hour and the enduring senti- ceal-a truth pregnant with the great lesson, that there ment of ages. History stands now on an eminence is only one immortality that is really desirable, the imwhich it never occupied before. It has been placed mortality of doing good. It may, indeed, be supposed there by the enlightened and unfettered spirit of inquiry, that this was the end at which each ambitious candiwhich prompts man in this age to know all that can be date for fame has always aimed, and that every man of known of the past, as he forms his own deliberate judg-whom history has taken note, actually persuaded himment of the present and the future. It is not the histo-self (if he has not persuaded posterity,) that he was rian or the philosopher, only, who now draws lessons of wisdom from this fountain of human experience, or who has a greater responsibility to meet, and a higher standard of usefulness to attain. History is no longer a sealed book to any who are capable of appreciating the true dignity of man, or who feel that "longing after immortality" which, in the patriot's bosom, associates the fame or the reproach of his country with his own. The relations which each individual now bears to the society of which he is a member, are widely different from those which were borne by individuals but a few centuries since. The offices of history have not only been expanded and elevated, but they have enlarged

really doing good when he erected the imperishable monuments of his remembrance. It may be that Alexander, Cæsar, Napoleon, and many others, cherished this delusion as to themselves, while in succession and at distant intervals, they led their armies to the field, and desolated firesides and continents with the gloomy havoc of war. Cotemporaries seem never to have been wanting, who either shared or attempted to perpetuate this delusion,-for they who had power have always found parasites, who strove to speak with the trumpet of fame, and to proclaim their idols to posterity as public benefactors. But history has done its duty. No power has yet been found to awe its slow but certain

VOL. III.-13

testimony; no victory was ever achieved by warrior, | masculine virtues, of which so many eminent instances

no plot by statesman, so splendid as to dazzle its clear, abound in our history. The American colonies sprang keen vision; the genius of song and of eloquence has at once, like Minerva from the brain of Jupiter, into labored in vain to avert the inevitable sentence of truth vigorous maturity, armed and adorned by the virtues, and time. How few of all the heroes of ancient or unshackled by the vices of the parent country. The modern ages, does the ploughman of the nineteenth pilgrim came to seek shelter and repose in the American century envy or respect, as in his cottage he reads the forest, from the religious intolerance of his own counsad memorials of crime by which they are remembered?try: the cavalier, who wept at home over the degeneHow often have posterity awarded to the memory of rate tyranny of Charles the first, the licentious proflithe dead that justice which had been withheld from the gacy of Charles the second, or the hypocrisy and anarliving? How often has the palm of immortality beenchy of Cromwell, came here to find that freedom, for torn from those for whom statues and altars were erected, and bestowed on men who lived obscure, and died despised, beneath the frowns and contumely of an age incapable of appreciating their worth? With all its record of human guilt and infamy, history still affords encouragement to virtue, and warnings to vice.

The existence and increasing usefulness of this society, furnishes the best proof that the high objects of history are justly appreciated in our own state. It was founded in time to receive the impressive and auspicious benedictions of the last, and some of the best men of the best race which our country has yet seen. John Marshall was its first president, while James Madison and others, whose fame history will delight to perpetuate, whose virtues posterity will continue to applaud, were among its early patrons. If our association had no other field of usefulness before it, there is enough to interest and to animate us, in the task of kindling the public virtues of our youth, by exhibiting the brilliant, moral and intellectual examples of such men as these, in preserving every trace, and developing in all their full proportions, that glorious race of statesmen and patriots, so many of whom lived long to enjoy and to hallow the public benefits which they pledged their "lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor" to obtain.

which a Hampden sighed and a Sidney bled: the enterprising merchant came here, as he goes every where, the bold pioneer of civilization, wealth and refinement: they all left behind them the passive submission, the lethargy, the time-serving obsequiousness of a corrupt but beloved country, while they brought with them the courage, the free spirit, the energy and manly virtue of the best race of England. These men turned with loathing and disgust from scenes of political degeneracy, from the court intrigues and ecclesiastical knavery of Europe, to brave the dangers and privations of a land, of which they had only heard in fabulous narrative. They have laid here the deep, (and God grant they may be,) the lasting foundations of that structure of civil society, which has shed so many blessings on their posterity, and attracted so generally the admiration of the world. The high and noble impulses under which the early settlers of this country acted, were infused into their descendants. They selected a theatre, ample, and in all respects adapted to the great design of renovating the civil condition of man, by the full development of the moral and intellectual resources of his nature.

