1

1622

1623.

coast; and, regarding it in connection with the expedi tions to Hudson's River, the English court took alarm, and Sir Dudley Carleton was instructed "to remonstrate with the States-General against intrusions in New England." The States promised to look into the question, and there, for the present, the matter rested. The Dutch continued their trade with the natives at and about Manhattan, and extended it eastward as far as Buzzard's Bay. More than two years had passed from the date of its charter, when the West-India Company took possession of New Netherland, and yet another year, when the first permanent colony was there established. Mey, who for ten years had been familiar with the place, and who in one of his coasting voyages had discovered that cape of Delaware Bay which preserves his name, was made Director. He retained his office but a year, and his successor, Verhulst, for only the same period. Peter Minuit was next invested with the government, which he still administered at the time to which the history of Plymouth has now been brought down. He purchased the island of Manhattan from the natives for a consideration about equivalent to twenty-four dollars, and began the erection of a fort at its southern end, which he called Fort Amsterdam. It was in his time that De Rasières came to Plymouth.3 A letter which preceded that messenger by six months informed Bradford of the establishment of March 9. the Dutch colony, and assured him of their wish to cultivate relations of commerce and friendship with him and his associates. In his reply, the Governor reciprocated these professions, but used the occasion to warn the Dutch against attempts at encroachment on any of the territory north of the fortieth degree of latitude,*

2

1 Journal of the Privy Council for December 15, 1621.

2 Brodhead's Address to the New York Historical Society, in 1844, p. 26.

3 See above, pp. 226-229.

1626.

1627.

March 19.

4 This part of Bradford's letter is omitted from the copy in his History (224), but is preserved, as well as the

Aug. 7.

Aug. 14.

claimed, as it was, by the Council for New England. The answer was "very friendly, but maintaining their right and liberty to trade in those parts," derived from the authority of "the States. of Holland." Bradford next presented the case with more fulness and more decision, but recommended a submission of it to the superiors of both parties in Europe, and requested a visit from some of the Dutch, for conference on their affairs of business. This invitation, coupled with a desire to deprive the Plymouth people of a motive for expeditions to the west,' brought De Rasières to their town, whence, on his return, he bore another remon

Oct. 1. strance against what was understood to be intrusion on the English domain. In informing the Council for New England of the movement, Bradford wrote, "We understand that, for strength of men and fortification, they far exceed us, and all in this land." In the following year, New Amsterdam received its first clergy2 man. It is believed to have had at that time a population of two hundred and seventy persons.3

1628.

letters which followed, in his LetterBook. (Mass. Hist. Coll., III. 51-56). 1 6 They have built a shallop [at Manomet] in order to go and look after the trade in sewan [the Dutch name for wampum] in Sloup's Bay [an inlet of Narragansett Bay], . . . . . which I have prevented for this year by selling them fifty fathoms of sewan, because the seeking after sewan by them is prejudicial to us, inasmuch as they would, by so doing, discover the trade in furs; which if they were to find out, it would be a great trouble for us to maintain; for they already dare to threaten that,

if we will not leave off dealing with that people, they will be obliged to use other means. If they do that now, while they are yet ignorant how the case stands, what will they do when they do get a notion of it?" (Letter of De Rasières, cited above, p. 226, note.)

2 His name was Jonas Michaëlius. The fact of the existence, so early, of a church at New Amsterdam, has just been brought to light by Mr. Murphy, Minister of the United States at the Hague.

3 Brodhead, History of New York, I. 183.

CHAPTER VII.

THE emigration of the Englishmen who settled at Plymouth had been prompted by religious dissent. In what manner Robinson, who was capable of speculating on political tendencies, or Brewster, whose early position had compelled him to observe them, had augured concerning the prospect of public affairs in their native country, no record tells; while the rustics of the Scrooby congregation, who fled from a government which denied them liberty in their devotions, could have had but little knowledge, and no agency, in the political sphere. The case was widely different with the founders of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. That settlement had its rise in a state of things in England which associated religion and politics in an intimate alliance.

Rise of the

tween arbi

principles.

The decline of the military system of the Middle Ages had brought about a necessity for new political organizations. The power of the great feudatories ceasing to be the controlling element in affairs, the conflict bomonarchical and popular principles were to con- trary and front each other in open field. France took the popular lead among the states of Western Europe in bringing to a settlement the question, which of the two opposing forces was to prevail. When the necessities of the invasion from England excused Charles the Seventh for establishing "the first standing army in modern Europe," they enabled him to found a despotism. In Spain, whose constitutions were more popular

1 Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, Chap. IV.

1446.

than those of the other kingdoms of the West,1 the controversy came to a decision in the following century, and, under the auspices of Cardinal Ximenes and the Emperor Charles the Fifth, was determined with the same issue. In England, the dynasty of the Tudors was far from wanting the vigor of character required to bring about an equally calamitous result. But in two respects the sovereigns of that line were at a disadvantage as compared with the Continental monarchs. One was, that the insular position of their realm withheld from them all excuse for the creation of that necessary instrument of arbitrary rule, a body of mercenary soldiers. The other was, that, when the claims of prerogative and the claims of a developed love of freedom were approaching a collision, religious questions had complicated themselves with in England the political dispute, and the courage of the of the people had been exalted by the enthusiasm of religious reform.

Its relations

to religion.

The last of the Tudors left the controversy pending; and a gracious Providence, which had great things in store for England, and through England for the world, was pleased at this momentous juncture to place a learned fool upon the throne of that kingdom. The reign of Its progress James the First is the period of the vital struggle of James the between popular and arbitrary principles, though the open conflict and the fruits of victory did not

First.

come till later.

2

The pretensions and severities of Archbishop Bancroft, after the Conference and the Convocation at the beginning of this reign, rendered more distinct the positions of the two classes of religious malecontents. While the Separatists, of whom were the emigrants to Plymouth, rc

1 Prescott, History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, I. lxxix.

2

He had been bred up under Buchanan, one of the brightest geniuses and most accomplished scholars of that

age, who had given him Greek and Latin in great waste and profusion; but it was not in his power to give him good sense.' (Stith, History of Virginia, Pref., vii.)

99

linquished the communion of the Established Church, and set up distinct assemblies, the more numerous Nonconformists were scrupulous about the sin of schism, and chose rather to continue their protest against the prelatical ceremonies and discipline from a position within the pale of a Church which they owned to be pure in doctrine.1 This position would naturally be preferred to that of separation, by such as were from temper more hopeful of improvement, or from circumstances more competent to attempt it, or, from repugnance to the forfeiture of social advantages, more inclined to a course of postponement or compromise. And accordingly, for a considerable period longer, the great conflict of the High-Churchmen and their royal coadjutor was not with Separatists, but with Nonconformists. By intimidation for the weak and banishment or harder measures for the resolute, dissent under the former phase was almost extirpated for the time in. England. Under the latter, it maintained itself, with many defeats, but on the whole with a steady perseverance; and in the strife which followed, engaging men of the best ability on both sides, an attentive observer might discern a constant advance of the Non-conformist party towards an occupation of the Separatist ground. The argument, as it widened and warmed, drove the disputants further apart; and the harsh discipline, by which the Church sought to enforce the reasonings of her champions, had its natural effect on men who meant to be temperate, but who were liable to be provoked by injustice and presumption.

1607.

Meanwhile, none but the most loyal language was used by the disaffected clergy. "Let the bishops," wrote the Non-conformist ministers of Devon and Cornwall, "sift well our courses since his Majesty's the Nonhappy entrance in among us, and let them name wherein we have done aught that may justly be said ill

1 See above, p. 118.

Loyalty of

conformists.