The character of our past history compensates well for the want of national antiquity, and with so many examples of generous self-devotion and heroic public virtue before him, the American patriot might well supplicate heaven that the blessings of such a youth might

Though we differ in many respects from the nations of the old world, there is one particular in which the contrast is at once striking, and to us a source of grati-be perpetual. The dauntless and romantic chivalry of fication. If our country has no antiquity, we are also exempt from those painful traits of history, which only serve to remind us of the crimes or the follies of our ancestors; a history in which we can only trace the progress of public virtue and intelligence, by mourning over the corruptions and calamities of former times. Young as our country is in years, it is old in all that can entitle it to rank with the freest, the happiest, the greatest and may heaven in mercy grant, that its best days may not already have been numbered! But whatever future destiny may await this commonwealth, its early history is an epoch which the Virginian can always remember with pride. The history which we have, is enough to give immortality to the name of our state, though her mountains and her plains should be struck to-morrow from the map of the world. Already does the statesman and the hero turn to the pages of the past, and wonder as he reads the story of our revolutionary men. The American colonies and the American states have history enough to excite our countrymen to admire and to emulate the noblest examples of public virtue, which have shed dignity and lustre on human nature.

The circumstances under which our country has been settled and brought to its present state of power and prosperity, were most favorable to the culture of those

John Smith and his associates at Jamestown; the general principles of strict justice which marked the intercourse of our ancestors with the savage aborigines; the loyal fidelity with which they clung to the British constitution, while it extended to them the rights of freeborn Englishmen; their indomitable spirit in resisting British tyranny, when its accumulated burdens had become hopeless and intolerable-furnish recollections which must always entitle these portions of our history to the respect of mankind, while they cannot fail to inspire the descendants of such sires with a desire to imitate, if they cannot excel, their pristine virtues and glory. May I not claim too, as one of the bright spots in Virginia's history, the patient constancy, the angelic clemency of the celebrated, but unfortunate, Indian princess Pocahontas? She deserves the tribute of our filial remembrance as the foster-mother of this colony; for it was she, who, with that gentle compassion and that resistless charm which woman only possesses, subdued the ferocity of her tribe, and saved the infant settlement of our fathers from destruction. But there is one, sir, who stands forward on the canvass of American history so prominent-who towers so far above all public benefactors, that if Virginia had given birth to no other hero or statesman, the name of GEORGE WASHINGTON alone, would render the fame of his

country eternal. His ashes rest on the wild cliffs of his | come vice, nor vice virtue, by the transition from prinative Potomac, where, after giving independence and freedom and glory to his country, he retired from the applause of the world, to live and to die a private citizen. Without a monument in the state which he immortalized, his memory has received the homage of the great and the good throughout the earth. The moral splendor of his life has shaken thrones to their foundations, and vindicated human rights more effectually than ten thousand battles. In private and public, he displayed a steady consistency of virtue, which was superior to temptation—a wisdom which, without vanity or ostentation, was never employed but for the benefit of others-an expanded and self-denying benevolence, which, when we behold the unparalleled tenor of his life, persuades us that he lived only for his country. There are many names which have come to us from distant antiquity-there are many that will go down with his to future ages; but the man has not yet lived who, like him, was a warrior without an enemy—a statesman without reproach-a voluntary and an exemplary citizen of that republic, which had made him its dictator in war, its chief magistrate in peace-which hailed him in peace and war, the father of his country. How paltry, how insignificant do crowns and conquests appear, when the glittering baubles are arrayed by history with the commanding public virtues of such a man! The American youth needs no longer to traverse Greece and Rome, or modern Europe, for models of public virtue; here is one from whom the best and the bravest, that ever lived or ever bled, from Marathon to Waterloo, might have learned the duty that man owes to his country.

vate to public station. There is always, and everywhere, a commanding dignity, an attractive loveliness, about one-a repulsive deformity about the other; neither penury nor rags can disgrace virtue, nor can the imperial purple cover the loathsomeness of vice, or give it even the courtier's respect, as he pays the reluc tant tribute of hypocrisy to virtue. Unprincipled men do often possess mental endowments which qualify them for great usefulness; but it may be questioned, whether in governments depending for their success on popular virtue, states ever receive from the services of such men an equivalent for the encouragement which their distinction confers on vice. How much reason have we to desire that the business of public affairs should never become, in our country, what it everywhere was until within the last century—a mere traffic of cunning and chicanery, in which the many were always the dupes of the few! Even now, the intercourse between nations is not regulated by those principles of natural justice which are held sacred among individuals; but governments are often excused-nay, they sometimes claim a merit, for conduct which would exclude private citizens from the confidence and respect of society. History may do much to correct this evil; public virtue can do more. The citizen of the United States cannot fail to derive pleasure from the reflection, that our own government, though so recently established in the great family of nations, has yet done much to repudiate the Punic faith from the art of diplomacy, and to introduce the same standard of simplicity and sincerity which generally prevails in the private transactions of men. European diplomacy, until recently, exhibited little else than a system of undisguised deception and treachery, which will cause many ambassadors to be regarded by history as national swindlers. By reflecting the simple virtues which reside in the mass of the people, a republican government may acquire a more imperishable renown than dominion of earth and the seas ever gave. Until a nation has become so thoroughly corrupt as to lose all regard for that good faith which is the cement of society, there is no danger that a people will do themselves the deliberate wrong of confiding their affairs to depraved men. They may be temporarily blinded by the violence of faction; they may act for a time under mistaken impulses; or they may attempt to gain some momentary advantage by the sacrifice of sound principles: for these are but the frailties of human nature, and nations are only masses of individuals. But errors like these will be atoned for. Until public virtue is extinct, there will always be found a recuperative energy, adequate, on great emergencies, to restore the moral equilibrium of a state.

It is not enough for us to admire or applaud the examples of such men; their characters should be studied, their lives scanned, their virtues imitated. Not only is public virtue the source of permanent good to society, but public vice, as its counterpart, is the source of unmitigated evil. "The ill that men do lives after them," and public men often exert an influence over the destinies of their fellow-beings, which is seen and felt long after they are forgotten. Their examples are remembered, and others are encouraged by their success, or deterred by their failure, from following in their footsteps. The interests of society equally require that examples of public vice should be exposed and denounced, and that public virtue should be approved and cherished. The tastes and habits of a people are formed and regulated in a great measure by the standard of virtue and vice which prevails among their public men. If, in the chanees and accidents of life, virtue does not always succeed, or vice does not always fail, this should not discourage from the pursuit of the one, or the dread of the other, as individual happiness does not more essentially depend on sound moral principles If public virtue is calculated to promote the happiand upright deportment, than does the permanent wel-ness of communities generally, how absolutely indisfare of a nation on preserving the proper distinctions pensable are its influences to the success of those forms between public virtue and public vice. It is sometimes of government where the popular will is supreme law? attempted to discriminate between publie and private virtue and vice. We hear men spoken of as political knaves, to whom public opinion awards private virtues, while others who are known to be destitute of private virtue, are sometimes held in high esteem for their public excellencies. The two qualities are unchangeably the same under all circumstances. Virtue cannot be

When a people really govern themselves, it follows that the standard of pulic virtue or vice which prevails among them, must be the standard of their government. In other governments, the sceptre may devolve by accident into the hands of imbecility or depravity; when a nation of rational men act of their own free and deliberate choice, history will hold them responsible

but

The wisest lawgivers who have attempted to improve the social condition of man, have commenced their systems by laying the foundation for a high order of virtue. The plans of education and government established by the celebrated Lycurgus at Sparta, owe all their success to the rigid and inflexible principles of public virtue which they inculcated. Their chief object was to impress the minds of his countrymen with the conviction, that each citizen belonged absolutely to the state. To this end did he abolish commerce, and com

for the consequences. The delirium of France during which it is the business of civil laws to enforce among her first revolution, almost obliterated the distinctions individuals. between vice and virtue, and after many years of agony and civil distraction, after passing through scenes of unparalleled carnage and horror, she sunk back at last for repose in the arms of an iron despotism. Neither the tyranny of the Bourbons, nor the enthusiasm of a nation in arms for liberty-not the tragic splendor of Marengo and Austerlitz, or the mournful grandeur of Elba and St. Helena, can expiate the crimes for which France stands already arraigned before posterity. The sinister arts of selfish and corrupt ambition, have led to as rapid a decline of virtue, and as deep national humi-mit even the necessary pursuits of agriculture princiliation, in other countries, as France experienced from pally to slaves. He reduced all men to the level of more violent and bloody causes. Perhaps there is no equality in fortune and condition, and exacted the most argument which can be urged with so much force in painful habits of self-denial from the whole people. favor of popular governments, (apart from the natural The adherence of his countrymen for a long period to rights involved) as that which, two thousand years this stern discipline, affords a very strong proof of the past, was assumed, and which history has since estab-great influence which public virtue may acquire; for lished, that a greater share of virtue must always be Lycurgus gained his ascendancy over the Spartans, found among the people, than in any of those privileged by first laying down a crown, when by wearing it he classes of men, by whom they have been generally would have excited dissensions, and he sealed his degoverned. To evade the force of this consideration, votion to the public good, by seeking voluntary and those who have attempted to govern a people without perpetual exile, after obtaining a pledge that his institheir consent, have been compelled to resort either to tutions should be preserved until his return. If the the pretexts of divine right, or to some other means of virtues of Solon accomplished less for Athens, it was delusion, in order to extort from superstition or credu- the fault of his countrymen, who by their caprice and lity what reason could neither ask nor concede. Go- inconstancy, have exhibited the most striking instance vernment is based on public virtue; its great end is the in history of the proximity of the moral sublime to the suppression of those vices which render men naturally ridiculous, of national grandeur and magnificence to hostile and dangerous to each other. Because human national ingratitude and servility. Though Thrasybulaws could devise no adequate rewards for virtue, it has lus dethroned the "thirty tyrants," and Demosthenes been left to seek its ultimate blessing in another and exerted his matchless powers of eloquence, their history better world, before the righteous God of the Universe, shows that neither prowess nor genius can retrieve the while penal codes have been designed, by means of affairs of a state which has once become the victim of punishments, to restrain the vicious passions of man-political intrigue and corruption. Thebes is indebted kind. As without vice, the salutary restraints of laws for the place which it holds in the recollection of men, would not be required, so the existence of civil govern-alone to the eminent virtues of Pelopidas and Epamiment is itself a proof of the capacity in a community to appreciate virtue, and of the desire to promote it. It is a consequence, then, that those governments which most effectually attain the great ends for which they are instituted, furnish the strongest proof of the existence and active influence of public virtue.

nondas, by whom their country was elevated from ignominy and a jest to the distinguished honor of subduing the most warlike states of Greece. Rome, once the proud mistress of the world, in arts and genius and arms, now an inferior city, known only by the still majestic ruins of its ancient splendor, is a singular inPeriods of public vice have always been periods of stance of national vicissitude, a striking proof of the public calamity, while those eras of history, which have power of virtue and vice to exalt or to degrade a people. been most distinguished for public virtue, have been As a monarchy, a republic, an empire and a provincial uniformly the most prosperous and happy. In con- city, under its consuls, its dictators, or its senate, whetemplating the reigns of the monarchs who have lived, ther carrying its rapid conquests to the confines of the we have frequently seen great splendor and power, and habitable world, or suing for mercy to barbarians at sometimes many evidences that the nations under their its gates, Rome in all the extremities of its destiny, charge were prosperous, while the utmost profligacy abounds with instruction for nations who are willing prevailed in their courts, and to some extent among to be wise without suffering the experience of others. their people. But in looking back on the long record We may here learn how easily liberty degenerates into of the past, ages seem to us as hours, and if the de- licentiousness-how soon the intrepid virtue of the recline of virtue has not always been visited with instant public sinks into the timid slavishness of despotism— evils, we can now trace their connexion on the great by what arts the free and the brave become the mere map of human affairs, as distinctly as we perceive the instruments of ambitious intrigue-how the conservalights and shadows of the natural world. Without tive spirit of party glides into the fatal violence of attempting to furnish detailed proofs of this position, it faction-how inevitably the fabric of a nation's freemay suffice to advert to the frequent and almost inces- dom and greatness crumbles and falls when it rests sant wars which have occurred, and which deserve to not on the firm foundation of virtue. It may be prorank among the greatest evils of our race, and to re-fitable for our countrymen to know and to remember, member, that perhaps without an exception, they have the means, by which the people who expelled the Tarbeen caused by the want of that justice among nations, quins and established the tribunes, became so enervated

and depraved, that cooks and fidlers were held in more | nected with free government, that where a perfect toleesteem than statesmen or generals, and that horses were admitted to stand for the consulship. They who will examine the causes and the progress of this melancholy decline, will adopt the sentiment of an ancient poet, who said

"Moribus antiquis stat res Romana."

It was virtue alone that gave to Rome its liberty and its distinction; it was the decay of its public virtue that rendered it finally the country of wretchedness and slavery.

It would be of little avail for us to speculate on the various causes which lead to national decline. If there are any peculiar circumstances affecting us as a people, it becomes our duty while we contemplate the fate of nations that have gone before us, to consider in what respects we resemble and in what we differ from them. Inhabiting as we do, what is so emphatically a new world, we have become familiarized with facts which would be wondered at elsewhere as phenomena. After the lapse of but little more than two centuries since the settlement of our country, we seem to be yet only on the threshold of our national existence. Vast regions of unexplored territory yet lie around us; the restless spirit of American enterprise is daily opening new avenues of wealth and unfolding new resources of power, while states and cities are rising up with magic rapidity, and the limits of our country are extending like the horizon before us as we advance. So wide is the field of American enterprise, so sudden are the changes in our social condition, that our tastes, habits and opinions all partake more or less of the busy spirit of innovation which yet rules the destinies of this country. Youth has no time for forming local attachments, age no opportunity for cherishing those tender associations, which are inspired in older countries by the domestic scenes and events of successive generations. Few among us regard themselves as permanently settled, fewer still succeed to places which were occupied by their fathers; neighborhoods and families are dispersed; the parental roof is abandoned by our offspring ere they arrive at maturity, to seek new homes and fortunes in the field of distant adventure. While these habits impart boldness and vigor to our national character, they are not calculated to give it stability or to establish a fixed standard of public virtue. The sudden and easy acquisition of wealth in our country, may also have some influence in the formation of our moral character as a nation. The ancients supposed that luxury was the chief impediment to public virtue. It is not the possession of wealth which is adverse to high moral improvement, so much as the means by which it is frequently acquired. The spirit of speculation and hazard, which sometimes amasses great wealth in a short time, while it is by no means favorable to the permanent happiness of the lucky adventurer, encourages restlessness and discontent, and agitates society with visions destined to disappointment. When wealth comes to be regarded as the chief good, or virtuous poverty ceases to command respect, there is reason to fear that the moral sense of society has become dangerously infected. Like all other republics, our country has been and will probably continue to be the theatre of strong party excitements. The spirit of party is so naturally con

rance of opinion and of speech exists, men, if they think at all, will entertain different views as to their interests, or if these are identical, as to the measures by which they are to be preserved and promoted. This spirit, like ambition, is beneficial to man when it is regulated and directed by the public good, but when it is defiled by selfishness, and seeks power or public honors as its ends, and not as the means by which nobler ends are to be accomplished, it soon degenerates into the sordid spirit of faction, and is destructive of liberty, order and virtue. There is a vice peculiar to our times, if not to our country, which has been called Ultraism. It is a species of enthusiasm or fanaticism, which in its dangerous zeal disdains moderation as indifference, denounces temperance as lukewarmness, prudence as timidity, caution as insensibility, attachment to the laws and settled institutions of one's country as aristocracy, and scouts the accumulated wisdom of all past time as behind the spirit of the age. This vice does sometimes counterfeit the mien of virtue so exactly, it disguises its fatal tendencies so plausibly, as to insinuate itself as the friend of liberty and religion, into the senate, the pulpit and the press. There is much in the condition of our country to encourage this evil. Novelty alone possesses charms that seldom fail to attract, while enthusiasm often persuades where reason has failed to convince. The time will come, we trust-it may be yet distant-but we still trust it will come, when these reeds shall cease to be shaken by the wind, when the great moral and political experiments of this country shall be crowned with complete success, when the standards of truth, justice and liberty will be fixed forever.

There is but one principle which can sustain public or private virtue, which can secure public or private happiness-it is religion. The christian religion gives a new and sacred impulse to virtue-it imposes new and awful restraints on vice. It beams from heaven on society, as the sun irradiates the earth, animating, enlightening, purifying, preserving its moral elements, which would soon sink of themselves into dark chaos. Like the atmosphere, it embraces and cherishes those who are unmindful of its blessings. In the storm of battle and the repose of peace-in all the vicissitudes of private or public life—in the hovel or on the throne, as man floats and struggles on the surface of the great tide of events, he is continually admonished of his immortal destinies and obligations; his passions are subdued-his hopes brightened, his sorrows mitigated, by the strong and steady light which revelation sheds on scenes that lie beyond the grave. As the philosophy of Socrates and Plato was unable to search out the holy mysteries of revealed religion, so the virtues of those in modern times, whose hopes and whose fears extend not beyond the narrow precincts of this life, would rob man of his immortality and omnipotence of his dominion. Though the "kingdom" of christianity "is not of this world," its influences are here. They teach man the painful lessons of humility, of self-knowledge, and of self-government—they teach him to "do unto others, as he would that they should do unto him"-they emancipate his spirit from the corroding fetters of time-they enable him to appreciate justly, those objects which are gained only to be relinquished

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